Let me begin by saying thanks to all you who've traveled, from far and wide, to brave the cold today.
We all made this journey for a reason. It's humbling, but in my heart I know you didn't come here just for me, you came here because you believe in what this country can be. In the face of war, you believe there can be peace. In the face of despair, you believe there can be hope. In the face of a politics that's shut you out, that's told you to settle, that's divided us for too long, you believe we can be one people, reaching for what's possible, building that more perfect union.
That's the journey we're on today. But let me tell you how I came to be here. As most of you know, I am not a native of this great state. I moved to Illinois over two decades ago. I was a young man then, just a year out of college; I knew no one in Chicago, was without money or family connections. But a group of churches had offered me a job as a community organizer for $13,000 a year. And I accepted the job, sight unseen, motivated then by a single, simple, powerful idea - that I might play a small part in building a better America.
My work took me to some of Chicago's poorest neighborhoods. I joined with pastors and lay-people to deal with communities that had been ravaged by plant closings. I saw that the problems people faced weren't simply local in nature - that the decision to close a steel mill was made by distant executives; that the lack of textbooks and computers in schools could be traced to the skewed priorities of politicians a thousand miles away; and that when a child turns to violence, there's a hole in his heart no government alone can fill.
It was in these neighborhoods that I received the best education I ever had, and where I learned the true meaning of my Christian faith.
After three years of this work, I went to  law school , because I wanted to understand how the law should work for those in need. I became a  civil rights  lawyer, and taught  constitutional law , and after a time, I came to understand that our cherished rights of liberty and equality depend on the active participation of an awakened electorate. It was with these ideas in mind that I arrived in this  capital city  as a state Senator.
It was here, in Springfield, where I saw all that is America converge - farmers and teachers, businessmen and laborers, all of them with a story to tell, all of them seeking a seat at the table, all of them clamoring to be heard. I made lasting friendships here - friends that I see in the audience today.
It was here we learned to disagree without being disagreeable - that it's possible to compromise so long as you know those principles that can never be compromised; and that so long as we're willing to listen to each other, we can assume the best in people instead of the worst.
That's why we were able to reform a  death penalty  system that was broken. That's why we were able to give  health insurance  to children in need. That's why we made the  tax system  more fair and just for working families, and that's why we passed ethics reforms that the cynics said could never, ever be passed.
It was here, in Springfield, where North, South, East and West come together that I was reminded of the essential decency of the  American people  - where I came to believe that through this decency, we can build a more hopeful America.
And that is why, in the shadow of the Old  State Capitol , where Lincoln once called on a divided house to stand together, where common hopes and common dreams still, I stand before you today to announce my candidacy for President of the  United States .
I recognize there is a certain presumptuousness - a certain audacity - to this announcement. I know I haven't spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington. But I've been there long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.
The genius of our founders is that they designed a  system of government  that can be changed. And we should take heart, because we've changed this country before. In the face of tyranny, a band of patriots brought an Empire to its knees. In the face of secession, we unified a nation and set the captives free. In the face of Depression, we put people back to work and lifted millions out of poverty. We welcomed immigrants to our shores, we opened railroads to the west, we landed a man on the moon, and we heard a King's call to let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Each and  every time , a new generation has risen up and done what's needed to be done. Today we are called once more - and it is time for our generation to answer that call.
For that is our unyielding faith - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.
That's what Abraham Lincoln understood. He had his doubts. He had his defeats. He had his setbacks. But through his will and his words, he moved a nation and helped free a people. It is because of the millions who rallied to his cause that we are no longer divided, North and South, slave and free. It is because men and women of every race, from every  walk of life , continued to march for freedom long after Lincoln was laid to rest, that today we have the chance to face the challenges of this millennium together, as one people - as Americans.
All of us know what those challenges are today - a war with no end, a dependence on oil that threatens our future, schools where too many children aren't learning, and families struggling paycheck to paycheck despite working as hard as they can. We know the challenges. We've heard them. We've talked about them for years.
What's stopped us from meeting these challenges is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans. What's stopped us is the failure of leadership, the smallness of our politics - the ease with which we're distracted by the petty and trivial, our chronic avoidance of tough decisions, our preference for scoring cheap political points instead of rolling up our sleeves and building a working consensus to tackle big problems.
For the last six years we've been told that our  mounting debts  don't matter, we've been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising  health care  costs and stagnant wages are an illusion, we've been told that  climate change  is a hoax, and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight. And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the  death toll  in Iraq mounts, we've been told that our crises are somebody else's fault. We're distracted from our real failures, and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.
And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what's filled the void. The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the  special interests  who've turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we're here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It's time to turn the page.
We've made some progress already. I was proud to help lead the fight in Congress that led to the most sweeping ethics reform since Watergate.
But Washington has a long way to go. And it won't be easy. That's why we'll have to set priorities. We'll have to make hard choices. And although government will play a crucial role in bringing about the changes we need, more money and programs alone will not get us where we need to go. Each of us, in our own lives, will have to accept responsibility - for instilling an ethic of achievement in our children, for adapting to a more competitive economy, for strengthening our communities, and sharing some measure of sacrifice. So let us begin. Let us begin this  hard work  together. Let us transform this nation.
Let us be the generation that reshapes our economy to compete in the digital age. Let's set high standards for our schools and give them the resources they need to succeed. Let's recruit a new army of teachers, and give them better pay and more support in exchange for more accountability. Let's make college more affordable, and let's invest in scientific research, and let's lay down broadband lines through the heart of  inner cities  and rural towns all across America.
And as our economy changes, let's be the generation that ensures our nation's workers are sharing in our prosperity. Let's protect the hard-earned benefits their companies have promised. Let's make it possible for hardworking Americans to save for retirement. And let's allow our unions and their organizers to lift up this country's middle-class again.
Let's be the generation that ends poverty in America. Every single person willing to work should be able to get  job training  that leads to a job, and earn a  living wage  that can pay the bills, and afford  child care  so their kids have a  safe place  to go when they work. Let's do this.
Let's be the generation that finally tackles our  health care  crisis. We can control costs by focusing on prevention, by providing better treatment to the chronically ill, and using technology to cut the bureaucracy. Let's be the generation that says right here, right now, that we will have universal  health care  in America by the end of the next president's first term.
Let's be the generation that finally frees America from the tyranny of oil. We can harness homegrown, alternative fuels like ethanol and spur the production of more fuel-efficient cars. We can set up a system for capping  greenhouse gases . We can turn this crisis of  global warming  into a moment of opportunity for innovation, and  job creation , and an incentive for businesses that will serve as a model for the world. Let's be the generation that makes  future generations  proud of what we did here.
Most of all, let's be the generation that never forgets what happened on that September day and confront the terrorists with everything we've got. Politics doesn't have to divide us on this anymore - we can work together to keep our country safe. I've worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law that will secure and destroy some of the world's deadliest, unguarded weapons. We can work together to track terrorists down with a stronger military, we can tighten the net around their finances, and we can improve our intelligence capabilities. But let us also understand that ultimate victory against our enemies will come only by rebuilding our alliances and exporting those ideals that bring hope and opportunity to millions around the globe.
But all of this cannot come to pass until we bring an end to this war in Iraq. Most of you know I opposed this war from the start. I thought it was a tragic mistake. Today we grieve for the families who have lost  loved ones , the hearts that have been broken, and the young lives that could have been. America, it's time to start bringing our troops home. It's time to admit that no amount of American lives can resolve the political disagreement that lies at the heart of someone else's  civil war . That's why I have a plan that will bring our  combat troops  home by March of 2008. Letting the Iraqis know that we will not be there forever is our last, best hope to pressure the Sunni and Shia to come to the table and find peace.
Finally, there is one other thing that is not too late to get right about this war - and that is the homecoming of the men and women - our veterans - who have sacrificed the most. Let us honor their valor by providing the care they need and rebuilding the military they love. Let us be the generation that begins this work.
I know there are those who don't believe we can do all these things. I understand the skepticism. After all, every four years, candidates from both parties make similar promises, and I expect this year will be no different. All of us running for president will travel around the country offering ten-point plans and making grand speeches; all of us will trumpet those qualities we believe make us uniquely qualified to lead the country. But too many times, after the election is over, and the confetti is swept away, all those promises fade from memory, and the lobbyists and the  special interests  move in, and people turn away, disappointed as before, left to struggle on their own.
That is why this campaign can't only be about me. It must be about us - it must be about what we can do together. This campaign must be the occasion, the vehicle, of your hopes, and your dreams. It will take your time, your energy, and your advice - to push us forward when we're doing right, and to let us know when we're not. This campaign has to be about reclaiming the meaning of citizenship, restoring our sense of common purpose, and realizing that few obstacles can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.
By ourselves, this change will not happen. Divided, we are bound to fail.
But the life of a tall, gangly, self-made Springfield lawyer tells us that a different future is possible.
He tells us that there is power in words.
He tells us that there is power in conviction.
That beneath all the differences of race and region, faith and station, we are one people.
He tells us that there is power in hope.
As Lincoln organized the forces arrayed against slavery, he was heard to say: "Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought to battle through." That is our purpose here today.
That's why I'm in this race.
Not just to hold an office, but to gather with you to transform a nation.
I want to win that next battle - for justice and opportunity.
I want to win that next battle - for better schools, and better jobs, and  health care  for all.
I want us to take up the unfinished business of perfecting our union, and building a better America.
And if you will join me in this improbable quest, if you feel destiny calling, and see as I see, a future of endless possibility stretching before us; if you sense, as I sense, that the time is now to shake off our slumber, and slough off our fear, and make good on the debt we owe past and  future generations , then I'm ready to take up the cause, and march with you, and work with you. Together, starting today, let us finish the work that needs to be done, and usher in a new birth of freedom on this Earth.
 
 
 
America is a country that hasn't come easily. In our brief history, we have been tested by revolution and slavery, war and depression, and great movements for social, civil, and  equal rights .
We have emerged from each challenge stronger, more prosperous, and ever closer to the ideals of liberty and opportunity that lay at the heart of the American experiment.
And yet, the price of our progress has always been borne by the struggle and sacrifice of our people - by leaders who have asked ordinary Americans to do extraordinary things; and by generations of men and women who've had the courage to answer that call.
It was the greatest of all generations that took up this charge in the days after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Almost overnight, they were asked to transform a peacetime economy that was still climbing out from the depths of depression into an Arsenal of Democracy that could wage war across three continents. If you weren't heading overseas, you were heading into the factories - factories that had to be immediately retooled and reorganized to produce the world's greatest fighting machine.
Many doubted whether this could be achieved in time, or even at all. President Franklin Roosevelt's own advisors told him that his goals for wartime production were unrealistic and impossible to meet. But the President simply waved them off, saying, believe me, "the production people can do it if they really try." And so the nation turned here, to Detroit, with the hope that the Motor City could lead the way in using its  assembly lines  to mass produce arms instead of automobiles. At first, the industry was skeptical about whether this was technologically possible or even profitable in the  long run . But after  repeated assurances  from Roosevelt and some help from the  federal government , the arsenal began to churn.
In an astonishingly short period of time, the  auto industry  and its workers became one of the nation's most important contributors to the  war effort , manufacturing more planes, tanks, bombs and weapons than the world had ever seen. The New York Times declared that the automakers had achieved a "production miracle," and it labeled Detroit "the Miraculous City." It was a miracle that was distinctly American - the idea that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can rise to meet its greatest challenges.
It's the kind of American miracle we need today.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the country that faced down the tyranny of fascism and communism is now called to challenge the tyranny of oil. For the very resource that has fueled our  way of life  over the last hundred years now threatens to destroy it if our generation does not act now and act boldly.
We know what the dangers are here. We know that our oil addiction is jeopardizing our  national security  - that we fuel our energy needs by sending $800 million a day to countries that include some of the most despotic, volatile regimes in the world. We know that oil money funds everything from the madrassas that plant the seeds of terror in young minds to the Sunni insurgents that attack our troops in Iraq. It corrupts budding democracies, and gives dictators from Venezuela to Iran the power to freely defy and threaten the  international community . It even presents a target for Osama bin Laden, who has told al Qaeda to, "focus your operations on oil, especially in Iraq and the Gulf area, since this will cause [the Americans] to die off on their own." We know that our oil dependency is jeopardizing our planet as well - that the  fossil fuels  we burn are setting off a chain of dangerous  weather patterns  that could condemn  future generations  to global catastrophe. We see the effects of  global climate  change in our communities and around the world in record drought, famine, and  forest fires . Hurricanes and typhoons are growing in intensity, and rapidly melting  ice sheets  in Antarctica and Greenland could raise global  sea levels  high enough to swallow up large portions of every  coastal city  and town.
And this city knows better than any what our oil addiction is doing to our economy. We are held hostage to the spot oil market - forced to watch our fortunes  rise and fall  with the changing price of every barrel. Gas prices have risen to  record levels , and could hit $4 a gallon in some cities this summer. Here in Detroit, three giants of American industry are hemorrhaging jobs and profits as  foreign competitors  answer the rising  global demand  for fuel-efficient cars.
America simply cannot continue on this path. The need to drastically change our  energy policy  is no longer a debatable proposition. It is not a question of whether, but how; not a question of if, but when. For the sake of our security, our economy, our jobs and our planet, the age of oil must end in our time.
This is a challenge that has not been solved for a lack of talking. Every single President since Richard Nixon has spoken in soaring rhetoric about the need to reduce America's energy dependence, and many have offered plans and policies to do so.
And yet, every year, that dependence keeps on growing. Good ideas are crushed under the weight of typical  Washington politics . Politicians are afraid to ask the oil and  auto industries  to do their part, and those industries hire armies of lobbyists to make sure it stays that way. Autoworkers, understandably fearful of losing jobs, and wise to the tendency of having to pay the price of management's mistakes, join in the resistance to change. The rest of us whip ourselves into a frenzy whenever gas prices skyrocket or a crisis like Katrina takes oil off the market, but once the headlines recede, so does our motivation to act.
There's a reason for this.
A clean, secure energy future will take another American miracle. It will require a historic effort on the scale of what we saw in those factories during  World War II . It will require tough choices by our government, sacrifice from our businesses, innovation from our brightest minds, and the sustained commitment of the  American people .
It will also take leadership willing to turn the page on the can't-do, won't-do, won't-even try politics of the past. Leadership willing to face down the doubters and the cynics and simply say, "Believe me, we can do it if we really try." I will be that kind of President - a President who believes again in America that can. A President who believes that when it comes to energy, the challenge may be great and the road may be long, but the time to act is now; who knows that we have the technology, we have the resources, and we are at a rare moment of growing consensus among Democrats and Republicans, unions and CEOs, evangelical Christians and  military experts  who understand that this must be our generation's next great task.
A comprehensive energy plan will require bold action on many fronts. To fully combat  global climate  change, we'll need a stringent cap on all  carbon emissions  and the creation of a global market that would make the development of low-carbon technologies profitable and create thousands of new jobs. We'll also need to find a way to use coal - America's most abundant  fossil fuel  - without adding harmful  greenhouse gases  to the environment.
I have already endorsed a cap-and-trade system that would achieve real near-term reductions in  greenhouse gas  emissions and return America to a position of leadership so that we can secure an effective and equitable global solution to this crisis. It would invest substantial revenue generated by auctioning off emissions credits into the development of carbon sequestration, advanced biofuels, and  energy efficiency .
We'll also need new ideas on  energy efficiency  and the ability to harness renewable  sources of energy , because there is absolutely no reason we shouldn't be able to get at least 20% of our energy from clean and renewable sources by 2020.
I will be laying out more detailed proposals on each of these areas in the months to come. But here in Detroit, I want to focus on a few proposals that would drastically reduce our oil dependence and our  carbon emissions  by focusing on two of their major causes - the cars we drive and the fuels we use. By 2020, these proposals would save us 2.5 million  barrels of oil  per day - the equivalent of ending all oil imports from the  Middle East  and removing 50 million cars' worth of pollution off the road.
It starts with our cars - because if we truly hope to end the tyranny of oil, the nation must once again turn to Detroit for another great transformation.
I know these are difficult times for automakers, and I know that not all of the industry's problems are of its own making.
But we have to be honest about how we arrived at this point.
For years, while  foreign competitors  were investing in more fuel-efficient technology for their vehicles, American automakers were spending their time investing in bigger, faster cars. And whenever an attempt was made to raise our fuel efficiency standards, the  auto companies  would lobby furiously against it, spending millions to prevent the very reform that could've saved their industry. Even as they've shed thousands of jobs and billions in profits over the last few years, they've continued to reward failure with lucrative bonuses for CEOs.
The consequences of these choices are now clear. While our fuel standards haven't moved from 27.5 miles per gallon in two decades, both China and Japan have surpassed us, with Japanese cars now getting an average of 45 miles to the gallon. And as the  global demand  for fuel-efficient and hybrid cars have skyrocketed, it's  foreign competitors  who are filling the orders. Just the other week, we learned that for the first time since 1931, Toyota has surpassed General Motors as the world's  best-selling  automaker.
At the dawn of the Internet Age, it was famously said that there are two kinds of businesses - those that use email and those that will. Today, there are two kinds of  car companies  - those that mass produce fuel-efficient cars and those that will.
The American  auto industry  can no longer afford to be one of those that will. What's more, America can't afford it. When the  auto industry  accounts for one in ten American jobs, we all have a stake in saving those jobs. When our economy, our security, and the safety of our planet depend on our ability to make cleaner, more fuel-efficient cars, every American has a responsibility to make sure that happens.
Automakers still refuse to make the transition to fuel-efficient production because they say it's too expensive at a time when they're losing profits and struggling under the weight of massive  health care  costs.
This time, they're actually right. The  auto industry 's refusal to act for so long has left it mired in a predicament for which there is no easy  way out .
But expensive is no longer an excuse for inaction. The  auto industry  is on a path that is unacceptable and unsustainable - for their business, for their workers, and for America. And America must take action to make it right.
That's why my first proposal will require automakers to meet higher fuel standards and produce more fuel-efficient cars while providing them the flexibility and assistance to do it.
This is a proposal that's already brought together Republicans and Democrats, those who've long-advocated increases in our fuel standards, and those who have opposed those increases for years. It enjoys the support of corporate leaders like Fred Smith of Federal Express who understand that our economy is at risk if we fail to act and military leaders like General P.X. Kelley who know all to well the human cost of our nation's addiction to oil.
It's a proposal that answers the concerns that many have previously had with raising fuel standards - that it's too expensive, or unsafe, or not achievable. And it's an approach that asks our government, our businesses, and our people to invest in a secure energy future - that recognizes we can make great cars and protect American jobs if we transform the  auto industry  so that our autoworkers can compete with world once more.
It begins by gradually raising our  fuel economy  standards by four percent - approximately one mile per gallon - each year. The National Academy of Sciences has already determined that we can begin to achieve this rate of improvement today, using existing technology and without changing a vehicle's weight or performance. And so the only way that automakers can avoid meeting this goal is if the National Highway Traffic and  Safety Administration  can prove that the increase is not safe, not cost-effective, or not technologically possible.
This proposal provides additional flexibility to manufacturers as well. Currently, domestic automakers are disadvantaged by the requirement that their fleets have to meet the same overall fuel standard as foreign manufacturers even though U.S. companies sell a much broader array of vehicles. My approach would establish different fuel standards for different types of cars. This reform will level the  playing field  by requiring all  car makers  to achieve a similar rate of progress regardless of their vehicle mix. It will also allow manufacturers to get credit if they increase the fuel-efficiency in one particular car beyond what the  fuel economy  standards require.
We also know that, absent some assistance, the significant costs associated with retooling parts and  assembly plants  could be prohibitive for companies that are already struggling and shedding workers. Our goal is not to destroy the industry, but to help bring it into the 21st century. So if the  auto industry  is prepared to step up to its responsibilities, we should be prepared to help.
That's why my proposal would provide generous  tax incentives  to help automakers upgrade their existing plants in order to accommodate the demands of producing more fuel-efficient vehicles.
This approach would also strike a bargain with the  auto industry  on one of the biggest costs they face. We've heard for years that the  spiraling cost  of  health care  for retired autoworkers constrains manufacturers from investing in more fuel-efficient technology. We all know the statistic -  health care  costs currently account for $1,500 of every GM Car. So here's the deal. We'll help to partially defray those  health care  costs, but only if the manufacturers are willing to invest the savings right back into the production of more fuel-efficient cars and trucks.
Finally, we should make it easier for the  American people  to buy more fuel-efficient cars by providing more  tax credits  to more consumers for the purchase of hybrid and ultra-efficient vehicles. But we should also realize that the more choices we have as consumers, the more responsibility we have to buy these cars - to realize that a few hundred extra dollars for a hybrid is the price we pay as citizens committed to a cause bigger than ourselves.
For too long, we've been either too afraid to ask our automakers to meet higher fuel standards or unwilling to help them do it. But the truth is, if we hope for another miracle out of Detroit, we have to do both. We must demand that they revamp their production, we must assist that transition, and we must make the choice to buy these cars when we have the option. All of us have a responsibility here, and all of us are required to act.
Now it's not enough to only build cars that use less oil - we also have to start moving away from that dirty, dwindling  fossil fuel  altogether. That's why my second proposal will create a market for clean-burning, home-grown biofuels like ethanol that can replace the oil we use and begin to slow the damage caused by  global climate  change.
The potential for biofuels in this country is vast. Farmers who grow them know that. Entrepreneurs and fueling station owners who want to sell them know that. Scientists and environmentalists who study the atmosphere know it too.
It's time we produced, sold, and used biofuels all across America - it's time we made them as commonly available as gasoline is now.
I've already done some of this work in the U.S. Senate by helping to provide  tax credits  to those who want to sell a mix of ethanol and gasoline known as E85 at their fueling stations. And since it only costs $100 per vehicle to install a flexible- fuel tank  that can run on biofuels, I've also proposed that we help pay for this transition.
Government should lead the way here. I showed up at this event in a government vehicle that does not have a flexible- fuel tank . When I'm President, I will make sure that every vehicle purchased by the  federal government  does.
Of course, to truly overcome the lack of a biofuel infrastructure in this country, we need to create a market for the production of more biofuels.
Like the  auto industry , the  oil industry  has generally been resistant to making the transition from petroleum to biofuels - with some even trying to block the installation of E85 pumps at fueling stations.
To overcome this resistance and create this infrastructure, I've introduced a proposal known as a National Low-Carbon Fuel Standard, based on the one introduced by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in California just a few months ago. Like raising our fuel-efficiency standards, this approach simultaneously reduces our dependence on oil and reduces  greenhouse gas  emissions.
The idea behind the standard is simple.
Beginning in 2010, we will require petroleum makers to reduce the carbon content of their fuel mix one percent per year by selling more clean, alternative fuels in its place. This proposal will spur greater production and availability of renewable fuels like cellulosic ethanol and biodiesel, and it will even create an incentive for the production of more flexible-fuel and  plug-in  hybrid vehicles that can use these clean fuels or charge up with renewable electricity.
This approach will also allow the market, not the government, to determine which fuels are used by fuel distributors to meet the standard. It's gradual, so it gives these companies time to meet the requirements. And if you're a fuel producer that's having trouble meeting the standard, it allows you to pay for a credit from a company that is.
The low-carbon fuel standard also provides a greater incentive for  private sector  investment in the cleanest biofuels possible. Corn-based ethanol has led the way here, and now we need to expand the universe of biofuels to include cellulosic ethanol made from switchgrass or forest waste that can reduce our carbon footprint even further.
In the end, the two major proposals I outlined today - higher fuel-efficiency standards and a National Low-Carbon Fuel Standard - will not end our oil dependence entirely.
But the transformation of the cars we drive and the fuels we use would be the most ambitious energy project in decades, with results that would last for generations to come: 2.5 million fewer  barrels of oil  per day; 50 million cars' worth of pollution off the road by 2020. The direct consumer savings at the pump in that year would be over $50 billion, not to mention the great  economic benefits  of a rejuvenated and fiercely competitive domestic  auto industry .
Some will say that the goals are too large; that the ask is too great; and that the political reality is too difficult for this to work.
To that I'd say that we've heard it all before, and we still believe we can do it if we really try. Because that's who we are as Americans. Because that's who we've always been.
In the days and months after September 11th, Americans were waiting to be called to something larger than themselves. Just like their parents and grandparents of the Greatest Generation, so many of us were willing to serve and defend our country - not only on the fields of war, but on the homefront too.
This is our generation's chance to answer that call. Meeting the challenge posed by our oil dependence won't require us to build the massive war machine that Franklin Roosevelt called for so many years ago, but it will require the same sense of shared sacrifice and responsibility from all of us - not just the  auto industry  and its workers here in Detroit, but  oil companies  in Texas,  power plants  from  New Jersey  to California, legislators in Washington, and consumers in every American city and town. It's time for all of us to head back into the factories and universities; to the boardrooms and the halls of Congress so we can roll up our sleeves and find a way to get this done. I am ready and willing to lead us there as your next President, and I hope you are willing to join me in the journey toward that next great American miracle. Thank you.
 
 
 
It is an honor to be here at Southern University. It is a privilege to stand with so many of our leading mayors from across this country. Whether it's a small town or a  big city , the government that's closest to the people is the one the people count on the most.
Our mayors are on the frontlines when it comes to housing, education,  job creation , and finding new ways to strengthen our families and communities. They are some of the hardest working people in America and when a disaster strikes: a Katrina, a shooting, or a six alarm blaze -- it's  city hall  we lean on. It's  city hall  we call first. And it's  city hall  we depend on to get us through the  tough times .
Last weekend, I attended a service to commemorate the 15th anniversary of the LA Riots. After a jury acquitted 4  police officers  of beating Rodney King -- a beating that was filmed and flashed around the world --  Los Angeles  erupted. I remember the sense of despair and powerlessness in watching one of America's greatest cities engulfed in flames.
But I want to start today with an inspiring story from that tragic event -- a story about a baby who was born into this world with a bullet in its arm.
We learned about this child from a doctor named Andy Moosa. He was working the afternoon shift on April 30 at St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood as the second day of violence was exploding in the streets.
He told us about a  pregnant woman  who had been wearing a white dress. She was in Compton and on her way to the supermarket. Where the bullet came from nobody knew. Her sister- in-law  noticed a red spot in the middle of her white dress and said that I think you've been shot. The bullet had gone in, but it had not exited. The doctor described the ultrasound and how he realized that the bullet was in the baby. The doctor said, "We could tell it was lodged in one of the  upper limbs . We needed to get this baby out so we were in the  delivery room ." And here's the thing: the baby looked great. Except for the swelling in the right elbow in the fleshy part, it hadn't even fractured a bone. The bullet had lodged in the  soft tissue  in the muscle. The baby was fine. It was breathing and crying and kicking. They removed the bullet, stitched up the baby's arm, and everything was fine. The doctor went on to say that there's always going to be a scar to remind that child how quickly she came into the world in very unusual circumstances.
Let's think about that story. There's always going to be a scar there, that doesn't go away. You take the bullet out. You stitch up the wound and 15 years later, there's still going to be a scar.
Many of the students in this room were just learning to read and write when the riot started and tragedy struck the corner of Florence and Normandy. Most of the mayors here know that those riots didn't erupt over night; there had been a "quiet riot" building up in  Los Angeles  and across this country for years.
If you had gone to any  street corner  in Chicago or Baton Rouge or Selma or Trenton or Arcola, Mississippi -- you would have found the same young men and women without hope, without prospects, and without a sense of destiny other than life on the edge -- the edge of the law, the edge of the economy, the edge of family structures and communities.
Those "quiet riots" that  take place  every day are born from the same place as the fires and the destruction and the police decked out in  riot gear  and the deaths. They happen when a sense of disconnect settles in and hope dissipates. Despair takes hold and  young people  all across this country look at the way the world is and believe that things are never going to get any better. You tell yourself, my school will always crumble. There will never be a good job waiting for me to excel at. There will never be a place that I can be proud of and I can afford to call my home. That despair quietly simmers and makes it impossible to build strong communities and neighborhoods. And then one afternoon a jury says, "Not guilty" -- or a hurricane hits -- and that despair is revealed for the world to see.
Much of what we saw on our  television screens  15 years ago was  Los Angeles  expressing a lingering, ongoing, pervasive legacy -- a tragic legacy out of the tragic history this country has never fully come to terms with. This is not to excuse the violence of bashing in a man's head or destroying someone's store and their life's work. That kind of violence is inexcusable and self-defeating. It does, however, describe the reality of many communities around this country.
And it made me think about our cities and communities all around this country, how not only do we still have scars from that riot and the "quiet riots" that happen every day -- but how in too many places we haven't even taken the bullet out.
Look at what happened in New Orleans and along the Gulf Coast when Katrina hit. People ask me whether I thought race was the reason the response was so slow. I said, "No. This Administration was colorblind in its incompetence." But everyone here knows the disaster and the poverty happened long before that hurricane hit. All the hurricane did was make bare what we ignore each and every day which is that there are whole sets of communities that are impoverished, that don't have meaningful opportunity, that don't have hope and they are forgotten. This disaster was a powerful metaphor for what's gone on for generations.
In New Orleans, the  murder rate  was one of the highest in the country -- ten times the  national average  -- well before the hurricane hit. Young men died far more frequently from  gunshot wounds  than they did from anything else. The schools were failing long before the levees broke. The city's poverty rate was twice the  national average . There was a reason why the evacuation failed and so many people were stranded on their roof tops. The folks who were making the plans assumed that people had cars that they could fill up with gas, put some Perrier in the back, drive to a hotel, and check in with a  credit card  for a week.
Of course, the federal response after Katrina was similar to the response after the riots in  Los Angeles . People in Washington wake up and are surprised that there's poverty in our midst, and that others were frustrated and angry. Then there are panels and there are hearings. There are commissions. There are reports.  Aid dollars  are approved but they can't seem to get to the people. And then nothing really changes except the news coverage quiets down.
This isn't to diminish the extraordinary generosity of the  American people  at the time. I want to thank the faculty and students here at Southern University for turning your  field house  and dorms into shelters for so many in the aftermath of Katrina. That  act of kindness  -- the light in that storm -- will never be forgotten. I want to thank the National Conference of Black Mayors for their efforts: securing more $125 million in New Market  Tax credits  to assist with redevelopment, and creating your own  disaster relief  fund that helped 5,000 families in 54 Gulf Coast communities.
But despite this extraordinary generosity, here we are 19 months later -- or15 years later in the case of LA -- and the homes haven't been built, the businesses haven't returned, and those same communities are still drowning and smoldering under the same hopelessness as before the tragedy hit.
It is time for us to come together and take the bullet out.
If we have more  black men  in prison than are in our colleges and universities, then it's time to take the bullet out. If we have almost 2 million people going to the  emergency room  for treatable illnesses like asthma that costs us half a billion dollars; it's time to take the bullet out. If one out of every nine kids doesn't have  health insurance ; it's time to take the bullet out. If we keep sending our kids to dilapidated  school buildings , if we keep fighting this war in Iraq, a war that never should have been authorized and waged, a war that's costing us $275 million dollars a day and the sacrifice of so many innocent lives -- if we have all these challenges and nothing's changing, then every mayor in America needs to come together -- form our own surgery teams -- and take the bullets out.
Let's start with education.
We know what works. We know that if we put a dollar into  early childhood  education that we get seven dollars back in reduced drop out rates, reduced delinquency, reduced prison rates, more  young people  can go to college and get good jobs.
We know they work. An important study about an old program called Abecedarian, in which children from  low-income families , almost all of them black, received full-time educational  child care  from infancy through age 5, said kids were three times more likely to go to college. They were half as likely to become a teen parent and smoke marijuana. In another study about another effective program at the Perry Preschool, which served low-income black children in Michigan, kids needed  special education  less often, and they were three times as likely to own their own home and half as likely to go on welfare. That  early childhood  program even helped the next generation.
So we know what it takes to improve our schools. We know that if children are learning in dilapidated buildings with teachers that are underpaid and textbooks that are 20 years old, they will not learn.
To change this, we need to fundamentally reform No Child Left Behind. The slogan is right, but how the law has been implemented is wrong. The slogan is good, but how they left the money behind is wrong. Let's get serious.
Let's finally make a quality education accessible to every American child so that every student can graduate from  high school  ready for college and work in a knowledge-based economy.
To begin the great transformation in our schools, we need to invest in the most important part of a child's education: the man or woman standing at the head of the classroom. As President, I will recruit hundreds of thousands of new teachers and principals. For what it costs us to fund the Iraq war for 30 days, we can recruit a new army of teachers and principals.
As President, I will recruit a new generation of science and technology leaders to teach our children the skills they will need to be competitive. We need to expand summer learning opportunities for our children emphasizing math and science. And students, who live in poverty, suffer from a  learning disability  or who don't speak English at home, should get the  extra help  they need and their schools need the resources to help their students reach their full potential.
I want to support teachers at all stages of their careers by increasing salaries across the board, improving incentives to get the best teachers to work in our  rural areas  and our most challenging cities, providing more resources so that teachers have more security and control over their classrooms, and by providing more opportunities for professional development.
There are models of excellence in many communities that show when you put a great teacher in a classroom, students can learn. There's Murphy  High School  in Mobile Alabama and Rufus King in Milwaukee Wisconsin. There's no shortage of great ideas; we just need to scale them up. We need to get past the old style of politics that only talks about education and start actually educating our kids for the 21st century.
And while we're at it, let's do something for the  young people  ready for college. Here at Southern University in Baton Rouge, I'm sure that this won't come as a surprise when I say that  college tuition  rates are rising almost 10 percent a year. Those increases have priced out more than 200,000 students in 2004. And for what it costs to fund the Iraq War for three weeks, we could provide each student with four years at a public college or university.
We all know how important education is. It's a passport to a better life. But millions of children are not given an equal chance to realize their own potential. And for too long, our kids -- not "those kids," but our kids -- have been asked to settle for mediocrity simply because of their  zip code , the color of their skin, and how much their parents earn.
This is wrong. We must change. We must take this bullet out if America is to remain the leading force for good and creativity and innovation in this world.
But we can't stop at education if we want stronger communities. We need to provide  economic opportunity  in every corner of our country if we want to take the bullet out.
We know what it takes to develop our communities economically. Right now, the Iraq War is set to cost us $2 trillion dollars -- that's more than enough to lay broadband lines from " Columbia South Carolina to Portland Oregon." What good is the Information Super Highway when too many towns and cities are still riding around in dial-up. We must connect the disconnected so  economic opportunity  is there for everyone -- not just everyone who can afford it. It might not stop certain jobs from being outsourced to India, but this national effort would create jobs over 60,000 jobs a year over the next two decades and improve our country's competitiveness.
We know that we have to invest in transitional jobs too. When there are people who are homeless, veterans struggling with post-traumatic stress disorder from this war in Iraq, and thousands of children aging out of  foster care , we can't expect them to have all the skills they need for work. They may need help with basic skills -- how to show up to work on time, wear the right clothes, and act appropriately in an office. We have to help them get there.
That's why I have called for $50 million to begin innovative new  job training  and workforce  development programs . This plan will also provide mentoring opportunities and let case workers help men and women make difficult transitions. It will coordinate with local employers,  community colleges , and community organizations so that  job training  programs are actually connected to good paying jobs with the opportunity for career growth. This would help lift more people out of poverty and into the  middle class .
There are models all across this country for how for how we can rebuild our cities and communities. There's a new idea coming for the Gulf Coast and the New Orleans area. Congressman Bennie Thompson of Mississippi, Emanuel Cleaver, the former mayor of Kansas City and head of the National Conference of Black Mayors, and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus will soon introduce legislation that creates a Gulf Coast recovery and empowerment initiative. It will employ people who fled the region to rebuild the region: the houses, the businesses, roads and bridges. It will give people an incentive to move back home and put them back to work. That's the kind of leadership we need to take the bullet out.
If we want to create more jobs in our communities, let's stop sending $800 million a day to some of the most hostile nations on the planet and end our dependence on foreign oil. We don't have an  energy policy  right now. That's why we're funding both sides of the war on terror, melting the  polar ice  caps, and letting the old style of politics make sure that Detroit doesn't produce more fuel efficient cars. And if we don't do something soon, more Katrina's are going to happen and we know which communities will bear the brunt of those storms.
When it comes to  global climate  change and developing the fuels for the 21st century, America must lead. I want our farmers to grow the renewable fuels and produce biofuels. I want us to lead the way on low carbon fuels. I want our  young people  to imagine and build the next great inventions. If we finally have a president who deals with this challenge, we could not only make our country safer, we could save the planet and create jobs throughout all our communities. We must meet this challenge. We must take the bullet out that's stopped our progress for all these years and bring more  economic opportunities  to every community. We can do this.
But while we're at it, what good is an education and a job, if there are only million dollar mansions and quarter million dollar condos and you can't afford a place to live? When our children are being priced out of the neighborhoods and towns they grew up in and when families cannot find  safe places  to live near their job, that's a bullet that's got to come out too.
We have to invest in housing again. In too many communities  low-income families  are priced out of the housing market. In fact, there is not a single metropolitan area in the country where a family earning minimum wage can afford decent housing.
We need to create an Affordable Housing  Trust Fund  that would create as much as 112,000 new affordable units in mixed income neighborhoods. We need to fully fund the Community Development  Block Grant  initiative. As a former community organizer on the south side of Chicago, I know how critical those grants are and we have to do more to strengthen the partnership between the federal and  local governments  when it relates to  housing programs  like Section 202 for all those seniors who lost their apartments when the hurricane hit. We can do this.
We must also do more to protect homeowners in this country. A recent report found that the housing market experienced its worst sales-month in 18 years and foreclosures are up 47% compared to last year. Right now, too many people are caught in a nightmare caused by mortgage fraud and predatory lending.
That is why my "Stop Fraud" proposals require mortgage professionals to report suspected fraudulent activity and support state and  local law  enforcement in their efforts to fight fraud. It addresses abuses in the subprime loan market where 2 million homeowners may be at risk of foreclosure. And it provides $25 million for housing counseling to tenants, homeowners, and other consumers so they get the advice and guidance they need before buying a house and support if they get in to trouble down the road.
Even if we succeed in making housing and homeownership affordable for all, if we don't help strengthen the families that live inside those homes, then those bullets will make the American house crumble from the inside out. We have to do more to help families balance work and take care of  one another . Let's help 17 million children by extending the child  tax credit  to low-income workers. Let's stop spending $275 million a day in Iraq and pass some  tax cuts  that people actually need.
If we want stronger families in America, then we have to confront the tough issues. When too many fathers think that responsibility ends at conception -- when they have not yet realized that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child but the courage to raise one, we know that our families are in crisis. That's a self-inflicted wound we all have to help heal.
Now there are ways that the government can help. That's why I introduced the Responsible Fatherhood and Healthy Families Act. It provides fathers with innovative  job training  services and increases access to the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  (EITC). It calls for an increase in  child support  enforcement by almost $5 billion over 10 years, resulting in nearly $20 billion in collection. That money will go directly to children and their mothers. But let's be honest, government alone can't solve the breakdown of our families. This is something we have to look to ourselves so that fathers become parents too.
We know what the challenges are in small towns and  big cities  across this country. We know what those bullets are. We've talked about them for years. What's stopped us from meeting these challenges and taking these bullets out is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans. What's stopped us is the failure of leadership and absence of urgency and a belief that if we ignore our problems like discrimination and poverty that they will someone how go away.
For the last six years we've been told that our  mounting debts  don't matter, we've been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising  health care  costs and stagnant wages are an illusion, we've been told that  climate change  is a hoax, and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight. And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the  death toll  in Iraq mounts, we've been told that our crises are somebody else's fault. We're distracted from our real failures, and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.
That kind of politics has to stop. That kind of quackery has to stop. We don't need anymore  faith healers  and  snake oil  salesmen. We need some doctors to take the bullets out.
Before we can start that work, we need to end this war in Iraq, which has cost our country and our people so much. I opposed it from the very start, back in 2002 when it wasn't popular to be against this war. I opposed it because I believed strongly that it could lead to the disaster we find ourselves in today, with our brave young  service men  and women mired in the middle of a  civil war .
This war never should have been authorized by Congress and it never should have been waged. And it's time, once and for all, to bring our troops home. It's time to recognize that American soldiers can't solve Iraq's political differences or  ethnic rivalries .
That's why I introduced a plan in January that would have begun withdrawing our combat forces on May 1st-five days ago-and would have brought them home by March 31st, while forcing the Iraqi government to meet its obligations.
And this is basically the plan the President vetoed this week, defying not just a majority of Congress but the will of the  American people . But rest assured, his veto was not the  last word . If the President continues to stubbornly ignore the realities of Iraq, we intend to force our colleagues in the Senate and House to take vote after vote until we overcome his veto or he finally understands that we have to change course.
We need 16 Republican votes in the Senate to override a veto. There's a Republican right here in Louisiana who needs to vote to end the war. Tomorrow I'll be in Iowa and there's a senator there whose vote we need. I need the mayors and the students here to call their senators and congressman too. This is the only chance we have to truly end the war. It's not symbolic; this is real. Sixteen votes and we can turn the page on this war. Sixteen votes and we can start bringing our men and women home.
Let me just close by saying this. We can only meet these challenges together. We can only take these bullets out together. We can only strengthen our cities and towns and in turn transform our nation, together.
We know how the doctors do it. We watch some of these TV shows like ER and Gray's Anatomy. The doctors are in the operating room. One's got the scalpel, but others are watching the monitors and administering the IV. The nurses are on the job. The orderlies are on the job. There was a team that got the bullet out of that  baby girl  15 years ago. She's got a scar on her arm, always will, but she survived.
America is going to survive. We won't forget where we came from. We won't forget what happened 19 months ago, 15 years ago, 200 years ago. We're going to pull out bullet after bullet. We're going to stitch up arm after arm. We're going to wear those scars for justice. We're going to usher in a new America the way that  newborn child  was ushered in.
We're never going to forget there is always hope -- there is always light in the midst of desperate days -- that a baby can be born even with a bullet in her arm. And we can come together as one people and transform this nation.
 
 
 
It is an honor to be here at Hampton University. It is a privilege to stand with so many ministers from across this country and we thank God and all His blessings for this wonderful day.
A few weeks ago, I attended a service at First A.M.E. Church in  Los Angeles  to commemorate the 15th anniversary of the LA Riots. After a jury acquitted 4  police officers  of beating Rodney King-a beating that was filmed and flashed around the world-  Los Angeles  erupted. I remember the sense of despair and powerlessness in watching one of America's greatest cities engulfed in flames.
But in the middle of that desperate time, there was a miracle: a baby born with a bullet in its arm. We need to hear about these miracles in these desperate times because they are the blessings that can unite us when some in the world try to drive a wedge between our common humanity and deep, abiding faith. And this story, too, starts with a baby.
We learned about this child from a doctor named Andy Moosa. He was working the afternoon shift on April 30 at St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood as the second day of violence was exploding in the streets.
He told us about a  pregnant woman  who had been wearing a white dress. She was in Compton and on her way to the supermarket. Where the bullet came from nobody knew. Her sister- in-law  noticed a red spot in the middle of her white dress and said that I think you've been shot. The bullet had gone in, but it had not exited. The doctor described the ultrasound and how he realized that the bullet was in the baby. The doctor said, "We could tell it was lodged in one of the  upper limbs . We needed to get this baby out so we were in the  delivery room ." And here's the thing: the baby looked great. Except for the swelling in the right elbow in the fleshy part, it hadn't even fractured a bone. The bullet had lodged in the  soft tissue  in the muscle. By God's grace, the baby was fine. It was breathing and crying and kicking. They removed the bullet, stitched up the baby's arm, and everything was fine. The doctor went on to say that there's always going to be a scar to remind that child how quickly she came into the world in very unusual circumstances.
I've been thinking and praying about that story. I've been thinking that there's always going to be a scar there, that doesn't go away. You take the bullet out. You stitch up the wound and 15 years later, there's still going to be a scar.
Many of the folks in this room know just where they were when the riot in  Los Angeles  started and tragedy struck the corner of Florence and Normandy. And most of the ministers here know that those riots didn't erupt over night; there had been a "quiet riot" building up in  Los Angeles  and across this country for years.
If you had gone to any  street corner  in Chicago or Baton Rouge or Hampton -- you would have found the same young men and women without hope, without miracles, and without a sense of destiny other than life on the edge -- the edge of the law, the edge of the economy, the edge of family structures and communities.
Those "quiet riots" that  take place  every day are born from the same place as the fires and the destruction and the police decked out in  riot gear  and the deaths. They happen when a sense of disconnect settles in and hope dissipates. Despair takes hold and  young people  all across this country look at the way the world is and believe that things are never going to get any better. You tell yourself, my school will always be second rate. You tell yourself, there will never be a good job waiting for me to excel at. You tell yourself, I will never be able to afford a place that I can be proud of and call my home. That despair quietly simmers and makes it impossible to build strong communities and neighborhoods. And then one afternoon a jury says, "Not guilty" -- or a hurricane hits New Orleans -- and that despair is revealed for the world to see.
Much of what we saw on our  television screens  15 years ago was  Los Angeles  expressing a lingering, ongoing, pervasive legacy-a tragic legacy out of the tragic history this country has never fully come to terms with. This is not to excuse the violence of bashing in a man's head or destroying someone's store and their life's work. That kind of violence is inexcusable and self-defeating. It does, however, describe the reality of many communities around this country.
And it made me think about our cities and communities all around this country, how not only do we still have scars from that riot and the "quiet riots" that happen every day-but how in too many places we haven't even taken the bullet out.
Look at what happened in New Orleans and along the Gulf Coast when Katrina hit. People ask me whether I thought race was the reason the response was so slow. I said, "No. This Administration was colorblind in its incompetence." But everyone here knows the disaster and the poverty happened long before that hurricane hit. All the hurricane did was make bare what we ignore each and every day which is that there are whole sets of communities that are impoverished, that don't have meaningful opportunity, that don't have hope and they are forgotten. This disaster was a powerful metaphor for what's gone on for generations.
Of course, the federal response after Katrina was similar to the response after the riots in  Los Angeles . People in Washington wake up and are surprised that there's poverty in our midst, and that others were frustrated and angry. Then there are panels and there are hearings. There are commissions. There are reports.  Aid dollars  are approved but they can't seem to get to the people. And then nothing really changes except the news coverage quiets down.
This isn't to diminish the extraordinary generosity of the  American people  at the time. Our churches and denominations were particularly generous during this time, sending millions of dollars, thousands of volunteers and countless prayers down to the Gulf Coast.
But despite this extraordinary generosity, here we are 19 months later - or 15 years later in the case of LA -- and the homes haven't been built, the businesses haven't returned, and those same communities are still drowning and smoldering under the same hopelessness as before the tragedy hit.
And so God is asking us today to remember that miracle of that baby. And He is asking us to take that bullet out once more.
If we have more  black men  in prison than are in our colleges and universities, then it's time to take the bullet out. If we have millions of people going to the  emergency room  for treatable illnesses like asthma; it's time to take the bullet out. If too many of our kids don't have  health insurance ; it's time to take the bullet out. If we keep sending our kids to dilapidated  school buildings , if we keep fighting this war in Iraq, a war that never should have been authorized and waged, a war that's costing us $275 million dollars a day and a war that is taking too many innocent lives -- if we have all these challenges and nothing's changing, then every minister in America needs to come together -- form our own surgery teams-- and take the bullets out.
So what's stopping us? What's stopping us from taking these bullets out and rebuilding our families, our communities, our nation and our faith in  one another ? What's stopping us from seeing the light and the way and the faith that unites us? Well, I've been on a journey trying to get at the truth of that question.
That journey started a long time ago in Hawaii, but it got interesting when I moved to Chicago. I moved there when I was just a year out of college, and a group of churches offered me a job as a community organizer so I could help rebuild neighborhoods that had been devastated by the closing of  steel plants .
They didn't pay me much, but they gave me enough to live on plus something extra to buy an old, beat-up car, and so I took the job and drove out to Chicago, where I didn't know a soul. And during the time I was there, we worked to set up  job training  programs for the unemployed and after school programs for kids.
It was also there - at Trinity United Church of Christ on the South Side of Chicago - that I met Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr., who took me on another journey and introduced me to a man named  Jesus Christ . It was the best education I ever had. At and working in the South Side, I learned that when church folks come together, they can achieve extraordinary things.
After three years, I went back across this country to  law school . I left there with a degree and a lifetime of debt, but I turned down the corporate job offers so I could  come back  to Chicago and organize a  voter registration  drive. I also started a  civil rights  practice, and began to teach  constitutional law .
After a few years, people started coming up to me and telling me I should run for state Senate. So I did what every man does when he's faced with a  big decision  - I prayed on it, and I asked my wife. And after consulting those two higher powers, I decided to get in the race.
Everywhere I'd go, I'd get two questions. First, they'd ask, "Where'd you get that funny name, Barack Obama?" Because people just couldn't pronounce it. They'd call me " Alabama," or they'd call me "Yo Mama." And I'd tell them that my father was from Kenya, and that's where I got my name. And my mother was from Kansas, and that's where I got my accent from.
And the second thing people would ask me gets back to the question about why we can't seem to take the bullet out in this country and do the works and the deeds and unite this country.
They'd say, "You seem like a nice young man. You've done all this great work. You've been a community organizer, and you teach  law school , you're a  civil rights  attorney, you're a  family man  - why would you wanna go into something dirty and nasty like politics?" And I understand the question, and the cynicism. We all understand it.
We understand it because we get the sense today that politics has become a business and not a mission. The leaders in Washington have forgotten President Kennedy's call to remember that "here on  Earth God 's work must truly be our own." In the last several years, we have seen Washington become a place where driving the wedge to further divide us and keeping score of who's up and who's down is more important than who's working on behalf of the sick and the hungry and the lonely.
We have been told that our  mounting debts  don't matter, that the economy is doing great, and that people's anxieties about rising  health care  costs and disappearing pensions aren't a  big deal . We've been told that  climate change  is a hoax, that our broken schools cannot be fixed, and that we are destined to send millions of dollars a day to Mideast dictators for their oil.
And when it comes to faith, we've been told that all that matters is what divides us - Evangelicals from Mainline Protestants, the Black church from the White church, Catholics from Protestants from Muslims from Jews.
And when we try to have an honest debate about the crises we face, whether it's from the pulpit or the  campaign trail , the pundits don't want us to find  common ground , they want us to find someone to blame. They want to divide us into Red States and Blue States, and tell us to always point the finger at somebody else - the other party, or gay people, or people of faith, or immigrants.
This journey teaches us that they are going to keep driving that wedge; they are going to keep the distraction going. They are going to keep our faiths separate until we shout from the  mountain top , " Our Father  who art in heaven, we are going to take the bullets out. We believe in your will and your way." Right here in this room, we believe that God is big enough to overcome the smallness of our politics; that He is big enough to overcome our doubts and our cynicism and our worries; that He is big enough to  love children  of every color and creed and political label.
Ministers, it's time to unite behind our faith and help all of God's children around the world and here at home realize that we are all surgeons. Our faith, the word and his will are the instruments we need to take the bullets out.
Let's start with fighting poverty.
There are 37 million Americans who are poor. Most work. Most are  single mothers  and children. And most are forgotten by leaders in Washington. It's time to take the bullet out and lift the poor out of despair and into the  middle class  of America.
That's why throughout my years in the Illinois State Senate and every day of this campaign, I've been fighting to expand the EITC, create a  living wage , put a  qualified teacher  and more math and science teachers in our struggling schools, increase Pell Grants so more people can go to college, build more homes people can afford, go after predatory lenders, and make sure we rebuild New Orleans and the Gulf. We've been working hard to take those bullets.
But we need to do more to fight poverty in this country. I need your support to do that. And I want to tell you quickly about a few new ideas I have today.
We can diminish poverty if we approach it in two ways: by taking mutual responsibility for each other as a society, and also by asking for some more individual responsibility to strengthen our families.
If we want to stop the cycle of poverty, then we need to start with our families.
We need to start supporting parents with  young children . There is a pioneering Nurse-Family Partnership program right now that offers  home visits  by trained  registered nurses  to low-income mothers and  mothers-to-be . They learn how to care for themselves before the baby is born and what to do after. It's  common sense  to reach out to a young mother. Teach her about changing the baby. Help her understand what all that crying means, and when to get vaccines and  check-ups .
This program saves money. It raises healthy babies and creates better parents. It reduced childhood injuries and unintended pregnancies, increased father involvement and women's employment, reduced use of welfare and  food stamps , and increased children's school readiness. And it produced more than $28,000 in net savings for every high-risk family enrolled in the program.
This works and I will expand the Nurse-Family Partnership to provide at-home nurse visits for up to 570,000 first-time mothers each year. We can do this. Our God is big enough for that.
We need to give our  young people  some real choices out there so they move away from gangs and violence and connect them with growing job sectors. That is why I am also going to create a 5-E Youth Service Corps. The "E's" stand for  energy efficiency , environmental education and employment. This program would directly engage disconnected and disadvantaged  young people  in  energy efficiency  and  environmental service  opportunities to strengthen their communities while also providing them with practical skills and experience in important and growing career field. We can do this. When it comes to bringing hope and real  job opportunities  to our  young people , we can take the bullet out.
Our God is big enough for that.
We know what works. We know that supporting ex-offenders and their families keeps our men out of prison. That makes a difference in our families and can stop the cycle of poverty. That is why I will expand federal programs that help ex-offenders and sign the Second Chance Act into law.
As president, I will do more to strengthen support to state correctional systems so that ex-offenders can meet their parole requirements without worrying about losing their jobs. I will create a prison-to-work  incentive program , modeled on the successful Welfare-to-Work program. It would create strong ties with employers,  job training  agencies and ex-offenders to improve job retention rates. And I will reach out to all the Reverends and engage faith-based organizations to provide support for ex-offenders and their families, both during incarceration and after. We can do that for our families. Our God is a forgiving God. He's certainly big enough for that.
But we need to do a better job making sure that there are jobs in our communities. We need to provide  economic opportunity  in every corner of our country if we want to take the bullet out.
We know that we have to invest in transitional jobs too. When there are people who are homeless, veterans struggling with post-traumatic stress disorder from this war in Iraq, and thousands of children aging out of  foster care , we can't expect them to have all the skills they need for work. They may need help with basic skills-how to show up to work on time, wear the right clothes, and act appropriately in an office. We have to help them get there. That's why I have called for $50 million to begin innovative new  job training  and workforce  development programs .
But what good are these efforts if men and women can't afford the  bus fare  or the subway fare or the  car insurance  to get to the  training center  or new job. That is why, as president, I will invest in transportation.
We know that  three-quarters  of  welfare recipients  live in areas that are poorly served by  public transportation  and low-income workers spend up to 36% of their incomes on transportation. That is why I will fight to ensure that the  federal Jobs  Access and Reverse Commute program provides grants to improve low-income access to transportation. And that additional federal  public transportation  dollars flow to the highest-need communities. No one should be denied work in this country because they can't find  public transportation  in their neighborhood.
But we should do just as much if not more to invest in minority-owned businesses in our neighborhoods so people don't need to travel miles away in the first place. Right now, less than one percent of the $250 billion in  venture capital  dollars that we invest nationwide each year has been directed to the country's 4.4 million  minority business  owners. And in recent years, there has been a significant decline in the share of the  Small Business   Investment Company  financings that have gone to minority-owned and women-owned businesses. We are going to change that and strengthen the  Small Business  Administration to provide more capital minority-owned businesses. We can do that.
And here's one final idea today that will help break the cycle of poverty - affordable  health care  for every American. Our God is big enough for that now.
The other day I met a couple who owns a  small business  in northern Iowa that hundreds of people in their community count on every day to get their  internet access . But today they are on the verge of bankruptcy - and it's all because of their  health care  costs.
Seventeen years ago the husband had cancer. He's recovered now, but every year since then, his family's premiums have gone up, and they can't find anyone else who will insure them. They now pay forty percent of their income in  health care  premiums, they haven't been able to save a dime for their kids'  college education , and they're having trouble paying for things like clothes and gas.
When the loan officer first uttered the word "bankruptcy," it was one of the worst days of their life. They said, "We have done everything right. We have done everything we were supposed to do. This is not who we are." This is not who we are.
I have a  health care  plan that will cover every American and cut the cost of every family's premiums by up to $2500 a year. If you don't have  health care , this plan will offer you coverage that's similar to the kind federal employees and  members of Congress  give themselves. If you do have  health care , it will bring down your premiums by investing in  information technology , and preventive care, and by stopping the  drug companies  from price-gouging when patients need their medicine. It will help business and families shoulder the burden of catastrophic care so that an illness doesn't lead to a bankruptcy. And I promise you this - this  health care  plan will be signed into law by the end of my first term in office as President.
Before we can start that work, we need to end this war in Iraq. We are spending $275 million a day in Iraq. Those dollars could go a long way to ending poverty in this country. This war should never have been authorized and waged. I opposed it from the very start, back in 2002 when it wasn't popular to be against this war. I opposed it because I believed strongly that it could lead to the disaster we find ourselves in today, with our brave young  service men  and women mired in the middle of a  civil war .
That's why I introduced a plan in January that would have brought them home by March 31st, while forcing the Iraqi government to meet its obligations. We need 16 Republican votes in the Senate to force this President to change course. This is the only chance we have to truly end the war. It's not symbolic; this is real. Sixteen votes and we can turn the page on this war. Sixteen votes and we can start bringing our men and women home. Our God is big enough for that. Our God is calling on us to do that.
We all know that our faith will be tested and challenged. It happens to each and every one of us. As some of you know, during the 2004 U.S. Senate  General Election  I ran against a gentleman named Alan Keyes. Mr. Keyes is well-versed in the Pat Robertson style of rhetoric that often labels progressives as both immoral and godless.
Indeed, Mr. Keyes announced toward the end of the campaign that, " Jesus Christ  would not vote for Barack Obama. Christ would not vote for Barack Obama because Barack Obama has behaved in a way that it is inconceivable for Christ to have behaved."  Jesus Christ  would not vote for Barack Obama.
It nagged at me in that campaign because I did not respond with the full force of what I found that Sunday morning at United Church of Christ: that our faith can never be used as a  driving force  to divide us. That with a big God, with a loving and forceful God we need to unite in His name to finish His work on earth.
It reminds me of a simple truth: a truth I learned all those years ago as an organizer in Chicago-a truth you speak of in your churches every Sunday. In the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it. With a uniting faith, with a God powerful enough to empower us-we can take the bullets out.
We know how the doctors do it. We watch some of these TV shows like ER and Gray's Anatomy. The doctors are in the operating room. You've got a head surgeon, and one's got the scalpel, but others are watching the monitors and administering the IV. The nurses are on the job. The orderlies are on the job. There was a team that got the bullet out of that  baby girl  15 years ago. She's got a scar on her arm, always will, but she survived.
America is going to survive. We won't forget where we came from. We won't forget what happened 19 months ago, 15 years ago, thousands of years ago. We know who the head surgeon is, and we're on the case. We're going to pull out bullet after bullet. We're going to stitch up arm after arm. We're going to wear those scars for justice. We're going to usher in a new America the way that  newborn child  was ushered in.
We're never going to forget there is always hope -- there is always light in the midst of desperate days -- that a baby can be born even with a bullet in her arm. And we can come together as one people and transform this nation. Our God is big enough for that.
*** As prepared for delivery
 
 
 
Strengthening Families in a New Economy
Each year at this time we honor and think about the fathers who've been a part of our lives - the examples they've set, the sacrifices they've made, their successes and their struggles.
I think about my grandfather, who first became a father when my mother was born on a Kansas  army base  at the outset of  World War II . He left to fight fascism in Europe while my grandmother stayed behind and pitched in on a bomber  assembly line .
With the nation still dragging itself out of Depression, I imagine he must have felt uncertain at that time about what the future held for his family, and yet he returned to a country newly committed to opportunity - a country that gave him a chance to go to college on the  GI Bill , buy a house thanks to the Federal Housing Authority, and move west to Hawaii to raise his family.
I also think about my father- in-law , Fraser Robinson. He raised his two children with his wife Marian in 1960s Chicago. They faced what other African-American families faced at the time - both hidden and overt forms of racism that limited their opportunities and required more effort to get ahead. And they faced an additional obstacle. At age 30, Fraser was diagnosed with  multiple sclerosis . And yet, every day of his life, even when he had to rely on a walker to get him there, he went to work at the local water filtration plant while Marian stayed home with the children. And on that single salary, Fraser Robinson provided for his family, sending my wife Michelle and her brother Craig to Princeton.
And of course, though I did not know him well, every year around  Father's Day  I think of my own father. He and my mother divorced when I was only two years old, and for most of  my life  I knew him only through the letters he sent and the stories my mother and grandparents told.
In his absence, it was more difficult for my mother to raise me and my sister on one salary during the 1970s, and we struggled, at times turning to  food stamps  to get us through the month. And yet, through the support of my grandparents, the sheer will and determination of my mother, and the blessings of generous scholarships, I was able to attend some of the best schools in the country - schools that made it possible for me to stand here today.
It has not been lost on either Michelle or myself that our family's story has been America's story - a story of opportunity, and possibility, and the tireless pursuit of a dream that was always within reach. Our parents and grandparents were given no guarantees, and they certainly had their share of failings and hardship, but theirs was a country where if you wanted it badly enough, and were willing to work for it, and take responsibility, you could provide for your family and give your children the same chance.
There are fewer and fewer families who can tell this story today. Unlike my grandfather, the brave soldiers who return from Iraq and Afghanistan are lucky if they come home to a job that pays the bills, or even the benefits and care they've earned as veterans. Blue-collar workers like Fraser Robinson have seen their benefits decline, and their unions weakened, and their wages flattened while the cost of  everything else  rises. And as many of you know too well,  single parents  no longer have the  support system  that my mother did, with too many fathers financially unable to help raise their children even if they want to do the right thing.
Over the last few decades, fundamental changes in the way we work and live have trapped too many American families between an economy that's gone global and a government that's gone AWOL. Too many rungs have been removed from the ladder to middle-class security, and the  safety net  that's supposed to break any falls from that ladder has grown badly frayed. Many families face increased anxiety when it comes to paying the bills or finding ways to spend more time with their children, while others have tumbled into poverty, watching jobs disappear, and fathers leave the home. And even though the  vast majority  of mothers are now working - including  single mothers  - we haven't yet provided them with the support they need to raise their children.
I don't have to give you a history lesson in economics for you to know how this all happened, because many of you have seen it or even lived it. You've seen the factories close their doors and move overseas, leaving too many cities and mill towns without their biggest source of employment. I saw it when I first arrived in Chicago in the early 80s, where I took a job helping to rebuild neighborhoods that had been devastated by  steel plant  closings.
And today, it's not just  factory jobs  that are disappearing. As countries like China and India churn out more workers who are educated longer and better, revolutions in technology and communication have made it possible for American companies to automate some jobs and send others wherever there's an internet connection.
The jobs that remain pay less and offer fewer benefits, as employers have succeeded in busting up unions and cutting back on  health care  and pensions to stay competitive with the companies abroad that are paying their workers next to nothing.
The weekly earnings of American workers, which had steadily risen during the years our parents and grandparents were employed, have fallen more than twenty percent since 1973, and the minimum wage hasn't moved in ten years. This means that right now, a  family of three  with one minimum- wage earner  is still more than $6000 below the  poverty line .
Most Americans are vulnerable to these new risks, but without a doubt, the hardest hit have been those families who were most vulnerable to begin with. They are families who live in inner-cities and remote  rural areas ; they are disproportionately  African American  and Latino.
In the last six years, over 300,000 black males have lost jobs in the  manufacturing sector  - the highest rate of any  ethnic group . In  urban areas , more than 50% of  black men  do not complete  high school . In one survey, nearly one out of every three African-American families said they experienced at least one of three hardships in the last year - overcrowded housing, a lack of  medical care , or hunger.
Without a job or an education, many  black men  simply cannot afford to raise a family - and too many have made the sad choice not to. Today, 54% of all African-American children live in single-parent households, a number that has doubled since 1960. Now, many  single moms  - including the one who raised me - do a heroic job on behalf of their kids. But in an economy where a two-income family has become a financial necessity, a fatherless household takes its toll. Children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and nine times more likely to drop out of school.
Providing these families with the same chances that previous generations have had is a daunting challenge, but it is certainly one we can meet.
Many of us here in this room have seen how this progress can be achieved. All across this state, the South Carolina Center for Fathers and Families has helped countless families climb out from poverty by connecting fathers  employment opportunities  and encouraging them to take responsibility for their children. You have turned lives around and you have given so many children a  better future  and for that you should feel very proud.
I've also been blessed to see this progress myself. There was a lot of hopelessness in those South Side neighborhoods when I first arrived in Chicago as a community organizer. But we set up  job training  programs and after school programs and counseling programs and after a while, those neighborhoods started to come around.
Later, when I became a state Senator in Illinois, I made sure we expanded the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  so we could put $100 million of  tax cuts  into the pockets of working families. I made sure we provided  health insurance  for another 70,000 children and 84,000 parents. And we expanded  early childhood  education to give kids the best possible  start in life .
So we know what needs to be done when it comes to giving our families a  fighting chance . And I think it's time we finally had a President who gets Washington to start doing it.
I don't know about you, but I'm tired of hearing that town tell us we can't.
For too long, they've told us we can't do anything about disappearing jobs and stagnant wages. They've told us that we can't lower our  health care  costs or the price of  college tuition . They've told us that poverty is a nuisance to blame on the impoverished, not a moral shame that should outrage a nation. We're assured that the market will correct all our misfortunes, and that there's no problem that can't be solved by another  tax break  that the wealthy didn't need and didn't ask for.
Well, we have tried it their way for six years and we're ready to try something new. It's time to turn the page.
We are not a country that settles for  survival of the fittest , but a people who have always fought for survival of the nation. That's how we got a  GI Bill  that sent a generation to college and created the largest middle-class in history. That's how we gave workers the right to organize and form a union. That's how we got  Social Security  and Medicare so that Americans could retire in comfort and dignity.
Now we have to do it again. And it won't be easy. We know that we can't put the forces of globalization back in the bottle. We cannot bring back every job that's been lost. We have to find a way to make this new economy work for us.
We also know that government cannot meet this challenge alone - that there is not a program for every problem we face. It will take responsibility and sacrifice from the  American people ; changes in habits and attitudes. We will need to work more, read more, train more, and think more. Parents will need to make sure their kids turn off the TV once in a while, and put away the  video games , and start hitting the books. And there are a lot of men out there who need to stop acting like boys; who need to realize that responsibility does not end at conception; who need to know that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child but the courage to raise one.
But just as we have individual responsibilities, at the dawn of the 21st century we also have a  collective responsibility  to strengthen that  safety net , put the rungs back on that ladder to the middle-class, and give every family the chance that so many of our parents and grandparents had. This responsibility is one that's been missing from Washington for far too long - a responsibility I intend to take very seriously as President.
We know what we need to do to help every family compete and prosper in a globalized world. We know that we need to invest in the science and technology that will make America the home for the high-tech, high-wage jobs of tomorrow.
We know that to fill these jobs, we'll also have to get serious about educating our workforce for the 21st century. This means starting our kids in school younger, with more  early childhood  education opportunities like the four year old kindergarten program you've been trying to pass here in South Carolina. It means improving our  public schools  by recruiting thousands of new teachers and paying them more and asking more of them. And it means making college affordable for every American who wants to go by offering more loans and bigger grants.
And of course, in a world of increased risks and insecurities, we also know that every American needs a  health care  plan and a retirement plan that stays with them no matter where they work or even if they can't find work. That's why a few weeks ago, I introduced a universal  health care  plan that would not only cover every American by allowing the uninsured to buy into a similar kind of plan that  members of Congress  get themselves, but it would cut costs and save a  typical family  up to $2,500 a year.
So we know that we need this broader agenda to help families get ahead in this new world. But we also know that for the families who've been hit hardest by these  economic changes , we have to help them get started before we can help them get ahead - we have to empower them to grab that first rung of the ladder before they start climbing. That's why today I want to lay out a plan that would strengthen some of our most vulnerable families by ensuring that they can find a job, stay out of poverty, and get the support they need to raise their children.
First, we need to ensure that everyone who is willing to work can find a job. Since South Carolina has lost 83,000 manufacturing jobs in the last six years and 60,000 more people are out of work, this certainly isn't easy. But it's a promise we have to keep in this country.
So, for those Americans who have been searching unsuccessfully for employment, I will invest $50 million in programs that will place willing workers into transitional jobs and train them for permanent ones.
These programs have already proven to be highly successful in the many communities that have tried them. People get the chance to work in a  community service -type job, earn a paycheck every week, and learn the skills they need for gainful employment. And by leaving with references and a resume, often times they find that employment.
Still, even for those workers who do find a  permanent job , many times there is no way for them to advance their careers once they're in those jobs. That's why we'll also work with community organizations and businesses to create career pathways that provide workers with the additional skills and training they need to earn more money and keep climbing up that ladder to middle-class security. Unions and various communities have done this quite successfully, and this program would build on that model.
The second step we'll take to strengthen families is to ensure that working Americans are not impoverished Americans.
One of the most successful anti-poverty programs in history has been the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  - additional income that lifts nearly 5 million Americans out of poverty every year. As President, I will double the number of single workers who receive the EITC and triple the benefit for full-time workers making the minimum wage, from the $175 they get today to $555.
And instead of waiting every ten years for Congress to fight over raising the minimum wage, I will finally make the minimum wage a  living wage  by permanently indexing it to inflation so that it actually pays the bills.
The third step we'll take to strengthen families is to give them the support they need to raise their children.
As President, I'll start by passing the plan I outlined last year that would make it easier for fathers who make the responsible choice and harder for those who avoid it. It's a plan that would remove some of the  financial penalties  the government currently imposes on  married couples , cut out the  red tape  to ensure that every dime of  child support  goes directly to children instead of bureaucrats, and provide fathers who are paying their  child support  an even larger EITC benefit. This plan would also crack down on those who avoid their responsibility by increasing child-support enforcement, a measure that will collect nearly $13 billion in payments that can help raise, nurture, and educate children.
We should also help new mothers with their new responsibilities. There is a pioneering Nurse-Family Partnership program right now that offers  home visits  by trained  registered nurses  to low-income mothers and  mothers-to-be . They learn how to care for themselves before the baby is born and what to do after. They are counseled on  substance abuse , creating and achieving personal goals, and effective methods of nurturing children.
Where it's been tried, this program reduced childhood injuries and unintended pregnancies, increased father involvement and women's employment, reduced use of welfare and  food stamps , and increased children's school readiness. And it produced more than $28,000 in net savings for every high-risk family enrolled in the program. As President, I will expand the Nurse-Family Partnership to provide at-home nurse visits for up to 570,000 first-time mothers each year.
My plan would also support families with children by expanding the Child  Tax Credit  to an additional 600,000 more Americans, who would receive $1,000 per child. And for all those families where both parents work and don't know what to do when their child has to  stay home  sick for the day, my plan guarantees every worker seven paid days of  sick leave  each year.
None of this agenda will happen overnight, nor will it be easy to get done. But then again, America's story hasn't been all that easy itself. It is filled with tales of those who risked and struggled and beat the odds because they knew that this is a place - perhaps the only place - where such triumph is always possible. Because they believe that the pursuit of happiness is not just a phrase in a declaration, but the founding promise of our country - a promise that sustained our parents and grandparents through war and depression, racial and social strife, heartache and hardship.
It's a promise that sustains this generation still.
The other day we heard from a young man named Joshua Stroman who's from right here in South Carolina.
Joshua never knew his father, and when he was very young, his mom and stepfather both died from cancer. He was then taken in by  family members  who were involved with gangs and drugs. He experimented with that lifestyle for a bit, and his  low point  came when he went to jail at eighteen years old.
That's when he decided that his story would have a different ending.
He began to find comfort in his faith, and when he left jail, he moved in with an aunt who expected him to behave well and study hard. And he did. He is now at Benedict College and will be president of the  student council  there next year.
But he told us that of everything that's out there, his biggest dream is to someday stand in the  front yard  of his own home with his wife and kids, who will hug him and say, "I love you, Daddy." It's a dream that could not be simpler or more profound - a dream that, in some form or another, has probably animated the journey that so many fathers and mothers and young men like Josh have taken over the generations. He has turned his life around because he held close the belief that it was always within reach. Now it is our task to turn this country around so that we can prove to him and so many others that they were right all along. I look forward to working with all of you in making this happen. Thank you.
.
 
 
 
It has now been a little over four months since we began this campaign. And everywhere we've been - whether it's Oakland or Cleveland, Atlanta or Austin - we've been getting these inspiring, humbling crowds of thousands. For a lot of people, it's the first political event of their lifetime.
I'd like to take all the credit myself, but I know that's not the only reason they're coming. There is a hunger in this country right now - a longing for something new that we haven't seen in years. And whenever I stop and think about it, I'm reminded of what got me into  public service  in the first place.
The year after college, I decided to move to Chicago. It was a time where factory closings were sweeping the Midwest, and thousands were being laid off, and they were boarding up homes and businesses.
On the South Side of Chicago, where neighborhoods were struggling to rebuild after the closing of nearby  steel plants , a group of churches came together and decided that they could make a difference. And they hired me to help.
The salary was $12,000 a year plus enough money to buy an old, beat-up car, so I took the job and became a community organizer. We went to work  setting up   job training  programs for the unemployed and after school programs for kids. And block by block, we turned those neighborhoods around.
It was the best education I ever had, because I learned in those neighborhoods that when  ordinary people  come together, they can achieve extraordinary things. And so later, when I finished  law school , I turned down the corporate job offers and I came back to Chicago to continue the work I started.
I organized a  voter registration  drive that signed up 150,000 new voters to help elect Bill Clinton in 1992. I joined a  civil rights  law practice, and I started teaching  constitutional law  - because unlike some occupants of the  White House , I actually believe in the Constitution.
And after a few years, people started coming up to me and telling me I should run for state Senate. So I jumped in the race. And I shook every hand I could and passed out flyers to whoever would take them. But the one question I'd get from people more than any other was, "You seem like a nice young man. You've done all this great work. You've been a community organizer, and you teach  law school , you're a  civil rights  attorney, you're a  family man  - why would you wanna go into something dirty and nasty like politics?" And I understand the question, and the cynicism. We all understand it.
We understand it because we've all seen that politics in this town is no longer a mission - it's a business. Our politics has never been pure, but there's a sense that in the last several years, the race for money, and influence, and power has left the hopes and concerns of most Americans in the dust. You're worried about how you'll pay for college, or  health care , or save for retirement, but when you turn on the TV or open the newspaper, all you see from Washington is another scandal, or a petty argument, or the persistent stubbornness of a President who refuses to end this war in Iraq.
As the rest of us have turned away from this kind of politics in cynicism and frustration, we know what's filled the void. The lobbyists and influence-peddlers with the cash and the connections - the ones who've turned government into a game only they can afford to play. It's the pharmaceutical companies that get to write our drug bills while the price of prescriptions skyrockets for the rest of us. It's the oil lobbyists that get to meet with the same  White House  that silences the scientists who warn us about the destruction of our planet.
You know who I'm talking about here. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we're here to tell them it's not for sale.
People tell me I haven't spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington. But I promise you this - I've been here long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.
The cynicism we feel about what politics can achieve today is no accident. It has to do with a failure of leadership. It has to do with the philosophy they've peddled in this town for the last six years - a philosophy of trickle-down and on-your-own that says government has no role in solving the challenges we face and so it shouldn't even try.
It's a theory that's easy to talk about when you're playing politics in Washington, but harder to defend when you actually see what it does to average Americans.
I met a family in Iowa City with a  small business  of fifteen years who is now facing bankruptcy because of their  medical bills . Try telling them they're on their own.
I spoke with workers in Newton who were watching their Maytag plant close down and their shops get shipped overseas. Try telling them to pull themselves up by their bootstraps.
Try saying "tough luck" to the families who still don't have homes in New Orleans, or the 45 million Americans without  health care , or the 15 million children born into poverty in the richest nation on Earth.
This is not who we are. This is not how America has persevered through war and depression, through struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and worker's rights. We have come this far as a nation because we believe in a different kind of politics - because we believe in a different vision for America.
We believe that we rise or fall as one people. We believe that we each have a stake in  one another  - that I am my brother's keeper; that I am my sister's keeper. We believe that what happens to that family in Iowa, or to those Maytag workers - that matters to us, even if it's not our family, or our job. And what's more - in the face of our cynicism, and our doubts, and the power and influence we see in Washington, we believe that this kind of America is possible.
The time for the can't-do, won't-do, won't-even-try style of politics is over. It's time to turn the page.
Some of our more cynical friends in the media tease me from time to time for always talking about hope. But the reason I do is because I've seen its power.
No one thought those South Side neighborhoods had a chance when I got there. But we banded together, and we kept working, and we taught people to stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them.
When I got to the Illinois state Senate, people said it was too hard to take on the issue of money in politics - that our state had too long a history, and too many entrenched interests. But I knew we had the people of Illinois on our side, and I even found a few folks on the other side of the aisle who were willing to listen, and we passed the first major ethics reform in twenty-five years.
People told me I couldn't reform a  death penalty  system that had sent 13 innocent people to  death row . But we did that. They doubted whether we could put government back on the side of average people - but we put  tax cuts  in the pockets of the working families who needed them instead of the folks who didn't. And I passed  health care  reform that insured another 150,000 children and parents.
So I know that change is possible. I know that turning the page is possible. This isn't just the rhetoric of a campaign, it's been the cause of  my life  - a cause I will work for and fight for every day as your President.
It's not enough just to change parties in this election. If we hope to truly transform this country, we have to change our politics too. It's time to turn the page.
It's time to turn the page on  health care  - to bring together unions and businesses, Democrats and Republicans, and to let the insurance and  drug companies  know that while they get a seat at the table, they don't get to buy every chair.
I have a universal  health care  plan that will cover every American and cut the cost of a  typical family 's premiums by up to $2500 a year. It's a plan that lets the uninsured buy insurance that's similar to the kind  members of Congress  give themselves. If you can't afford that, you'll get a subsidy to pay for it. And it goes further than any other proposed plan in cutting the cost of  health care  by investing in technology and preventative care, breaking the stranglehold the drug and  insurance industries  have on the  health care  market, and helping business and families shoulder the cost of the most expensive conditions so that an illness doesn't lead to a bankruptcy. And I promise you this - I will sign a universal  health care  plan that covers every American by the end of my first term in office as your President. Count on it.
It's time to turn the page on education - to move past the slow decay of indifference that says some schools can't be fixed and some kids just can't learn.
As President, I will launch a campaign to recruit and support hundreds of thousands of new teachers across the country, because the most important part of any education is the person standing in the front of the classroom. It's time to treat teaching like the profession it is. It's time to pay our teachers what they deserve. And when it comes to developing the high standards we need, it's time to stop working against our teachers and start working with them. We can do this.
It's time to turn the page on energy - to break the political stalemate that's kept our fuel efficiency standards in the same place for twenty years; to tell the oil and  auto industries  that they must act, not only because their future's at stake, but because the future of our country and our planet is at stake as well.
As President, I will place a cap on  carbon emissions , and require companies who can't meet the cap to buy credits from those who can. This will generate millions of dollars to invest in renewable  sources of energy  and create new jobs and even a new industry in the process. I'll put in place a low-carbon fuel standard that will take 50 million cars' worth of pollution off the road. And I'd raise the fuel efficiency standards for our cars and trucks because we know we have the technology to do it and it's time we did. We can do this.
It's time to turn the page for all those Americans who want nothing more than to have a job that can pay the bills and raise a family. Let's finally make the minimum wage a  living wage  and tie it to the  cost of living  so we don't have to wait another ten years to see it rise. Let's put the jobless back to work in transitional jobs that can give them a paycheck and a sense of pride, let's help our workers advance with  job training  and life-long education, and let's finally allow our unions to do what they do best and lift up the middle-class in this country once more. And when you head to  Capitol Hill  in a  little bit  to rally for the Employee Free Choice Act, say it loud enough so that the folks on the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue can hear you - in this country, we believe that if the majority of workers in a company want a union, they should get a union. We can do this.
We can do all of this. But before we do, we have to begin by turning the page and ending this war.
I am proud that I stood up in 2002 and urged our leaders not to take us down this dangerous path. I've said it before and I'll say it again - this is a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged.
So many of us knew this back then, even when it wasn't popular to say so.
We knew back then this war was a mistake. We knew back then that it was dangerous diversion from the struggle against the terrorists who attacked us on September 11th. We knew back then that we could find ourselves in an occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences.
But the war went forward. And now, we've seen those consequences and we mourn for the dead and wounded.
I was in  New Hampshire  the other month when a woman told me that her nephew was leaving for Iraq. And as she started telling me how much she'd miss him and how worried she was about him, she began to cry. And she said to me, "I can't breathe. I want to know, when am I going to be able to breathe again?" It is time to let this woman know she can breathe again. It's time to start bringing our troops home - not a year from now or a month from now - but now.
I introduced a plan in January that would've already started bringing our troops home by now, with the goal of bringing all combat brigades home by March 31st, 2008.
Now, we know the President vetoed a bipartisan plan just like this one a few weeks ago. And I'm proud I voted against giving a  blank check  to the man who said he sees us keeping our troops in Iraq for as long as we have in Korea.
But we can't give George Bush the  last word  here. We are sixteen votes away in the Senate from ending this war. And so we need to keep turning up the pressure on all those Republican Congressmen and Senators who refuse to acknowledge the reality that the  American people  know so well. We will call them, and knock on their doors, and we will bring our troops home. It's time to turn the page.
It's time to show the world that America is still the last, best hope of Earth. This President may occupy the  White House , but for the last six years the position of leader of the free world has remained open.
It's time to fill that role once more. Whether it's terrorism or  climate change , global AIDS or the spread of  weapons of mass destruction , America cannot meet the threats of this new century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America. It's time for us to lead.
It's time for us to close Guantanamo and restore the right of habeus corpus. It's time to show the world that we are not a country that ships prisoners in the  dead of night  to be tortured in far off countries. That we are not a country that runs prisons which lock people away without ever telling them why they are there or what they are charged with. We are not a country which preaches compassion to others while we allow bodies to float down the streets of a major American city.
That is not who we are.
We are America. We are the nation that liberated a continent from a madman, that lifted ourselves from the depths of Depression, that won  Civil Rights , and  Women's Rights , and Voting Rights for all our people. We are the beacon that has led generations of weary travelers to find opportunity, and liberty, and hopeon our doorstep. That's who we are.
I was down in Selma, Alabama awhile back, and we were celebrating the 42nd anniversary of the march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge. It was a march of ordinary Americans - maids and cooks, preachers and Pullman porters who faced down  fire hoses  and dogs,  tear gas  and  billy clubs  when they tried to get to the other side. But  every time  they were stopped,  every time  they were knocked down, they got back up, they came back, and they kept on marching. And finally they crossed over. It was called Bloody Sunday, and it was the culmination of the  Civil Rights  Movement.
When I came back from that celebration, people would say, oh, what a wonderful celebration of African-American history that must have been. And I would say, no, that wasn't African-American history. That was a celebration ofAmerican history - it's our story.
And it reminds us of a simple truth - a truth I learned all those years ago as an organizer in Chicago - a truth you carry by being here today - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.
I am confident about my ability to lead this country. But I also know that I can't do it without you. This campaign that we're running has to be about your hopes, and your dreams, and what you will do. Because there are few obstacles that can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.
That's how change has always happened - not from the top-down, but from the bottom-up.
And that's exactly how you and I will change this country.
If you want a new kind of politics, it's time to turn the page.
If you want an end to the old divisions, and the stale debates, and the score-keeping and the  name-calling , it's time to turn the page.
If you want  health care  for every American and a world-class education for all our children; if you want energy independence and an end to this war in Iraq; if you believe America is still that last, best hope of Earth, then it's time to turn the page.
It's time to turn the page for hope. It's time to turn the page for justice. It is time to turn the page and write the next chapter in the great American story. Let's begin the work. Let's do this together. Let's turn that page. Thank you.
* As prepared for delivery
 
 
 
Obama's Plan for Ethics Reform
Over one hundred years ago, around the turn of the last century, the  Industrial Revolution  was beginning to take hold of America, creating unimaginable wealth in sprawling metropolises all across the country.
As factories multiplied and profits grew, the winnings of the new economy became more and more concentrated in the hands of a few  robber barons , railroad tycoons and  oil magnates .
It was known as the Gilded Age, and it was made possible by a government that played along. From the politicians in Washington to the  big city  machines, a vast system of payoffs and patronage, scandal and corruption kept power in the hands of the few while the workers who streamed into the new factories found it harder and harder to earn a decent wage or work in a safe environment or get a day off once in awhile.
Eventually, leaders committed to reform began to speak out all across America, demanding a new kind of politics that would give government back to the people.
One was the young governor of the state of New York.
In just his  first year , he had already begun to antagonize the state's political machine by attacking its system of favors and corporate giveaways. He also signed a workers' compensation bill, and fired a high-level official for taking money from the very industry he was supposed to be regulating.
None of this reform sat too well with New York's powerful party boss, who finally plotted to get rid of the governor by making sure he was nominated for the Vice Presidency that year. What no one could have expected is that soon after the election, when President William McKinley was assassinated, the greatest fears of all the entrenched interests came true when that former governor became President of the  United States .
His name, of course, was Teddy Roosevelt. And during his presidency, he went on to bust trusts, break up monopolies, and do his best to give the  American people  a shot at the dream once more.
Over a century later, America needs this kind of leadership more than ever. We need a President who sees government not as a tool to enrich well-connected friends and high-priced lobbyists, but as the defender of fairness and opportunity for every American. That's what this country has always been about, and that's the kind of President I intend to be.
We cannot settle for a second Gilded Age in America. And yet we find ourselves once more in the midst of a new economy where more wealth is in danger of falling into fewer hands; where the average CEO now earns more in one day than an average worker earns in an entire year; where Americans are struggling like never before to pay their  medical bills , or their kids' tuition, or high gas prices, all while the profits of the drug and insurance and  oil industries  have never been higher.
And once again, we are faced with a politics that makes all of this possible. In the last six years, our leaders have thrown open the doors of Congress and the  White House  to an army of Washington lobbyists who have turned our government into a game only they can afford to play - a game played on a field that's no longer level, but rigged to always favor their own narrow agendas.
From Jack Abramoff to Tom Delay, from briberies to indictments, the scandals that have plagued Washington over the last few years have been too numerous to recall.
But their most troubling aspect goes far beyond the headlines that focus on the culprits and their crimes. It's an entire culture in Washington - some of it legal, some of it not - that allows this to happen. Because what's most outrageous is not the morally offensive conduct on behalf of these lobbyists and legislators, but the morally offensive laws and decisions that get made as a result.
The drug and  insurance industries  spent $1 billion in lobbying over the last decade. They got what they paid for when their friends in Congress broke the rules and twisted arms to push through a  prescription drug  bill that actually made it illegal for our own government to negotiate with the pharmaceutical companies for cheaper drug prices. Once it passed, those companies rewarded fifteen  government officials  and Congressmen who worked on the bill with cushy lobbying jobs that pay millions.
And yet, right now, there are parents and grandparents in this country who will walk into a drugstore and wonder how their  Social Security check  isgoing to cover a prescription that's more expensive than it was a month ago; who will be forced to choose between their medicine and their groceries because they can no longer afford both.
This isn't the government they deserve.
The  oil companies  were allowed to craft  energy policy  with Dick Cheney in secret while every other voice was silenced - including the NASA scientists who tried to warn us about the dangers of  climate change . The industry got everything it wanted, and it even got one of its top lobbyists a job at the  White House  as an environmental watchdog - a job he used to fix reports that showed a link between  carbon emissions  and  global warming .
Today, our planet is six years closer to a tipping point on  climate change . Our country grows more dependent by the day on oil supplied by some of the world's most dangerous and defiant regimes. And in a year where Exxon reported the biggest annual profit of any U.S. corporation in history, our families are heading into a summer where they could pay up to four dollars a gallon for gasoline in some places.
This isn't the government we deserve.
At least eight  top officials  in our own  Education Department  have taken or had jobs in the  student loan  industry, including one who was fired for still owning $100,000 worth of stock in that industry. These are the same private lenders and banks who have been caught actually bribing colleges to steer business their way - the same ones who charge taxpayers $8 billion a year to provide  student loans  at inflated rates, instead of offering the loans directly and using the savings to help more kids. And we wonder why 200,000 students didn't go to college in one recent year for the simple reason that they couldn't afford it.
Billions of no-bid, no-strings-attached contracts have been handed out in New Orleans and Iraq and at Walter Reed Medical Center on the sole basis of who you know and the favors you've done, and yet we're somehow surprised when the families in the 9th Ward are still living in trailers, or our soldiers don't have the  body armor  they need, or our veterans are forced to come home to squalor and neglect.
This isn't the government they deserve. This isn't the America we believe in. And this is the kind of politics that will end when I am President.
Americans of every background and belief are hungry for a new kind of politics -- a people's politics that reconnects them with their government; one that offers not just a vote at the  ballot box , but a voice in Washington and an assurance that the leaders we send there will hear it.
The people I've met across this country don't just want reform for reform's sake, they want reform that will help pay their doctor's bills, or ensure that their  tax dollars  are spent wisely, or put us on the path to energy independence. They want real reform and they're tired of the lobbyists standing in the way.
Look, we can't begrudge businesses for trying to make a profit. That's how the  free market  works. And every American -- rich or poor -- has the right to lobby their government. That's perfectly fine. But it's time we had a President who tells the  drug companies  and the  oil companies  and the  insurance industry  that while they get a seat at the table in Washington, they don't get to buy every chair. Not anymore.
I know that in every campaign, politicians make promises about cleaning up Washington. And most times, you end up disappointed when it doesn't happen. So it's easy to become cynical - to believe that change isn't possible; that the odds are too great; that this year is bound to be no different from the last.
But I also know what I've seen and what I've done. I know that for me, reform isn't just the rhetoric of a campaign; it's been a cause of my career.
When I arrived in Springfield a decade ago as a state Senator, people said it was too hard to take on the issue of money in politics. Illinois actually had a law that allowed politicians to pocket the money in their campaign accounts for personal use; that allowed any lobbyist or special interest to shower lawmakers with unlimited gifts.
It was obvious that as long as this went on, the people's business would never come first. I knew it was going to be tough, and that I wasn't going to make myself the most popular guy in town -- or even in my own party.
But we had the people of Illinois on our side, and that there were folks on both sides of the aisle who were willing to listen, and so we were finally able to pass the first major ethics reform in twenty-five years.
When I arrived in Washington eight years later, the need for change was equally clear.  Big money  and lobbyists were clearly drowning out the aspirations of the  American people . So when my party made me the point person on ethics, I was determined to pass the strongest reform possible. The first time around, Congress came up with a watered-down version. And I was proud to vote against it.
So we came back the second time, and in our bill, we banned gifts and meals and put an end to subsidized travel on corporate jets. We made sure that the  American people  could see all the  pet projects  that lawmakers were trying to pass before they were voted on.
And we did something more. Over the objections of powerful voices in both parties, we shined a  bright light  on how lobbyists help fill the campaign coffers of  members of Congress . And we made sure those lobbyists will have to disclose who they're raising  campaign money  from, and who in Congress they're funneling it to.
As a candidate for President, I've tried to lead by example, turning down all contributions from federal lobbyists and the political  action committees  that the  special interests  use to  pass out   campaign money .
Now, it's true that all of this represents a  step forward  when it comes to reconnecting people with their government. But it's also true that a  step forward  isn't good enough. Too often in Washington,  special interests  still exercise an effective veto on our progress, on issues from  health care  reform and drug costs to energy independence and  global warming .
We saw how this happens during the debate over the energy bill this week. In the face of furious lobbying, Congress brushed aside incentives for the production of more renewable fuels in favor of more  tax breaks  for the oil and  gas companies . And while we made some progress on  fuel economy  standards, we didn't get the bold, long-lasting solution that America needs to break its dependency on foreign oil.
So there's more cleaning up to do in Washington and Congress needs to start doing it so we can finally take action on the big challenges that demand solutions.
But we need to clean up both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. I believe that the responsibility for a people's politics begins with the person who sits in the  Oval Office . That is why on my very first day as President, I will launch the most sweeping ethics reform in history to make the  White House  the people's house and send the Washington lobbyists back to K Street.
First, we will close the  revolving door  that has allowed people to use their Administration job as a  stepping stone  to further their lobbying careers.
This Administration tried to fill the top job at the  Consumer Product  Safety commission with a lobbyist from the same manufacturing industry it's supposed to regulate. If Michael Baroody had taken that job, and he faced a complaint over an unsafe product, whose interest would he have served -- the mother worried about the lead in her  child's toy , or the former boss who gave him a special $150,000 severance package on his  way out  the door? When you're on Dick Cheney's energy  task force  and you know that a multimillion dollar job as an oil lobbyist could be waiting for you, whose interests are you going to serve - the  oil companies  that are asking for more  tax breaks  or the scientists and energy experts who say we need to invest in renewable fuels? When I am President, I will make it absolutely clear that working in an Obama Administration is not about serving your former employer, your future employer, or your  bank account  - it's about serving your country, and that's what comes first. When you walk into my administration, you will not be able to work on regulations or contracts directly related to your former employer for two years. And when you leave, you will not be able to lobby the Administration throughout the remainder of my term in office.
A lot of people have told me this is pretty tough, but I refuse to accept the Washington logic that you cannot find thousands of talented, patriotic Americans willing to devote a few years to their country without the promise of a lucrative lobbying job after they're done. I know we can find them, and in my administration, we will.
Second, I will end the abuse of no-bid contracts in my administration. In the last six years, the unprecedented use of these contracts has wasted billions of  taxpayer dollars  and outsourced critical government services to friends and supporters who are more connected than they are qualified. That's why, in the Senate, I worked with Republican Senator Tom Coburn to pass legislation that restricts the use of no-bid contracts when it comes to rebuilding the Gulf Coast.
But we need to do more. When our government gives Halliburton $7 billion in  taxpayer dollars  to put out Iraqi oil fires that don't exist; when we hand over Katrina contracts to more of George Bush's FEMA friends, it doesn't just violate the  American people 's trust, it takes away the  tax dollars  they've earned and the valuable services they need. It's wrong, and when I am President, it will end.
Third, we will institute an absolute gift ban so that no registered lobbyist can curry favor and build relationships with members of my administration based on how much they can spend. When the  American people  have a concern about the high cost of  health care  or  college tuition , they can't afford to take a  White House  staffer out to a fancy dinner or an expensive sporting event, and lobbyists shouldn't get to either.
Fourth, when it comes to hiring people in my administration, the  litmus test  we'll apply will not be based on party or ideology, but qualification and experience. This has been the most politicized  White House  in history, and the  American people  have suffered as a result. Presidents obviously want to surround themselves with those who share their views and their beliefs, but the days of firing eight qualified U.S. attorneys because of their politics is over. The days of using the  White House  as another arm of the Republican National Committee are over. And the days of Michael Brown,  Arabian Horse  Judge, are over.
Finally, we will return government to the people by bringing government to the people -- by making it open and transparent so that anyone can see that our business is the people's business.
As Justice Louis Brandeis once said, sunlight is the greatest disinfectant. The more people know about how  federal laws , rules and regulations are made, and who's making them, the less likely it is that critical decisions will be hijacked by lobbyists and  special interests .
I think the current administration knows that, too, which is why it's been the most defiantly secretive government in  modern times .
It's time to change that.
When there is a bill that ends up on my desk as President, you will have five days to look online and find out what's in it before I sign it. When there are meetings between lobbyists and a  government agency , we won't be going to the  Supreme Court  to keep it secret like Dick Cheney and his energy  task force , we'll be putting them up on the Internet for every American to watch. And instead of allowing lobbyists to slip big  corporate tax  breaks into bills during the  dead of night , we will make sure every single  tax break  and earmark is available to every American online. This builds on the "Google for Government" law I passed in Congress, which already allows you to see every contract, every grant, every dime of federal spending online.
It's time to renew a people's politics in this country - to ensure that the hopes and concerns of average Americans speak louder in Washington than the hallway whispers of high-priced lobbyists.
In 2004, over $2.1 billion was spent lobbying the  federal government . That amounts to over $3.9 million per  Member of Congress . $3.9 million so that  oil companies  can still run our  energy policy  and pharmaceutical companies can still inflate our drug prices and  special interests  can still waste our  tax dollars .
The  American people  don't have that kind of money to spend on Washington.
But they shouldn't have to. In our democracy, the price of access and influence should be nothing more than your voice and your vote. That should be enough for  health care  reform. That should be enough for a real  energy policy . That should be enough to ensure that our government is still the defender of fairness and opportunity for every American.
That's the country we're working towards right now. And that's the country I'll fight for every day as your President.
Early in his presidency, Teddy Roosevelt gave a famous speech before farmers and  factory workers  that laid out his vision of what government at its best should be. He said, "The welfare of each of us is dependent fundamentally upon the welfare of all of us, and therefore in public life, that man is the best representative...whose endeavor it is not to represent any special class or interest, but to represent all...by working for our common country." It's time to get to work once more for our common country. It's time we had a politics that reflected that commitment. And it's time we had a President who can get it done. I look forward to being that President, and working with all of you to make this America happen. Thank you.
 
 
 
Over the last few years, I've been traveling to different schools and meeting with all kinds of educators to hear about what's working, what's not, what makes the difference when it comes to educating children today.
I've gained a lot of valuable insight from these visits, but one I'll always remember is my trip to Dodge  Elementary School  in my hometown of Chicago. I was talking to one of the young teachers there about the challenges they faced, and she mentioned what she called the "These Kids Syndrome" - the willingness of society to find a million excuses for why "these kids" can't learn. It's the idea that "these kids come from tough backgrounds" or that "these kids are too far behind." And after awhile, "these kids" become somebody else's problem.
Then she said to me, "When I hear that term, it drives me nuts. They're not 'these kids.' They're our kids." Our kids are why all of you are in this room today. Our kids are why you wake up wondering how you'll make a difference and go to bed thinking about tomorrow's lesson plan. Our kids are why you walk into that classroom every day even when you're not getting the support, or the pay, or the respect that you deserve - because you believe that every child should have a chance to succeed; that every child can be taught.
You've made our kids your life's work. And I believe it's time we put that work at the center of our politics once more.
We have never been a "these kids" country. From the earliest days of our founding, we have believed in Thomas Jefferson's declaration that "...talent and virtue, needed in a free society, should be educated regardless of wealth, birth or other accidental condition." It is this belief that led our country to set up the first free  public schools  in small New England towns. It's a promise we kept as we moved from a nation of farms to factories and created a system of public  high schools  so that everyone had the chance to succeed in the new economy; one we expanded after  World War II , when we sent over two million returning heroes to college on the  GI Bill .
And even when America fell short of this ideal and forced Linda Brown to walk miles to a dilapidated Topeka school because of the color of her skin; even then,  ordinary people  marched and bled, they took to the streets and fought in the courts until the arrival of nine little children at a Little Rock school made real the decision that in America, separate could never be equal. And no matter what the  Supreme Court  said last week, that's still true today.
The ideal of a  public education  has always been at the heart of the American promise. It's why we are committed to fixing and improving our  public schools  instead of abandoning them and passing out vouchers. Because in America, it's the promise of a good education for all that makes it possible for any child to transcend the barriers of race or class or background and achieve their God-given potential.
That's how America works. That's how we've met each challenge that has come our way. We rise together, as one people. And together is how teachers, education support professionals, students, and the  American people  will meet the challenges we face today.
We now live in a world where the most valuable skill you can sell is knowledge. Revolutions in technology and communication have created an entire economy of high-tech, high-wage jobs that can be located anywhere there's an internet connection. And today, a child in Philadelphia is not only competing for jobs with one in Boston, but thousands more in Bangalore and Beijing who are being educated longer and better than ever before.
In the 21st century, countries who out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow, and America is already in danger of falling behind. We now have one of the highest  high school   dropout rates  of any  industrialized nation . By 12th grade, our children score lower on their math and science tests than most other kids in the  developed world . Sixty percent of African-American fourth graders are unable to read at a basic level, and today only 9% of low-income students will graduate from college.
Forty or fifty years ago, students who had trouble in school might have gone on to find a  factory job  that could pay the bills and support a family. But we no longer live in that world. Today, the average salary of a  high school graduate  is only $33,000 a year. For  high school  dropouts, it's even closer to the  poverty line  - just $25,000 a year. And sadly, some folks here aren't paid that much and that's wrong.
This is not only morally unacceptable for our children; it is economically untenable for our nation. And it means that today, the work you do and the difference you make has never been more important to the future of this country.
In fact, new evidence shows that from the moment our children step into a classroom, the single most important factor in determining their achievement is not the color of their skin or where they come from; it's not who their parents are or how much money they have.
It's who their teacher is. It's you. It's you who can reach the most challenging students. It's you who will stay past the last bell and spend your own money on books and supplies. It's you who will go beyond the call because you believe that's what makes the extra difference. And it does.
But you can't do it alone, and it's about time that Washington realized that. For too long, our politics has been stuck in a cycle where we praise our educators in speeches and photo-ops, but then abandon them when it comes time to offer the resources and the support you need to do your jobs.
There's no better example of this neglect than the law that has become one of the emptiest slogans in the history of politics - No Child Left Behind.
Now, we all know that the goals of this law were the  right ones . We know that making a promise to educate every child with an excellent teacher is right. We know that accountability and standards are right. We know that it's right to close the achievement gap that exists in too many cities and towns, and that it's right to focus on the inequitable distribution of resources and  qualified teachers  in our schools. We didn't need some words in a law to tell us this, we already knew it, and every one of us is still willing to do whatever it takes to make these goals a reality.
But don't come up with this law called No Child Left Behind and then leave the money behind. Don't tell us that you'll put high-quality teachers in every classroom and then leave the support and the pay for those teachers behind. Don't label a school as failing one day and then throw your hands up and walk away from it the next. And don't tell us that the only way to teach a child is to spend too much of the year preparing him to fill in a few bubbles on a standardized test. We know that's not true. You didn't devote your lives to testing, you devoted them to teaching, and teaching is what you should be allowed to do.
This is what I'll be trying to leave behind when No Child Left Behind comes before the Senate for renewal, and if we don't fix the law then, I can assure you this - I will when I'm President. Let's leave behind that empty slogan.
But I'll also say this - fixing the worst aspects of No Child Left Behind is just a  starting point . The  status quo  is still unacceptable for teachers and students. In the face of a  global economy  where too many children start behind and stay behind, this country doesn't need more blame or inaction or half-measures on education. What we need is a historic commitment to America's teachers, and that's the kind of commitment I intend to make as President.
We know that we have more than one million teachers who are set to retire and more kids entering school than ever before, and so we know that it's time to recruit a new generation of teachers and principals. Let's do this by finally raising salaries across the board, and making it possible for professionals in other fields to become teachers, not through easy shortcuts, but through programs that allow new teachers to learn from veteran professionals. And if you're willing to put yourself through college to make the sacrifice and commitment that teaching requires, we should be willing to help you pay off some of those college loans.
In the coming weeks, I'll be laying out the  specific details  of my plan to invest billions of new dollars into the  teaching profession  and recruit an army of well-trained, well- qualified teachers  who are willing to stand at the front of any classroom and give every student the chance to succeed.
My view is this - if we truly believe that educators are the essential professionals that we know you are, then it's time we rewarded, and supported, and honored the professional excellence you show every day.
We know what we need to do here.
We also know that right now, we need the best teachers in the most challenging classrooms - those underserved, underachieving schools in parts of rural and urban America where we need to make "these kids" "our kids" again.
I believe in  collective bargaining , and I believe that any time you're talking about wages, workers have to be at the table.
So let's make a promise right now that if you're a teacher or a principal doing the  hard work  of educating our children, we will reward that work with the salary increase that you deserve. If you're willing to teach in a high-need subject like math or science or  special education , we'll pay you even more.
If you're willing to take on more responsibilities like mentoring, we'll pay you more.
And if you excel at helping your students achieve success, your success will be valued and rewarded as well. Here's the key: we can find new ways to increase pay that are developed with teachers, not imposed on them and not based on some arbitrary test score. That's how we're going to close the achievement gap that exists in this country and that's how we're going to start treating teachers like the professionals you are.
I commend the work you've done in Minnesota with the Governor there to craft an innovative pay system that not only values your performance in the classroom, but the performance of your students as well. You helped craft it and you and your students benefit from it.
We also know that when it comes to struggling schools, it's not just how much you're getting paid that matters, but how much support you're getting to do your job. We know that when you pair experienced, mentor teachers with new teachers, those new teachers are much more likely to stay in the profession. So let's make sure we start developing more mentor teachers so we can start recruiting and keeping the new generation of teachers we need.
And while we're at it, let's work with teachers and principals to finally develop assessments that teach our kids to become more than just good test-takers. The goal of educational testing should be the same as medical testing - to diagnose a student's needs so you can help address them. Tests should not be designed as punishment for teachers and students, they should be used as tools to help prepare our children to grow and compete in a knowledge economy. Tests should support learning, not just accounting.
One last point. There's a lot of talk out there about accountability in education. I share that concern, and I've called for more accountability in our schools myself. But I also believe that before we can hold our teachers accountable for the results our schools need, we have to hold ourselves accountable for giving teachers the support that they need. That's where accountability starts with a government that puts its money where its mouth is, and parents and  community members  who instill the  value of education  in their students. I am tired of hearing teachers blamed for our collective failures.
A few months ago, I had the opportunity to take a  bus ride  with a group of Iowa teachers and discuss their thoughts on education. Afterwards, one teacher said, "I don't think any teacher minds being accountable when the measuring tool is fair to educators and not about satisfying unrealistic goals." She's right. If we do all this - if we go into struggling schools and provide more pay and better support for our teachers; if we allow them to teach our children to their strengths instead of just a test - then the teachers I've met wouldn't mind some accountability.
But we need to start doing our part first. When it comes to education in America, we need to start holding ourselves accountable. This goes for our government and our leaders. It also goes for parents. There is no policy or program that can substitute for a parent who is deeply involved in their child's education from  day one  - who is willing to turn off the TV, put away the  video games , and read to their child, or help with homework, or attend those parent/teacher conferences. As parents too, many of you know what I'm talking about here.
A few years ago, a  little girl  at Earhart Elementary in Chicago was asked the secret to her academic success.
She said, "I just study hard every night because I like learning. My teacher wants me to be a good student, and so does my mother. I don't want to let them down." We have quite a challenge ahead of us, but we've overcome great challenges before. Over the course of two centuries, we have continually upheld the promise of education for all as that which allows any child to transcend the barriers of race or class or background and achieve their God-given potential. And we have risen together as a result.
It is teachers and education support professionals who have always made this possible - who have always reminded us that that  little girl  in Chicago is not 'these kids', she is our child. She doesn't want to let us down, and now it is our generation's turn to ensure that we won't let her down either. I know you'll be leading the way, and I look forward to standing with you in the fight. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's been four decades since Bobby Kennedy crouched in a shack along the Mississippi Delta and looked into the wide, listless eyes of a hungry child. Again and again he tried to talk to this child, but each time his efforts were met with only a blank stare of desperation. And when Kennedy turned to the reporters traveling with him, with tears in his eyes he asked a single question about poverty in America: "How can a country like this allow it?" Forty years later, we're still asking that question. It echoes on the streets of Compton and Detroit, and throughout the  mining towns  of West Virginia. It lingers with every image we see of the 9th Ward and the rural Gulf Coast, where poverty thrived long before Katrina came ashore.
We stand not ten miles from the  seat of power  in the most affluent nation on Earth. Decisions are made on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue that shape lives and set the course of history. With the stroke of a pen, billions are spent on programs and policies; on  tax breaks  for those who didn't need them and a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. Debates rage and accusations fly and at the end of each day, the petty sniping is what lights up the  evening news .
And yet here, on the other side of the river, every other child in Anacostia lives below the  poverty line . Too many do not graduate and too many more do not find work. Some join gangs, and others fall to their gunfire.
The streets here are close to our capital, but far from the people it represents. These Americans cannot hire lobbyists to roam the halls of Congress on their behalf, and they cannot write thousand-dollar campaign checks to make their voices heard. They suffer most from a politics that has been tipped in favor of those with the most money, and influence, and power.
How can a country like this allow it? No matter how many times it's asked or what the circumstances are, the most American answer I can think of to that question is two words: "We can't." We can't allow this kind of suffering and hopelessness to exist in our country. We can't afford to lose a generation of tomorrow's doctors and scientists and teachers to poverty. We can make excuses for it or we can fight about it or we can ignore poverty altogether, but as long as it's here it will always be a betrayal of the ideals we hold as Americans. It's not who we are.
In this country - of all countries - no child's destiny should be determined before he takes his  first step . No  little girl 's future should be confined to the neighborhood she was born into. Our government cannot guarantee success and happiness in life, but what we can do as a nation is to ensure that every American who wants to work is prepared to work, able to find a job, and able to stay out of poverty. What we can do is make our neighborhoods whole again. What we can do is retire the phrase "working poor" in our time. That's what we can do, because that's who we are.
The challenge is greater than it has been in generations, but that's all the more reason for this generation to act. One in every eight Americans now lives in poverty, a rate that has nearly doubled since 1980. That's an income of about $20,000 a year for a  family of four . One in three Americans - one in every three - is now classified as low-income. That's $40,000 a year for a  family of four .
Today's economy has made it easier to fall into poverty. The fall is often more precipitous and more permanent than ever before. You used to be able to find a good job without a degree from college or even  high school . Today that's nearly impossible. You used to be able to count on your job to be there for your  entire life . Today almost any job can be shipped overseas in an instant.
The jobs that remain are paying less and offering fewer benefits, as employers have succeeded in busting up unions and cutting back on  health care  and pensions to stay competitive with the companies abroad that are paying their workers next to nothing.
Every American is vulnerable to the insecurities and anxieties of this new economy. And that's why the single most important focus of my economic agenda as President will be to pursue policies that create jobs and make work pay.
This means investing in education from  early childhood  through college, so our workers are ready to compete with any workers for the best jobs the world has to offer. It means investing more in research, science, and technology so that those new jobs and those new industries are created right here in America. And while we can't stop every job from going overseas, we can stop giving  tax breaks  to the companies who send them there and start giving them to companies who create jobs at home.
We can also start making sure these jobs keep folks out of poverty. When I'm President, I will raise the minimum wage and make it a  living wage  by making sure that it rises  every time  the  cost of living  does. I'll start letting our unions do what they do best again - organize our workers and lift up our middle-class. And I'll finally make sure every American has affordable  health care  that stays with you no matter what happens by passing my plan to provide universal coverage and cut the cost of  health care  by up to $2500 per family.
All of these policies will give more families a chance to grab hold of the ladder to middle-class security, and they'll make the climb a little easier.
But poverty is not just a function of simple economics. It's also a matter of where you live. There are vast swaths of rural America and block after block in our cities where poverty is not just a crisis that hits pocketbooks, but a disease that infects every corner of the community. I will be outlining my rural agenda in the coming weeks, but today I want to talk about what we can do as a nation to combat the poverty that persists in our cities.
This kind of poverty is not an issue I just discovered for the purposes of a campaign; it is the cause that led me to a life of  public service  almost twenty-five years ago.
I was just two years out of college when I first moved to the South Side of Chicago to become a community organizer. I was hired by a group of churches that were trying to deal with  steel plant  closures that had devastated the surrounding neighborhoods. Everywhere you looked, businesses were boarded up and schools were crumbling and teenagers were standing aimlessly on  street corners , without jobs and without hope.
What's most overwhelming about urban poverty is that it's so difficult to escape - it's isolating and it's everywhere. If you are an African-American child unlucky enough to be born into one of these neighborhoods, you are most likely to start life hungry or malnourished. You are less likely to start with a father in your household, and if he is there, there's a fifty-fifty chance that he never finished  high school  and the same chance he doesn't have a job. Your school isn't likely to have the right books or the best teachers. You're more likely to encounter gang-activities than after-school activities. And if you can't find a job because the most successful businessman in your neighborhood is a  drug dealer , you're more likely to join that gang yourself. Opportunity is scarce,  role models  are few, and there is little contact with the normalcy of life outside those streets.
What you learn when you spend your time in these neighborhoods trying to solve these problems is that there are no easy solutions and no perfect arguments. And you come to understand that for the last four decades, both ends of the political spectrum have been talking past  one another .
It's true that there were many effective programs that emerged from Lyndon Johnson's  War on Poverty . But there were also some ineffective programs that were defended anyway, as well as an inability of some on the left to acknowledge that the problems of absent fathers or persistent crime were indeed problems that needed to be addressed.
The right has often seized on these failings as proof that the government can't and shouldn't do a thing about poverty - that it is a result of individual moral failings and cultural pathologies and so we should just sit back and let these cities fend for themselves. And so Ronald Reagan launched his assault on welfare queens, and George Bush spent the last six years slashing programs to combat poverty, and  job training , and  substance abuse , and  child abuse .
Well, we know that's not the answer. When you're in these neighborhoods, you can see what a difference it makes to have a government that cares. You can see what a free lunch program does for a hungry child. You can see what a little  extra money  from an  earned income   tax credit  does for a family that's struggling. You can see what  prenatal care  does for the health of a mother and a newborn. So don't tell me there's no role for government in lifting up our cities.
But you can also see what a difference it makes when people start caring for themselves. It makes a difference when a father realizes that responsibility does not end at conception; when he understands that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child but the courage to raise one. It makes a difference when a parent turns off the TV once in awhile, puts away the  video games , and starts reading to their child, and getting involved in his education. It makes a difference when we realize that a child who shoots another child has a hole in his heart that no government can fill. That makes a difference.
So there are no easy answers and perfect arguments. As Dr. King said, it is not  either-or , it is both-and. Hope is not found in any single ideology - an insistence on doing the same thing with the same result year after year.
Hope is found in what works. In those South Side neighborhoods, hope was found in the after school programs we created, and the  job training  programs we put together, and the organizing skills we taught residents so that they could stand up to a government that wasn't standing up for them. Hope is found here at THEARC, where you've provided thousands of children with shelter from the streets and a home away from home. And if you travel a few hours north of here, you will find hope amid ninety-seven neighborhood blocks in the heart of Harlem.
This is the home of the Harlem Children's Zone - an all-encompassing, all-hands-on-deck anti-poverty effort that is literally saving a generation of children in a neighborhood where they were never supposed to have a chance.
The philosophy behind the project is simple - if poverty is a disease that infects an entire community in the form of unemployment and violence; failing schools and  broken homes , then we can't just treat those symptoms in isolation. We have to heal that entire community. And we have to focus on what actually works.
If you're a child who's born in the Harlem Children's Zone, you start life differently than other inner-city children. Your parents probably went to what they call " Baby College", a place where they received counseling on how to care for newborns and what to expect in those first months. You start school right away, because there's  early childhood  education. When your parents are at work, you have a  safe place  to play and learn, because there's  child care , and after school programs, even in the summer. There are innovative charter schools to attend. There's free medical services that offer care when you're sick and preventive services to stay healthy. There's affordable, good food available so you're not malnourished. There are  job counselors  and financial counselors. There's technology training and  crime prevention .
You don't just sign up for this program; you're actively recruited for it, because the idea is that if everyone is involved, and no one slips through the cracks, then you really can change an entire community. Geoffrey Canada, the program's inspirational, innovative founder, put it best - instead of helping some kids beat the odds, the Harlem Children's Zone is actually changing the odds altogether.
And it's working. Parents in Harlem are actually reading more to their children. Their kids are staying in school and passing statewide tests at higher rates than other children in New York City. They're going to college in a place where it was once unheard of. They've even placed third at a national chess championship.
So we know this works. And if we know it works, there's no reason this program should stop at the end of those blocks in Harlem. It's time to change the odds for neighborhoods all across America. And that's why when I'm President, the first part of my plan to combat urban poverty will be to replicate the Harlem Children's Zone in twenty cities across the country. We'll train staff, we'll have them draw up detailed plans with attainable goals, and the  federal government  will provide half of the funding for each city, with the rest coming from philanthropies and businesses.
Now, how much will this cost? I'll be honest - it can't be done on the cheap. It will cost a few billion dollars a year. We won't just spend the money because we can - every step these cities take will be evaluated, and if certain plans or programs aren't working, we will stop them and try  something else .
But we will find the money to do this because we can't afford not to. Dr. King once remarked that if we can find the money to put a man on the moon, then we can find the money to put a man on his own two feet. There's no reason we should be spending tens of thousands of dollars a year to imprison one of these kids when they turn eighteen when we could be spending $3,500 to turn their lives around with this program. And to really put it in perspective, think of it this way. The Harlem Children's Zone is saving a generation of children for $46 million a year. That's about what the war in Iraq costs American taxpayers every four hours.
So let's invest this money. Let's change the odds in urban America by focusing on what works.
The second part of my plan will do this by providing families the support they need to raise their children. I'll pass the plan I outlined last year that will provide more  financial support  to fathers who make the responsible choice to help raise their children and crack down on the fathers who don't. And we'll help new mothers with their new responsibilities by expanding a pioneering program known as the Nurse-Family Partnership that offers  home visits  by trained  registered nurses  to low-income mothers and  mothers-to-be .
This program has been proven to reduce childhood injuries, unintended pregnancies, and the use of welfare and  food stamps . It's increased father involvement, women's employment, and children's school readiness. It's produced more than $28,000 in net savings for every high-risk family enrolled in the program. It works, and I'll expand the program to 570,000 first-time mothers each year.
The third part of my plan for urban America is to help people find work and make that work pay.
I will invest $1 billion over five years in innovative transitional  jobs programs  that have been highly successful at placing the unemployed into temporary jobs and then training them for permanent ones. People in these programs get the chance to work in a  community service -type job, earn a paycheck every week, and learn the skills they need for gainful employment. And by leaving with references and a resume, often times they find that employment.
Still, even for those workers who do find a  permanent job , many times there's no way for them to advance their careers once they're in those jobs. That's why we'll also work with community organizations and businesses to create career pathways that provide workers with the additional skills and training they need to earn more money. And we'll make sure that  public transportation  is both available and affordable for low-income workers, because no one should be denied work in this country because they can't get there.
To make work pay, I will also triple the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  for full-time workers making the minimum wage. This is one of the most successful anti-poverty programs in history and lifts nearly 5 million Americans out of poverty every year. I was able to expand this program when I was a state Senator in Illinois, and as President I'll do it again.
The fourth part of my plan will be to help bring businesses back to our inner-cities. A long time ago, this country created a  World Bank  that has helped spur  economic development  in some of the world's poorest regions. I think it's about time we had something like that right here in America. Less than one percent of the $250 billion in  venture capital  that's invested each year goes to  minority businesses  that are trying to breathe life into our cities. This has to change.
When I'm President, I'll make sure that every community has the access to the capital and resources it needs to create a stronger  business climate  by providing more loans to  small businesses  and  setting up  the  financial institutions  that can help get them started. I'll also create a national network of business incubators, which are local services that help first-time  business owners  design their  business plans , find the best location, and receive expert advice on how to run their businesses whenever they need it. And I will take steps to help close the digital divide and increase  internet access  for cities so that urban America is just as connected as the rest of America.
The final part of my plan to change the odds in our cities will be to ensure that more Americans have access to safe, affordable housing. As President, I'll create an Affordable Housing  Trust Fund  that would add as many as 112,000 new affordable units in mixed income neighborhoods. We'll also do more to protect homeowners from mortgage fraud and subprime lending by passing my plan to provide counseling to tenants, homeowners, and other consumers so they get the advice and guidance they need before buying a house and support if they get in to trouble down the road. And we will crack down on mortgage professionals found guilty of fraud by increasing enforcement and creating new criminal penalties.
What this agenda to combat urban poverty attempts to do is not easy, and it will not happen overnight. Changing the odds in our cities will require humility in what we can accomplish and patience with our progress. But most importantly, it will require the sustained commitment of the President of the  United States , and that is why I will also appoint a new director of Urban Policy who will cut through the disorganized bureaucracy that currently exists and report directly to me on how these efforts are going; on what's working and what's not.
Because in the end, hope is found in what works.
The moral question about poverty in America - How can a country like this allow it? - has an easy answer: we can't. The political question that follows - What do we do about it? - has always been more difficult. But now that we're finally seeing the beginnings of an answer, this country has an obligation to keep trying.
The idea for the Harlem Children's Zone began with a list. It was a  waiting list  that Geoffrey Canada kept of all the children who couldn't get into his program back when it was just a few blocks wide. It was 500 people long. And one day he looked at that list and thought, why shouldn't those 500 kids get the same chance in life as the 500 who were already in the program? Why not expand it to include those 500? Why not 5000? Why not? And that, of course, is the final question about poverty in America. It's the hopeful one that Bobby Kennedy was also famous for asking. Why not? It leaves the cynics without an answer, and it calls on the rest of us to get to work. I will be doing exactly that from the first day I become your President, and I ask you all to join me in getting it done. Thank you.
 
 
 
I want to start by thanking your President, Lauren Wolfe, for the leadership you bring to this organization and to students all across America. I'd also like to thank your  Vice President , Awais Khaleel, and your  Executive Director , LaToia Jones.
I'd like to give a special shout-out to two other College Democrat leaders who I am lucky enough to have working on my campaign - Bess Evans is an organizer for us in Iowa and Ashley Baia is organizing for us right here in South Carolina. And I'd like to especially thank the couple hundred of you who have joined my College Democrats  Steering Committee . This is an unprecedented show of support and we're very grateful to have it.
But mostly I want to thank every student here for the work you're doing all across the country. You are organizing campuses, you are registering new voters, and you are breathing new life into a politics that has never needed it more, and for that you should all be very proud.
Each of you has made the decision to come here and get involved for a reason. Maybe you want to make sure the  college education  you're receiving will lead to a good job that can pay off all those loans. Maybe you're tired of watching our planet polluted and our climate changed forever because you know that you and your children will be the ones dealing with it.
Maybe you've traveled abroad and heard people belittle America, and maybe you felt angry because you know we're a better country than this - you know we're not a country that tortures people or locks them away without ever telling them why. You know we're not a country that alienates our allies and rejects diplomacy with our enemies. We're better than that.
Or maybe you're here because you had to say goodbye to a friend or a classmate when they left to fight this war in Iraq. You know how brave they are, and you know they've done everything that's been asked of them, but you also know one other thing - you know that this is a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged, and it's time for that friend to come home.
But no matter what the reason is that brought you here, you came because you believe that we can change all this. You believe what was said about this country in the earliest days of our revolution - that we have it within our power to begin the world anew.
I want you to know that's why I'm here too. That's what I have believed all  my life . And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
I know it's not an easy proposition to believe. Especially today. Not when our politics is more concerned with who's up and who's down than who's working to solve the challenges facing our generation. Not when our politicians allow the  oil companies  to control our  energy policy , and the  insurance companies  to control our  health care  policy, and whoever's got the most money and influence to control the agenda in Washington. And not when we've got a 24-hour news cycle that never fails to keep us posted on how many days Paris Hilton will spend in jail but doesn't always cover the continuing genocide in Darfur or the recovery effort in New Orleans or the poverty that plagues too many American streets.
You see all this and it's easy to become cynical - to believe these same pundits when they say that the youth vote doesn't really matter; that  college students  don't register to vote and when they do, they never go to the polls anyway. And so it's easy to just  stay home  and give in to the proposition that one person really can't make a difference after all.
Don't believe it. If there's one thing I've learned in my own life, it's that when you stop listening to the cynics and start trying to make that difference, extraordinary things can happen.
A few years after I graduated from college I had this crazy idea that I wanted to be a community organizer. My friends had all applied for jobs on Wall Street and my mother and grandparents thought I should go to  law school . But I went ahead and wrote letters to every organization in the country that I could think of. And finally, this small group of churches on the south side of Chicago wrote back and gave me a job for $12,000 a year helping to turn around neighborhoods that had been devastated by steel-plant closings.
And I can still remember the conversation I had with an older man I had met before I moved to Chicago. I told him about my plans, and he looked at me and said, "Let me tell something. You look like a nice clean-cut young man, and you've got a nice voice. So let me give you a  piece of advice  - forget this community organizing business. You can't change the world, and people won't appreciate you trying. What you should do is go into television broadcasting. I'm telling you, you've got a future." Now, no offense to my friends with the microphones in the back of the room, but boy am I glad I didn't listen to that  old man .
I kept going to Chicago, and when I got there and saw the joblessness and hopelessness that existed in those neighborhoods, I knew my job wouldn't be easy.
But I worked hard to build coalitions with all kinds of  community leaders , and we kept working, and we set up  child care  and  job training  programs, and we taught people to stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them. We didn't change the world, but we changed those neighborhoods, and I proved that  old man  wrong.
And I've done the same thing ever since.
When I got to the Illinois state Senate, people said it was too tough to take on the issue of money in politics - that I couldn't do anything about a law that actually allowed politicians to pocket the money in their campaign accounts for personal use. But I brought people together, and I found a few folks on the other side of the aisle who were willing to listen, and we passed the first major ethics reform in twenty-five years.
People told me I couldn't reform a  death penalty  system that had sent 13 innocent people to  death row . But we did that. They told me that trying to pass laws to stop racial profiling would stir up too much controversy. But we did that too.
They doubted whether we could put government back on the side of average people - but we put  tax cuts  in the pockets of the working families who needed them instead of the folks who didn't. And I passed  health care  reform that insured another 150,000 children and parents.
So I want you to know that I've been where you are. I looked at the world as a young man and I wanted to make a difference. And I was often told that change wasn't possible. But I learned that it was, I believe that it still is, and I'm ready to join you in changing the course that we're on by bringing a new generation of leadership to the  United States  of America.
The reason this President has failed to lead our country is because he has not been able to unite our country. He has polarized us when he could've pulled us together. He has put what's right for his friends and supporters ahead of what's right for America.
That's why the experience we need in the next President is the ability to bring this country together; to find  common ground  so we can meet common challenges.
That's the kind of experience I will bring to the  White House . I know it's not enough to just change parties or even presidents. I know that to truly change the way Washington works, we need to build a movement of everyday Americans who are committed to that change long after the last ballot is counted.
And that's what we're doing in this campaign. We've had more people sign up and contribute than any other campaign in history. We've had countless people show up at our events who are coming to the first political event of their lifetime. They are young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, black, white, Latino, and Asian.
These Americans are saying it's time for a change. It's time to turn the page. It's time for a new generation of leadership in Washington.
It's time for a new generation of leadership to solve this  health care  crisis once and for all. It's time to move past the failed debates of yesterday, bring everyone to the table, and finally let the drug and  insurance companies  know that while they get a seat at that table, the don't get to buy every chair.
I have a universal  health care  plan that will cover every American and cut the cost of a  typical family 's premiums by up to $2500 a year. It's a plan that lets the uninsured buy insurance that's similar to the kind  members of Congress  give themselves. If you can't afford that, you'll get a subsidy to pay for it. And here's something we included after hearing about it from  young people  across the country - if you graduate and don't find a job that provides  health insurance  right away, you'll be able to stay on your parents' insurance until you're twenty-five. I can't promise they'll let you live at home for that long, but I can promise you this - I will sign this universal  health care  bill by the end of my first term in office as your President. It's time to get that done.
It's time for a new generation of leadership to make college more affordable for any American who wants to go. It's time to tell all those private lenders and banks that we're not going to give them eight billion in  taxpayer dollars  every year so that they can bribe colleges to get business giving students loans at inflated prices. We're not going to make college an unaffordable opportunity or saddle our students with a lifetime of debt. It's time to end those high-priced loans and use the savings to help more kids afford a  college education . And it's time we had a President who fights for that proposal instead of threatening to veto it. The very first bill I introduced when I got to the U.S. Senate was a bill to make college more affordable and provide more grants to students. That's the kind of leadership we need.
It's time for a new generation of leadership to save our generation from global catastrophe. It's time to tell the auto and  oil industry  lobbyists that they don't get to stand in the way of higher fuel standards, and renewable  sources of energy , and lower  carbon emissions  anymore. It's time to let them know that our economy, our security, and our planet come before their profits.
As President, I will place a cap on  carbon emissions , and require companies who can't meet the cap to buy credits from those who can. This will generate millions of dollars to invest in renewable  sources of energy  and create new jobs and even a new industry in the process. I'll put in place a low-carbon fuel standard that will take 50 million cars' worth of pollution off the road. And I'd raise the fuel efficiency standards for our cars and trucks because we know we have the technology to do it and it's time we did.
And one more thing. It is time for a new generation of leadership to end this war in Iraq and restore American leadership in the world.
I opposed this war back in 2002 when I was running for the  United States Senate . And people told me that position might cost me the election. But I believed then that being a leader means that you do what's right and leave the politics aside because you don't get a do-over on an issue as important as war.
I introduced a plan in January that would've already started bringing our troops home by now, with the goal of bringing all combat brigades home by March 31st, 2008.
George Bush vetoed a bipartisan plan just like that - but he doesn't get the  last word  here. We are fifteen votes away in the Senate from ending this war without him. So we need to keep turning up the pressure on all those Republican Congressmen and Senators who aren't voting the right way. And I'm asking you all to help me with this. You can help bring this war to an end. Some of these Senators are already changing their mind. So I need you to call them up, and write them, and tell them that if they don't switch their votes on Iraq, you'll be switching your votes next November.
It's time to start getting our troops out of Iraq so we can start focusing on the growing threat from al Qaeda - because we can't win a war against the terrorists if we're on the wrong battlefield.
It's time to turn the page on the era of Bush-Cheney diplomacy and reach out to the rest of the world again. Refusing to engage in tough, smart diplomacy with  world leaders  we don't like doesn't show your strength, it shows your stubbornness, and we don't need another eight years of that.
Whether it's terrorism or  climate change , global AIDS or the spread of  weapons of mass destruction , America cannot meet the threats of this new century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America. It's time for America to show the world that we're still the last, best hope of Earth. It's time for America to lead again, and we need a new generation of leadership to make that happen.
That's where you come in. This country needs you. As someone who is ready to serve as your next President, I need you. We need your energy, your enthusiasm, and your commitment to this movement for change. We need you to get involved, and join or  start up  a Students for Obama chapter of your own, and I'd like to especially ask each of you to go back to your  college campuses  and register ten, or fifteen, or fifty new voters. I led a  voter registration  drive when I wasn't much older than you and we registered 150,000 new voters when no one thought it was possible. So let's prove the cynics wrong again. Let's show them you do make a difference - that your vote does count - that America better start listening to the next generation of Americans.
This is our moment to make a difference.
Throughout America's story, there have been some generations that just fade into history, and others that have changed the course of that history forever.
In the face of secession and slavery, a generation answered their President's call to the better angels of our nature by saving a union and freeing a people.
In the face of Depression and fascism, a generation answered a leader who said that fear itself was the only thing standing our way by conquering that fear, lifting our nation from despair, and liberating a continent.
In the face of inequality and injustice, a generation answered a King's dream of brotherhood by taking  Freedom Rides , and sitting at  lunch counters , and marching in the streets until justice rolled down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
And now, in this election, it is our generation's turn to answer this call. It is our turn to write a  new chapter  in the America story. Let's write that next chapter. Let's turn that next page. Let's bring a new generation of leadership to America, and let's change this country together. Thank you.
As prepared for delivery
 
 
 
I have been running for President now for a little over five months. And in that time, I have been inspired by crowds tens of thousands of people strong - many who have come out for the very first political event of their lifetime. We have seen more Americans sign up and contribute so far than any other campaign in history. They are young and old, Republican and Democrat, white, and Black, and Latino.
I'd like to take the all the credit here myself, but as my wife reminds me every day, I'm just not that great.
The real reason that so many people are coming out and signing up is because they see in this campaign the potential for the change Americans are so hungry for. It's not just the kind of change you hear about in slogans or from politicians every few years; it's the kind of bottom-up, grassroots movement that can transform a nation.
La Raza has always represented this kind of movement. You didn't get your start as some top-down  interest group  in Washington, you got your start standing up for the dreams and aspirations of Latinos in  farm fields  and barrios all across America.
You got your start almost forty years ago in places like southern California, where  farm workers  and their children were beaten because they asked for the right to organize - because they believed that picking grapes all day in the hot sun should be rewarded with a decent wage and protection from deadly pesticides.
And when a man named Cesar Chavez saw this injustice, he knew it wasn't right and so he went about organizing those workers. And one fateful day he decided to draw the eyes of the nation to their cause by sitting down for a  hunger strike . He went without food for twenty-five days, and at one point he received a telegram from an Atlanta preacher who was busy leading his own strike of  sanitation workers  all the way in Memphis, Tennessee.
The telegram from Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to Cesar Chavez said this: "As brothers in the fight for equality, I extend the hand of fellowship and good will and wish continuing success to you and your members... Our separate struggles are really one. A struggle for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity." Our separate struggles are really one. It was a belief that Dr. King repeated often when he would say that an injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. It means that the  Civil Rights  Movement wasn't just a movement of African-Americans, but Latino Americans, and white Americans, and every American who believes that equality and opportunity are not just words to be said but promises to be kept. The  Civil Rights  Movement was your movement too, and its unfinished work is still the task of every American.
Our separate struggles are really one. If there's a child stuck in a crumbling school who graduates without ever learning how to read, it doesn't matter if that child is a Latino from Miami or an African-American from Chicago or a white girl from rural Kentucky - she is our child, and her struggle is our struggle.
It doesn't matter if the injustice involves a brown man who's badgered into proving his citizenship again and again or a  black man  who's pulled over because the car he's driving is too nice - it's injustice either way and we all have a role in ending it.
Whether you're one of the 45 million Americans without  health care  in this country, or the one in five  African Americans , or the one in three Latinos, it will take all of us to stand up to a drug and  insurance industry  that spent $1 billion in lobbying to block  health care  reform. That's the kind of movement we need in America.
It won't be enough to change parties in this election if we don't also change a politics that has tried to divide us for far too long. Because when we spend all our time keeping score of who's up and who's down, the only winners are those who can afford to play the game - those with the most money, and influence, and power.
That's why right now, the experience we need in the next President is the proven ability to bring people to the table and get things done. We need a leader who's willing to tell the lobbyists and  special interests  that while they get a seat at that table, the days of them buying every chair are over.
I'm running for President because I have been that kind of leader my  entire life .
I was too young to participate in the Civil Right Movement, but I was inspired by leaders like King and Chavez to become a community organizer. Almost twenty-five years ago, I was hired by a group of churches on the South Side of Chicago to help turn around neighborhoods that had been devastated by the closing of nearby  steel plants .
I knew that change wouldn't be easy, but I also knew it would be impossible without bringing folks together and building a movement within the community. So I reached out and formed coalitions between Latino leaders and  Black leaders  on every issue from failing schools to illegal dumping to unimmunized children. And together, we made progress. We set up  job training  and after school programs, and we taught people on the South Side to stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them.
But I didn't stop there. When all the cynics said it wasn't possible, I kept building coalitions and making progress throughout my eight years in the Illinois state Senate.
They told me I couldn't reform a  death penalty  system that had sent 13 innocent people to  death row . But we did that. They told me that trying to pass new racial profiling laws to protect black folks and brown folks would stir up too much controversy. But we did that too. And they doubted whether we could put government back on the side of average people - but we put $100 million worth of  tax cuts  in the pockets of the low-income workers and passed  health care  reform that insured another 150,000 children and parents.
So I want you to remember one thing, because you'll be hearing from a lot of candidates today. When I talk about hope; when I talk about change; when I talk about holding America up to its ideals of opportunity and equality, this isn't just the rhetoric of a campaign for me, it's been the cause of  my life  - a cause I will work for and fight for every day as your President.
I will be a President who remembers that our separate struggles are really one. I will never walk away from the tough battles or the difficult work of bringing people together. And I will never walk away from the 12 million  undocumented immigrants  who live, work, and contribute to our country every single day.
There are few better examples of how broken, bitter, and divisive our politics has become than the immigration debate that played out in Washington a few weeks ago.
So many of us - Democrats and Republicans - were willing to compromise in order to pass comprehensive reform that would secure our borders while giving the undocumented a chance to earn their citizenship.
We knew that the  American people  believe that we are a nation of laws - that we have a right and duty to protect our borders. And we should also crack down on employers who hire undocumented workers so that we can protect jobs and wages.
But the  American people  also know that we are a nation of immigrants - a nation that has always been willing to give weary travelers from around the world the chance to come here and reach for the dream that so many of us have reached for. That's the America that answered my father's letters and his prayers and brought him here from Kenya so long ago. That's the America we believe in.
But that's the America that the President and too many Republicans walked away from when the politics got tough. Now, there are plenty of people opposed to immigration reform for principled reasons that I happen to disagree with. But this time around, we saw parts of the immigration debate took a turn that was both ugly and racist in a way we haven't seen since the struggle for  civil rights .
Well we didn't walk away from injustice then and we won't walk away from it today. I'll keep fighting, and I'll keep attending immigration rallies, and I'll keep believing that we can have a civil debate about immigration where we begin to recognize ourselves in  one another . And when I'm President, I will put comprehensive immigration reform back on the nation's agenda and I will not rest until it is passed once and for all.
But you and I know that the struggle we share goes far beyond immigration. We don't expect our government to guarantee success and happiness, but when millions of children start the race of life so far behind only because of race, only because of class, that's a betrayal of our ideals. That's not just a Latino problem or an African-American problem; that is an American problem that we have to solve.
It's an American problem when Latinos are the most likely to be uninsured even though they make up a disproportionate share of the workforce. It's an American problem when one in four Latinos cannot communicate well with their doctor about what's wrong or fill out medical forms because there are language barriers we refuse to break down. It's an American problem that our  health care  system is broken and it's time to fix it once and for all.
I have a universal  health care  plan that will cover every American and cut the cost of a  typical family 's premiums by up to $2500 a year. It's a plan that lets the uninsured buy insurance that's similar to the kind  members of Congress  give themselves. If you can't afford that, you'll get a subsidy to pay for it. And it goes further than any other proposed plan in cutting the cost of  health care  by investing in technology and preventive care, breaking the stranglehold the drug and  insurance industries  have on the  health care  market, and helping business and families shoulder the cost of the most expensive conditions so that an illness doesn't lead to a bankruptcy. And I promise you this - I will sign this universal  health care  plan by the end of my first term in office as your President. Count on it.
It's also time for this country to keep the promise of a world-class education for every child, because it's an American problem when nearly half of all Latino students do not receive a  high school  diploma. It's an American problem when too many of these students who want to learn English don't have the resources to learn English and are punished as a result.
Let's give our kids everything they could possibly need to have a  fighting chance . Let's not pass a law called No Child Left Behind and then leave the money behind. Let's finally invest in what makes the most difference in any child's education - the person standing in the front of the classroom. As President, I will launch a campaign to recruit hundreds of thousands of new teachers across the country, and I'll pay them like the professionals they are. And let's make sure any child who comes here and studies here and does well in school gets the same chance to attend a public college as anyone else. I helped pass the DREAM Act in Illinois, and I will do the same as President.
And there's one other thing we can do. For millions of Latinos and other Americans, the cornerstone of the  American Dream  is the ability to own your own home. You work hard for it, and you save for it, and you're willing to sacrifice to buy it.
But there is an army of lenders and brokers out there who are ready and willing to take advantage of your hopes and cheat you out of your dream. They lurk in your neighborhoods and sometimes they even come into your churches and they offer you these subprime mortgage loans. They make them sound easy and affordable and they tell you to ignore the  fine print  and ask you to sign on the  dotted line .
Your first couple of payments are ok, but then after months go by, the cost of your monthly payment starts jumping. Then it jumps some more. Pretty soon you're paying almost all of your income on your housing payments. And eventually, you're forced to foreclose on your dream. And the worst part is that the lenders knew this would happen from  day one .
A recent report showed that 2.2 million sub-prime loans made in recent years have failed or will end in foreclosure, costing homeowners as much as $164 billion. Latinos hold up to 40 percent of these mortgages.  African Americans  hold over half. This is no accident. These loans are discriminatory, they are dishonest, and it's time for us to treat these fraudulent lenders like the criminals that they are.
When I am President, I will make law the legislation I've already introduced that would crack down on lenders and brokers found guilty of fraud by increasing enforcement and creating new criminal penalties.
We'd also do more to protect homeowners from fraud in the first place by providing them counseling so they get the advice they need both before and after they buy their home. We'll even create an easy-to-read, easy-to-understand measurement called the HOME score that lets you figure out exactly what a mortgage will cost you both initially and down the road. No one should get tricked into losing their home so that some  loan shark  can make a profit, and I will make sure of that as your President. We can do that.
You know, a couple of years ago, right around the time of the first immigration debate, I attended a naturalization workshop at a church in Chicago. I walked down the aisle of the church and met people who were clutching their  American flags , waiting to be called up so they could start the long process of becoming citizens.
At one point, a  little girl  came up to me and asked me for my autograph. She said her name was Cristina, that she was studying government, and wanted to show the autograph to her third grade class. I told her parents they should be proud of her. And as I watched Cristina translate my words into Spanish for them, I thought for a moment about Dr. King's telegram to Cesar Chavez, and I knew that, in the end, our separate dreams are really one as well. It's the dream my father had when he arrived here from Kenya. The dream Cristina's parents had for her. And the dream that I have for my own two daughters.
I chose a career in  public service  almost twenty-five years ago because each night that I tuck them in, I realize that their chances in life depend on our ability to create a country where what they look like and where they come from has no bearing on what they can become. That's what has guided  my life 's work, and if you give me the chance, that's exactly the kind of country I will work for as your President. I ask you to give me that chance. Thank you.
 
 
 
Watch the Video.
I have been running for President now for a little more than six months. And everywhere we've gone we've seen these huge crowds just like this one. We saw 10,000 in Iowa City. 20,000 in Austin. 20,000 in Atlanta.
It's not just the numbers themselves that are so inspiring. It's the people behind those numbers. They're young and old; black and white, Latino, Asian, and  Native American . They're Democrats and Independents and more than a few Republicans. Many are showing up to the very first political event of their lifetime.
The conventional thinking in Washington tells us that we're a country divided into Red States and Blue States; that we're doomed to fight the same tired partisan battles over and over again. They tell us we can't come together to take on big challenges like  health care , or energy, or education; that we can't agree on what America should be, so we might as well settle for the way America is right now.
But these crowds tell me  something else . They tell me that when it comes to what's wrong with this country, the  American people  are not the problem. The  American people  are the answer.
We're here today - you and I - because we believe in what this country can be. In the face of war, we believe there can be peace. In the face of despair, we believe there can be hope. In the face of a politics that's shut us out, that's told us to settle, that's divided us for too long, we believe we can be one people, reaching for what's possible, building that more perfect union.
That's why we're here.
We know we need a new direction. And that change begins with an end to the Bush-Cheney Administration. Their years haven't just been bad years for Democrats. They've been bad years for America.
We've seen the triumph of ideology over reason; of cronyism over competence. We've seen the Constitution of the  United States  treated as a nuisance instead of the founding document of our democracy. We've seen policies that have widened the divide between Wall Street and  Main Street  and marginalized  organized labor  at a time when American workers need a voice most. We've seen  fellow citizens  abandoned on rooftops after a storm. And we've seen a disastrous war in Iraq that should never have been authorized and never been waged.
But we also know that, as bad as George Bush has been, it's going to take more than a change of parties in the  White House  to truly turn this country around. George Bush and Dick Cheney may have turned divisive, special-interest politics into an  art form , but they didn't invent it. It was there before they got to Washington, and if you and I don't stand up and challenge it, it will be there long after they leave.
And so we face a choice in this election.
Do we continue the cynical math that says it's a winning strategy to divide our country in two, and simply ignore the half that doesn't agree? Or do we find our stake in each other as Americans, united again by a sense of common purpose and a common destiny? Do we continue the conventional Washington thinking on  foreign policy  that led us to this tragic war in Iraq? Or do we recognize the challenges of a new world, and engage with friends and foes in a way that restores America's moral leadership and security? Do we continue to allow lobbyists to veto our progress? Or do we finally put our  national interests  ahead of the  special interests , and address the concerns people feel over their jobs, their  health care  and their children's future? That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Because to meet America's challenges, changing parties isn't change enough. We need something new. We need to turn the page.
There are those who tout their experience working the system in Washington - but the problem is that the system in Washington isn't working for us and hasn't for a long time.
Think about it. We've been talking about the  health care  crisis in this country for decades. Yet through Democratic and Republican Administrations we've failed to act. And you know why - because the drug and  insurance industry  has spent over a billion dollars on lobbying in the past ten years alone to block reform. We've heard promises of energy independence for decades, yet every year, the oil and gas lobbyists use their clout and their money to keep us addicted to  fossil fuels .
Too many in Washington see politics as a game. And that is why I believe this election cannot be about who can play this game better. It has to be about who can put an end to the game-playing. The times are too serious; the stakes are too high. And the change that's required, this new spirit of responsibility and honesty; of seriousness and sacrifice, starts with you. It starts with millions of people across this country, coming together to demand something better.
I have never seen politics as a game. From the day I decided to become a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago over two decades ago, I have always seen politics as a mission - as the way we hold this country up to our highest ideals. And when we've fallen short of those ideals, it's this  sense of mission  that has compelled Americans of all backgrounds and beliefs to put aside their differences and push their shoulder against the wheel of history in search of a better day.
It's this  sense of mission  that led my grandfather to enlist after Pearl Harbor and sent my grandmother to a bomber  assembly line . It's what led thousands of  young people  I'll never know to sit at  lunch counters  and brave  fire hoses  so that we all might be free. It's what led my father to keep writing letters until someone answered his prayer and gave him his ticket to America. And it's what led me to those  poor neighborhoods  in Chicago, so that I could do my part to help folks who had lost jobs and lost hope when the local  steel plant  closed.
It's politics as a mission. And if you don't spend your whole life in Washington, it becomes easier to remember what this means. The other day I got head to out to California because the Service Employees' Union had organized an event where I would walk in the shoes of one of their members for a day. And so I woke up at five a.m. and met up with this sixty-one-year- old woman  named Pauline Beck who was a home  care worker . Every day of her life she wakes up and she takes care of two foster children who do not have a family of their own. Then she goes to work and she takes care of an eighty-seven-year-old amputee. And so I went with her to work, and we scrubbed the floors and we did the laundry and cleaned the rooms.
It was one of the best days I've had on the campaign so far. Because it reminded me of what we're doing here. Listening to this humble woman talk about the hardships of her life without a trace of  self-pity , glad she could be of some service to somebody, just wanting a  little bit  more pay to take care of those kids, a little more security for her retirement, maybe a day off once in awhile to rest her tired back, I was reminded that for all the noise and the pettiness coming out of Washington, what holds this country together is this fundamental belief that we all have a stake in each other - that I am my brother's keeper; that I am my sister's keeper. And that must express itself not only in our churches and synagogues or in our  personal lives , but in our government too.
Now, when the folks in Washington hear me speak, this is usually when they start rolling their eyes. "Oh, there he goes talking about hope again. He's so naive. He's a hope peddler. He's a hope-monger." Well I stand guilty as charged. I am hopeful about America. Apparently the pundits consider this a chronic condition, a symptom of a lack of experience.
I used to wonder what they meant, this whole experience argument, because I've been fighting for people as a  public servant  for over two decades - as a community organizer, a  civil rights  lawyer, a  constitutional law  professor, a state Senator, and a U.S. Senator.
But then I came to realize that to this bunch, only the years you spend in Washington count. Only time in Washington translates into wisdom.
I think they are wrong about that. Recent history suggests otherwise. There were a couple of guys named Cheney and Rumsfeld who had two of the longest resumes in Washington and they led us into the worst  foreign policy  fiasco in our history. Time served doesn't guarantee judgment. A resume does nothing about character.
So let me tell you about a different kind of experience - the experience I bring to this race.
My experience tells me that real change and progress comes not by dividing, but by bringing people together to get things done - like when I worked with  police officers  and  civil rights  advocates to reform a  death penalty  system that had sent thirteen innocent people in Illinois to  death row . Or when I worked with Republicans and Democrats to expand  health care  for 150,000 Illinoisans, or put $100 million worth of  tax cuts  in the pockets of working families. Or when I worked with my Republican colleague, Dick Lugar, to pass a law securing dangerous weapons in the old  Soviet Union .
My experience tells me that real change and reform come when we're willing to put the people's interests before the  special interests  and partisan interests. That's what I did in Illinois when I took on money in politics and passed the first ethics reform in twenty-five years, and that's what I did in Washington when I passed a law that earned me the  cold shoulder  from leaders of both parties - for the first time in history, Washington lobbyists will have to disclose who they're raising money from and who in Congress they're funneling it to.
My experience tells me that real change and security come when we're willing to make  foreign policy  decisions based not on what's popular in Washington, but what's right for America - based on a real understanding of the world. That's why I resisted the tide in my campaign for the US Senate and opposed the war in Iraq from the start. As we saw then, longevity in Washington is no guarantee of good judgment.
So let's be clear - there are a lot of people who have been in Washington longer than me; who have better connections and go to the right  dinner parties  and know how to talk the Washington talk. Well I might not have the experience Washington likes, but I believe I have the experience America needs right now. Hope and change are not just the rhetoric of a campaign for me. Hope and change have been the causes of  my life . Hope and change are the story of our country. And we're here today to continue that story.
We're here to infuse the old  Washington politics  with a new  sense of mission  - to unite people around a common purpose. To rally Americans around a common destiny. We aren't just here to win an election. We are here to transform a nation.
I do not accept that in the richest nation on Earth we have to stand by while 47 million Americans have no  health care  and millions more are on the verge of bankruptcy because of their  medical bills . My mother died of  ovarian cancer  in the prime of her life and do you know what she was most worried about in those final months? She was between jobs when she was diagnosed and she wasn't sure whether insurance would cover her treatment. So I know what it's like to see a  loved one  suffer because of a broken  health care  system. I know that it's wrong. And I know that's not who we are.
When I am President, we will have universal  health care  in this country by the end of my first term in office. It's a plan that will cover every American and cut the cost of a  typical family 's premiums by $2500 a year. And I will not let the drug and  insurance companies  spend another billion dollars to block reform - because people like my mother shouldn't have to worry about bankruptcy  every time  they get sick. We're better than that.
I do not accept that we have to keep sending $800 million a day to hostile nations because of our addiction to foreign oil - a dependency that fuels both sides of the war on terror and is melting the  polar ice  caps in the bargain. We can meet our moral obligation to  future generations  and halt the march of  global warming .
I have a plan to raise our fuel standards that's won the support of some lawmakers who had never supported raising fuel standards before. And I didn't just give a speech about it in front of some environmental audience in California - I went right to Detroit and said it in front of a group of automakers. Now I have to admit - the room was pretty quiet. But I did it because I don't think we're going to get anywhere in this country by just telling everyone what they want to hear. We have to tell people what they need to hear. We have to tell people the truth. And you shouldn't expect anything less from your President.
I don't accept that we can't give every single child in America a world-class education. We know countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow. But it's bigger than that. The America we believe in isn't a country where millions of children are robbed of their opportunity by failing schools. And the answer isn't just a snappy slogan.
To truly leave no child behind, we have to make a genuine commitment to educational opportunity for all, from cradle to adulthood. This country should be focusing on the most important part of any child's achievement - the person standing at the front of the classroom. As President, I will launch a campaign to recruit an army of new teachers, and we'll pay them better, and give them more support, and help them reach high standards by working with them, not working against them. I will invest in  early childhood  education so that every child has the best possible  start in life . And while we're at it, let's finally make a college degree affordable and available to every American, and bolster our  community colleges  to help educate and train America's workers. We can do that.
I do not accept that the  American Dream  is a  thing of the past . On this Labor Day, let's give American workers more than a parade. Let's give them policies that actually value their work. Let's provide them with a  living wage . Let's allow our unions do what they do best again - organize our workers and lift up our middle-class. And let's stop giving  tax breaks  to the companies who send them overseas and start giving them to companies who create jobs right here in America. We can do this.
Finally, I do not accept an America that has lost its moral standing in the community of nations. Today there is no greater mission than keeping America safe and restoring America's image in the world.
That starts with ending this war. I opposed the war in Iraq from the start. I said then that Iraq was the wrong battlefield; that we would find ourselves mired in a lengthy  civil war , diverting our attention from Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. And I introduced a plan back in January that would have gradually and responsibly removed all  combat troops  from Iraq by March 30th, 2008. The President vetoed a plan just like this last spring, but we will be debating the war again next week. Now is the time to keep the pressure on all those Republican Senators and Congressmen who continue to support the President's failed course. We can end this war without George Bush. And if we don't, then it will be the first thing I do as President of the  United States .
But the change that is needed extends beyond ending the war. To repair the damage, to meet the dangers and seize the opportunities of this new century, the old formulas will not do. We need to turn the page on the Bush-Cheney policy of not talking to leaders we don't like. That doesn't make us look tough. It makes us look arrogant. I'm not afraid that I'll lose a propaganda battle with a bunch of dictators. Strong countries and strong Presidents shouldn't be afraid to talk to our adversaries to tell them where America stands. That's why I will - because that's how tough, principled and smart diplomacy works.
I want to go before the  United Nations  as President and say, "America's back." It's time for America to lead again. It's time to fight on the right battlefield in rooting out al Qaeda. It's time to lead by  building schools  in the  Middle East  that teach math and science instead of hatred. It's time for us to close Guantanamo and restore the right of  habeas corpus . It's time to show the world that we are not a country that ships prisoners in the  dead of night  to be tortured in far off countries. That we are not a country that looks away while innocents are slaughtered in Darfur. That we are not a country that runs prisons which lock people away without ever telling them why they are there or what they are charged with.
That is not who we are.
We are the last, best hope of Earth. We are the nation that liberated a continent from a madman, that lifted ourselves from the depths of Depression, that won  Civil Rights , and  Women's Rights , and Voting Rights for all our people. We are the beacon that has led generations of weary travelers to find opportunity, and liberty, and hope on our doorstep. That's who we are. And that's who we can be again.
I am reminded every single day that I am not a perfect man. I will not be a perfect President. But I can promise you this - I will always tell you what I think and where I stand. I will be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you when we disagree. And most importantly, I will open the doors of government and ask you to be involved in your own democracy again.
I know what I'm asking is hard. I know that politics and politicians have disappointed you so many times before, to the point where sometimes it seems easier to just tune out and walk away. But what you have to remember is that when you walk away, the same old politics wins  every time . That's what all the people who benefit from politics as a game are counting on.
That's why we need you. That's why I can't do this alone. I am not just asking you to trust in my ability to change this country - I'm asking you to trust in yourself. In your own instincts. In your own sense of possibility. In your own sense of what's right. I'm asking you to bet on us, on our capacity to do what previous generations have done - to lift our sights, to join together and forge a  better future  for our children and grandchildren. Make this campaign the vehicle for your hopes and your dreams; for your sense of what America is and what America can be. And if you're willing to work for it and fight for it and bring others to this cause, if after this rally you decide to go sign up twenty more people or volunteer to knock on doors or serve as a precinct captain, then I believe that this time will finally be different from all the rest.
And so I'm asking you - if you believe it's time to challenge the  Washington politics  that have let us down and shut us out and made us settle; if you believe it's time to restore a  sense of mission  to our politics and a sense of possibility to America; if you want a country that no longer sees itself as a collection of Red States and Blue States; if you want a President who can lead a  United States  of America, then I ask you to believe in this campaign; I ask you to believe in yourself, I ask you to believe again in the dream that we call America.
As prepared for delivery
 
 
 
A few months ago, I met a woman who told me her nephew was leaving for Iraq. As she started to tell me about how much she'd miss him and how worried she was about him, she began to cry. "I can't breathe,' she said. "I want to know when I am going to be able to breathe again.' I have her on my mind when I think about what we've gone through as a country and where we need to go. Because we've been holding our breath over Iraq for five years. As we go through yet another debate about yet another phase of this misguided war, we've got a familiar feeling. Again, we're told that progress is upon us. Again, we're asked to hold our breath a little longer. Again, we're reminded of what's gone wrong with our policies and our politics.
It was five years ago today - on September 12, 2002 - that President Bush made his case for war at the  United Nations . Standing in front of a world that stood with us after 9/11, he said, "In the attacks on America a year ago, we saw the destructive intentions of our enemies.' Then he talked about Saddam Hussein - a man who had nothing to do with 9/11. But citing the lesson of 9/11, he and others said we had to act. "To suggest otherwise,' the President said, "is to hope against the evidence.' George Bush was wrong. The people who attacked us on 9/11 were in Afghanistan, not Iraq. Al Qaeda in Iraq didn't exist before our invasion. The case for war was built on exaggerated fears and empty evidence - so much so that Bob Graham, the Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, decided to vote against the war after he read the National Intelligence Estimate.
But conventional thinking in Washington lined up for war. The pundits judged the political winds to be blowing in the direction of the President. Despite - or perhaps because of how much experience they had in Washington, too many politicians feared looking weak and failed to ask hard questions. Too many took the President at his word instead of reading the intelligence for themselves. Congress gave the President the authority to go to war. Our only opportunity to stop the war was lost.
I made a different judgment. I thought our priority had to be finishing the fight in Afghanistan. I spoke out against what I called "a rash war' in Iraq. I worried about, "an occupation of undetermined length, with undetermined costs, and undetermined consequences.' The full accounting of those costs and consequences will only be known to history. But the picture is beginning to come into focus.
Nearly 4,000 Americans have been killed in Iraq. Five times that number have suffered horrible wounds, seen and unseen.  Loved ones  have been lost, dreams denied. Children will grow up without fathers and mothers. Parents have outlived their children. That is a cost of this war.
When all is said and done, the price-tag will run over a trillion dollars. A trillion dollars. That's money not spent on homeland security and  counter-terrorism ; on providing  health care  to all Americans and a world-class education to every child; on investments in energy to save ourselves and our planet from an addiction to oil. That is a cost of this war.
The excellence of our military is unmatched. But as a result of this war, our forces are under pressure as never before. Our  National Guard  and reserves have half of the equipment they need to respond to emergencies at home and abroad. Retention among West Point graduates is down. Our powers of deterrence and influence around the world are down. That is a cost of this war.
America's standing has suffered. Our diplomacy has been compromised by a refusal to talk to people we don't like. Our alliances have been compromised by bluster. Our credibility has been compromised by a faulty case for war. Our moral leadership has been compromised by Abu Ghraib. That is a cost of this war.
Perhaps the saddest irony of the Administration's cynical use of 9/11 is that the Iraq War has left us less safe than we were before 9/11. Osama bin Ladin and his top lieutenants have rebuilt a new base in Pakistan where they freely train recruits, plot new attacks, and disseminate propaganda. The Taliban is resurgent in Afghanistan. Iran has emerged as the greatest strategic challenge to America in the  Middle East  in a generation. Violent extremism has increased. Terrorism has increased. All of that is a cost of this war.
After 9/11, instead of the politics of unity, we got a  political strategy  of division with the war in Iraq as its centerpiece. The only thing we were asked to do for our country was support a misguided war. We lost that sense of common purpose as Americans. And we're not going to be a truly united and resolute America until we can stop holding our breath, until we can come together to reclaim our  foreign policy  and our politics and end this war that has cost us so much.
So there is something unreal about the debate that's taking place in Washington.
With all that our troops and their families have sacrificed, with all this war has cost us, and with no discernible end in sight, the same people who told us we would be greeted as liberators, about democracy spreading across the  Middle East , about striking a decisive blow against terrorism, about an insurgency in its last throes - those same people are now trumpeting the uneven and precarious containment of brutal sectarian violence as if it validates all of their failed decisions.
The bar for success is so low that it is almost buried in the sand.
The  American people  have had enough of the shifting spin. We've had enough of extended deadlines for benchmarks that go unmet. We've had enough of  mounting costs  in Iraq and  missed opportunities  around the world. We've had enough of a war that should never have been authorized and should never have been waged.
I opposed this war from the beginning. I opposed the war in 2002. I opposed it in 2003. I opposed it in 2004. I opposed it in 2005. I opposed it in 2006. I introduced a plan in January to remove all of our combat brigades by next March. And I am here to say that we have to begin to end this war now.
My plan for ending the war would turn the page in Iraq by removing our  combat troops  from Iraq's  civil war ; by taking a new approach to press for a new accord on reconciliation within Iraq; by talking to all of Iraq's neighbors to press for a compact in the region; and by confronting the human costs of this war.
First, we need to immediately begin the responsible removal of our troops from Iraq's  civil war . Our troops have performed brilliantly. They brought Saddam Hussein to justice. They have fought for over four years to give Iraqis a chance for a  better future . But they cannot - and should not - bear the responsibility for resolving the grievances at the heart of Iraq's  civil war .
Recent news only confirms this. The Administration points to selective statistics to make the case for staying the course. Killings and mortar attacks and  car bombs  in certain districts are down from the highest levels we've seen. But they're still at the same horrible levels they were at 18 months ago or two years ago. Experts will tell you that the killings are down in some places because the  ethnic cleansing  has already taken place. That's hardly a cause for triumphalism.
The stated purpose of the surge was to enable Iraq's leaders to reconcile. But as the recent report from the Government Accountability Office confirms, the Iraqis are not reconciling. Our troops fight and die in the 120 degree heat to give Iraq's leaders space to agree, but they aren't filling it. They are not moving beyond their centuries-old sectarian conflicts, they are falling further back into them.
We hear a lot about how violence is down in parts of Anbar province. But this has little to do with the surge - it's because Sunni tribal leaders made a political decision to turn against al Qaeda in Iraq. This only underscores the point - the solution in Iraq is political, it is not military.
Violence is contained in some parts of Baghdad. That's no surprise. Our troops have cleared these neighborhoods at great costs. But our troops cannot police Baghdad indefinitely - only Iraqis can. Rather than use our presence to make progress, the Iraqi government has put off taking responsibility - that's the finding of a Commission headed by General Jim Jones. And our troop presence cannot be sustained without crippling our military's ability to respond to other contingencies.
Let me be clear: there is no military solution in Iraq, and there never was. The best way to protect our security and to pressure Iraq's leaders to resolve their  civil war  is to immediately begin to remove our  combat troops . Not in six months or one year - now.
We should enter into talks with the Iraqi government to discuss the process of our drawdown. We must get out strategically and carefully, removing troops from secure areas first, and keeping troops in more volatile areas until later. But our drawdown should proceed at a steady pace of one or two brigades each month. If we start now, all of our combat brigades should be out of Iraq by the end of next year.
We will need to retain some forces in Iraq and the region. We'll continue to strike at al Qaeda in Iraq. We'll protect our forces as they leave, and we will continue to protect U.S. diplomats and facilities. If - but only if - Iraq makes political progress and their  security forces  are not sectarian, we should continue to train and equip those forces. But we will set our own direction and our own pace, and our direction must be out of Iraq. The future of our military, our  foreign policy , and our national purpose cannot be hostage to the inaction of the Iraqi government.
Removing our troops is part of applying real pressure on Iraq's leaders to end their  civil war . Some argue that we should just replace  Prime Minister  Maliki. But that wouldn't solve the problem. We shouldn't be in the business of supporting coups. And remember - before Maliki, we said that we just needed to replace the last  Prime Minister  to make everything all right. It didn't work.
The problems in Iraq are bigger than one man. Iraq needs a new Constitutional convention that would include representatives from all levels of Iraqi society -  in and out  of government. The  United Nations  should play a  central role  in convening and participating in this convention, which should not adjourn until a new accord on national reconciliation is reached. To reconcile, the Iraqis must also meet key political benchmarks outside of the Constitutional process, including new  local elections  and revising debaathification.
Now the Iraqis may come out of this process choosing some kind of soft partition into three regions - one Sunni, one Shia, one Kurd. But it must be their choice. America should not impose the division of Iraq.
While we change the dynamic within Iraq, we must surge our diplomacy in the region.
At every stage of this war, we have suffered because of disdain for diplomacy. We have not brought allies to the table. We have refused to talk to people we don't like. And we have failed to build a consensus in the region. As a result, Iraq is more violent, the region is less stable, and America is less secure.
We need to launch the most aggressive  diplomatic effort  in recent history to reach a new compact in the region. This effort should include all of Iraq's neighbors, and we should also bring in the  United Nations   Security Council . All of us have a stake in Iraq's stability. It's time to make this less about what America is trying to do for Iraq, and more about what the world can do with Iraq.
This compact must secure Iraq's borders, keep neighbors from meddling, isolate al Qaeda, and support Iraq's unity. That means helping our Turkish and Kurdish friends reach an understanding. That means pressing Sunni states like  Saudi Arabia  to stop the flow of foreign fighters into Iraq, increase their  financial support  of reconstruction efforts, and encourage Iraqi Sunnis to reconcile with their fellow Iraqis. And that means turning the page on the Bush-Cheney policy of not talking to Syria and Iran.
Conventional thinking in Washington says Presidents cannot lead this diplomacy. But I think the  American people  know better. Not talking doesn't make us look tough - it makes us look arrogant. And it doesn't get results. Strong Presidents tell their adversaries where they stand, and that's what I would do. That's how tough and principled diplomacy works. And that's what we need to press Syria and Iran to stop being part of the problem in Iraq.
Iran poses a grave challenge. It builds a  nuclear program , supports terrorism, and threatens Israel with destruction. But we hear eerie echoes of the run-up to the war in Iraq in the way that the President and  Vice President  talk about Iran. They conflate Iran and al Qaeda, ignoring the violent schism that exists between Shiite and Sunni militants. They issue veiled threats. They suggest that the time for diplomacy and pressure is running out when we haven't even tried direct diplomacy. Well George Bush and Dick Cheney must hear - loud and clear - from the  American people  and the Congress: you don't have our support, and you don't have our authorization for another war.
George Bush suggests that there are two choices with regard to Iran. Stay the course in Iraq or cede the region to the Iran. I reject this choice. Keeping our troops tied down in Iraq is not the way to weaken Iran - it's precisely what has strengthened it. President Ahmadinejad may talk about filling a vacuum in the region after an American drawdown, but he's badly mistaken. It's time for a new and robust American leadership. And that should begin with a new cooperative security framework with all of our friends and allies in the  Persian Gulf .
Now is the time for tough and sustained diplomacy backed by real pressure. It's time to rally the region and the world to our side. And it's time to deliver a direct message to Tehran. America is a part of a community of nations. America wants peace in the region. You can give up your nuclear ambitions and support for terror and rejoin the community of nations. Or you will face further isolation, including much tighter sanctions. As we deliver this message, we will be stronger - not weaker - if we are disengaging from Iraq's  civil war .
The final part of my plan is a major international initiative to address Iraq's  humanitarian crisis .
President Bush likes to warn of the dire consequences of ending the war. He warns of rising Iranian influence, but that has already taken place. He warns of growing terrorism, but that has already taken place. And he warns of huge movements of refugees and mass sectarian killing, but that has already taken place. These are not the consequences of a future withdrawal. They are the reality of Iraq's present. They are a direct consequence of waging this war. Two million Iraqis are displaced in their own country. Another two million Iraqis have fled as refugees to neighboring countries. This  mass movement  of people is a threat to the security of the  Middle East  and to our common humanity. We have a strategic interest - and a moral obligation - to act.
The President would have us believe there are two choices: keep all of our troops in Iraq or abandon these Iraqis. I reject that choice. We cannot continue to put this burden on our troops alone. I'm tired of this notion that we either fight foolish wars or retreat from the world. We are better than that as a nation.
There's no military solution that can reunite a family or resettle an orphaned child. It's time to form an international  working group  with the countries in the region, our European and Asian friends, and the  United Nations . The  State Department  says it has invested $183 million on displaced Iraqis this year -- but that is not nearly enough. We can and must do more. We should up our share to at least $2 billion to support this effort; to expand access to  social services  for refugees in neighboring countries; and to ensure that Iraqis displaced inside their own country can find safe-haven.
Iraqis must know that those who engage in mass violence will be brought to justice. We should lead in forming a commission at the U.N. to monitor and hold accountable perpetrators of  war crimes  within Iraq. We must also put strict conditions on U.S. assistance to direct our support to those who want to hold Iraq together - not those who are tearing it apart. The risk of greater atrocities in the short-term cannot deter us from doing what we must to minimize violence in the long-term. Yet as we drawdown, we must declare our readiness to intervene with allies to stop genocidal violence.
We must also keep faith with Iraqis who kept faith with us. One tragic outcome of this war is that the Iraqis who stood with America - the interpreters,  embassy workers , and subcontractors - are being targeted for assassination. An Iraqi named Laith who worked for an American organization told a journalist, "Sometimes I feel like we're standing in line for a ticket, waiting to die.' And yet our doors are shut. In April, we admitted exactly one Iraqi refugee - just one! That is not how we treat our friends. That is not how we take responsibility for our own actions. That is not who we are as Americans. It's time to at least fill the 7,000 slots that we pledged to Iraqi refugees and to be open to accepting even more Iraqis at risk. It's also time to go to our friends and allies - and all the members of our original coalition in Iraq - to find homes for the many Iraqis who are in desperate need of asylum.
Keeping this moral obligation is a key part of how we turn the page in Iraq. Because what's at stake is bigger than this war - it's our global leadership. Now is a time to be bold. We must not stay the course or take the conventional path because the other course is unknown. To quote Dr. Brzezinski - we must not allow ourselves to become "prisoners of uncertainty.' George Bush is afraid of this future. That is why all he can do is drag up the past. After all the flawed justifications for his failed policy, he now invokes Vietnam as a reason to stay in Iraq. Let's put aside the strange reasoning - that all would have been well if we had just stayed the course in Vietnam. Let's put it aside and leave it where it belongs - in the past.
Now is not the time to reargue the Vietnam War - we did that in the 2004 election, and it wasn't pretty. I come from a new generation of Americans. I don't want to fight the battles of the 1960s. I want to reclaim the future for America, because we have too many threats to face and too many opportunities to seize. Just think about what we can accomplish together when we end this war.
When we end this war in Iraq, we can finally finish the fight in Afghanistan. That is why I propose stepping up our commitment there, with at least two additional combat brigades and a comprehensive program of aid and support to help Afghans help themselves.
When we end this war in Iraq, we can more effectively tackle the twin demons of extremism and hopelessness that threaten the peace of the world and the security of America. That is why I have proposed a program to spread hope - not hate - in the Islamic world, to build schools that teach  young people  to build and not destroy, to support the  rule of law  and  economic development , and to launch a program of outreach to the Islamic world that I will lead as President.
When we end this war in Iraq, we can once again lead the world against the common challenges of the 21st century. Against the  spread of nuclear weapons  and  climate change . Against genocide in Darfur. Against ignorance and intolerance. Corruption and greed. Poverty and despair. When we end this war, we can reclaim the cause of freedom and democracy. We can be that beacon of hope, that light to all the world.
When we end this war, we can recapture our unity of effort as Americans. The  American people  have the right instincts on Iraq. It's time to heed their judgment. It's time to move beyond Iraq so that we can move forward together. I will be a President who listens to the  American people , not a President who ignores them.
And when we end the war in Iraq, we can come together to give our full attention to advancing the cause of  health care  for every American, an  energy policy  that does not bankroll hostile nations while we melt the  polar ice  caps, and a world class education for our children. Above all, we can turn the page to a new kind of politics of unity, not division; of hope, not fear.
You know, I welcome all of the folks who have changed their position on the war over these last months and years. And we need more of those votes to change if we're going to change the direction of this war. That is why I will keep speaking directly to my colleagues in the Congress, both Republican and Democratic. Historically, we have come together in a bipartisan way to deal with our most monumental challenges. We should do so again. We have the power to do this - not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans. We don't have to wait until George Bush is gone from office - we can begin to end this war today, right now.
But if we have learned anything from Iraq, it is that the judgment that matters most is the judgment that is made first.
Martin Luther King once stood up at Riverside Church and said, "In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.' We are too late to stop a war that should never have been fought; too late to undo the pain of battle, the anguish of so many families, or the price of the fight; too late to redo the years of division and distraction at home and abroad.
But I'm here today because it's not too late to come together as Americans. Because we're not going to be able to deal with the challenges that confront us until we end this war. What we can do is say that we will not be prisoners of uncertainty. That we reject the conventional thinking that led us into Iraq and that didn't ask hard questions until it was too late. What we can say is that we are ready for something new and something bold and something principled.
It's time for us to breathe again. That begins with ending this war - but it does not end there. It's time reclaim our  foreign policy . It's time to reclaim our politics. And it's time to lead this country - and this world - again, to a new dawn of peace and unity.
As prepared for delivery
 
 
 
 Seventy-five  years ago this week, Governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt took his campaign for the presidency to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco.
It was a time when faith in the American economy was shaken - a time when too many of our leaders clung to the conventional thinking that said all we could do is sit idly by and wish that our problems would go away on their own.
But Franklin Roosevelt challenged that cynicism. Amid a crisis of confidence Roosevelt called for a "re-appraisal of values." He made clear that in this country, our right to live must also include the right to live comfortably; that government must favor no small group at the expense of all its citizens; and that in order for us to prosper as one nation, "...the responsible heads of finance and industry, instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end." This vision of America would require change that went beyond replacing a failed President. It would require a renewed trust in the market and a renewed spirit of obligation and cooperation between business and workers; between a people and their government. As FDR put it, "Faith in America, faith in our tradition of personal responsibility, faith in our institutions, and faith in ourselves demands that we all recognize the new terms of the old social contract."  Seventy-five  years later, this faith is calling us to act once more.
We certainly do not face a test of the magnitude that Roosevelt's generation did. But we are tested still. We meet at a time when much of Wall Street is holding its collective breath. Here at the NASDAQ and all across America, the tickers are being watched with heightened anxiety and considerable uncertainty. There is much anticipation about tomorrow's meeting of the Fed, and with each new day, there is hope that the headlines will bring better news than the last.
It is a hope shared by millions of Americans, men and women, who have experienced this kind of anxiety and uncertainty long before it arrived on Wall Street. They are the families I meet every day who are working longer hours for a paycheck that isn't getting any bigger and can't seem to cover the rising cost of  health care  and tuition and taxes. They are the Maytag workers I've met in Galesburg, Illinois and Newton, Iowa - workers who believed they would retire and never have to work again; workers who now compete with their teenagers for minimum wage jobs at Wal-Mart because their factory moved overseas.
These Americans and many others were already struggling before the problems on Wall Street arose. Now they are looking at their homes and wondering if their greatest  source of wealth  will still have the same value in another year, or even another month. And we're all wondering whether this will spill over to the wider economy.
So we know there is a need right now to restore confidence in our markets. We know there is a need to renew public trust in our markets. But I also think that this is another moment that requires, in FDR's words, a re-appraisal of our values as a nation.
I believe that America's  free market  has been the engine of America's great progress. It's created a prosperity that is the envy of the world. It's led to a  standard of living  unmatched in history. And it has provided great rewards to the innovators and  risk-takers  who have made America a beacon for science, and technology, and discovery.
But I also know that in this country, our grand experiment has only worked because we have guided the market's invisible hand with a higher principle.
It's the idea that we are all in this together. From CEOs to shareholders, from financiers to  factory workers , we all have a stake in each other's success because the more Americans prosper, the more America prospers. That's why we've had titans of industry who've made it their mission to pay well enough that their employees could afford the products they made. That's why employees at companies like Google don't mind the vast success of their CEOs - because they share in that success just the same. And that's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth creator - it's been the world's greatest job generator. It's been the tide that has lifted the boats of the largest middle-class in history.
We have not come this far because we practice  survival of the fittest . America is America because we believe in creating a framework in which all can succeed. Our  free market  was never meant to be a free license to take whatever you can get, however you can get it. And so from time to time, we have put in place certain  rules of the road  to make competition fair, and open, and honest. We have done this not to stifle prosperity or liberty, but to foster those things and ensure that they are shared and spread as widely as possible.
In recent years, we have seen a dangerous erosion of the rules and principles that have allowed our market to work and our economy to thrive. Instead of thinking about what's good for America or what's good for business, a mentality has crept into certain corners of Washington and the business world that says, "what's good for me is good enough." In our government, we see  campaign contributions  and lobbyists used to cut corners and win favors that stack the deck against businesses and consumers who play by the rules. Massive  tax cuts  are shoved outside the budget window and accounting shenanigans are used to hide the full cost of this war.
In the business world, it's a mentality that sees  conflicts of interest  as opportunities for profit. The quick kill is prized without regard to long-term consequences for the  financial system  and the economy. And while this may benefit the few who push the envelope as far as it will go, it's doesn't benefit America and it doesn't benefit the market. Just because it makes money doesn't mean it's good for business.
It's bad for business when boards allow their executives to set the price of their  stock options  to guarantee that they'll get rich regardless of how they perform. It's bad for the  bottom line  when CEOs receive massive severance packages after letting down shareholders, firing workers and dumping their pensions; or when they throw lavish  birthday parties  with company funds.
It's bad for competition when you have an Administration that's willing to approve merger after merger with barely any scrutiny. Such an approach stifles innovation, it robs consumers of choice, it means higher prices, and we have to guard against it.
And it's bad for the market when there are over $1 trillion worth of loopholes in the  corporate tax  code, or when some companies get to set up a mailbox in a  foreign country  to avoid paying any taxes at all. This means a greater share of taxes for Americans and  small businesses  that are trying to compete but can't afford to lobby their way to more loopholes.
It also means that investment goes to the companies that are best connected instead of the ones that are most productive. Economics 101 tells us special interest politics distorts the  free market . After all, why would an  oil company  invest in research for alternative fuels that could save our environment when they can get billions of dollars in subsidies to keep drilling for oil and gas? These anti-market, anti- business practices  are wasteful, unproductive, and antithetical to the very spirit of capitalism. They benefit the undeserving few at the expense of hardworking Americans and entrepreneurs who play by the rules.
In fact, the danger with this mentality isn't just that it offends our morals, it's that it endangers our markets. Markets can't thrive without the trust of investors and the public. At a most basic level,  capital markets  work by steering capital to the place where it is most productive. Without transparency, that cannot happen. If the information is flawed, if there is fraud, or if the risks facing  financial institutions  are not fully disclosed, people stop investing because they fear they're being had. When the public trust is abused badly enough, it can bring  financial markets  to their knees. We all suffer when we do not ensure that markets are transparent, open and honest.
We saw this during the dotcom boom of the 90s when  conflicts of interest  between  securities analysts , whose research was supposed to guide investors, and the banks they worked for led investors to doubt the markets in general.
We saw it during the Enron and WorldCom scandals when major  public companies  artificially pumped up their earnings, disguised their losses and otherwise engaged in accounting fraud to make their profits look better - a practice that ultimately led investors to question the  balance sheets  of all companies.
And we cannot help but see some reflections of these practices when we look at the subprime mortgage fiasco today.
Subprime lending started off as a good idea - helping Americans buy homes who couldn't previously afford to.  Financial institutions  created new  financial instruments  that could securitize these loans, slice them into finer and finer risk categories and spread them out among investors around the country and around the world.
In theory, this should have allowed mortgage lending to be less risky and more diversified. But as certain lenders and brokers began to see how much money could be made, they began to lower their standards. Some appraisers began inflating their estimates to get the deals done. Some borrowers started claiming income they didn't have just to qualify for the loans, and some were engaging in irresponsible speculation. But many borrowers were tricked into glossing over the  fine print . And ratings agencies began rating bundles of different kinds of these loans as low-risk even though they were very high-risk.
Most everyone knew that some of these deals were just too good to be true, but all that money flowing in made it tempting to look the other way and ignore the unscrupulous practice of some bad actors And yet, time and again we were warned this could happen. Ned Gramlich, the former Fed governor who sadly passed away two weeks ago, wrote an entire book predicting this very situation. Repeated calls for better disclosure and stronger oversight were met with millions in  mortgage industry  lobbying. Far too many continued to put their own short-term gain ahead of what they knew the long-term consequences would be when those rates exploded.
Those consequences are now clear: nearly 2.5 million homeowners could lose their homes. Millions more who had nothing to do with this could see the value of their own home decline - with some estimates projecting a cost of nearly $164 billion, primarily in lost  home equity . The projected cost to investors is nearly $150 billion worldwide. And the impact on the housing market and wider economy has been so great that some economists are now predicting a possible recession - a prediction all of us hope does not come to pass.
There are a number of lessons that we must learn from this going forward. We know that much of this could have been avoided if the market operated with more honesty and accountability. We also know we would have been far better off if there were greater transparency and more information had been available to the  American people .
To that extent, I believe there are a few steps we should take to prevent future crises of this kind and restore some measure of public trust in the market: First, we need more disclosure and accountability in the housing market. To ensure that potential homeowners aren't tricked into purchasing loans they can't afford, I've proposed updating the current mortgage rules to establish a federal definition of mortgage fraud and enact tough penalties against lenders who knowingly act in  bad faith . I've also proposed a Home Score system that would create a simplified, standardized metric for  home mortgages , sort of like the APR. This would empower Americans to make smart decisions by allowing prospective buyers to easily compare various mortgage products so they can find out whether they can afford the payments. And I believe we should finally enact the meaningful mortgage disclosure laws that the  mortgage industry  has been lobbying against for far too long.
Second, I believe that if we hope to restore trust in the markets, we must be able to trust the judgment of our rating agencies. The failure of government to exercise adequate oversight over the rating agencies will cost investors and public  pension funds  billions of dollars - losses we have not yet fully recognized. We cannot let the public trust be lost by a  conflict of interest  between the rating agencies and the people they're rating. As Arthur Levitt recently reminded us, this happened when rating agencies continued to give a rosy outlook for Enron despite its impending bankruptcy. And of course we saw it this year when subprime mortgage loans continued to receive strong ratings despite repeated warnings of the instability of the mortgages and the impending slowdown of the housing market.
Here's the real danger - if the public comes to view this like the accounting analyses of Enron, the markets will be ravished by a crisis in confidence. We must take steps to avoid that at all costs, and that is why I believe there should be an immediate investigation of the relationship and  business practices  of rating agencies and their clients.
The third thing we need to do is look at other areas in the market where a  lack of transparency  could lead to similar problems. Many of the people who hold these subprime mortgages are now shifting their debt to  credit cards , and if they do not understand the commitments they're taking on, or are subjected to predatory practices, this could fester into a second crisis down the road. That's why I'm proposing a five-star  credit card   rating system  to inform consumers about the level of risk involved in every  credit card  they sign up for, including how easily the company can change the  interest rate . If more Americans were armed with this kind of information before they purchased risky mortgage loans, the current crisis might not have happened. Now that so many are in debt, we shouldn't let the same lax standards create another.
Finally, while it's not my place to comment on the actions of the Fed, I have heard many of you say that you hope for a sizable  rate cut  tomorrow to soothe the  market turmoil .
But I also know that there are nearly 2.5 million Americans who may lose their homes no matter what happens tomorrow. And so for those institutions that are holding these mortgages, I ask them to show some flexibility to folks trying to sell or refinance their houses. They are in the same liquidity pinch as companies are, but they don't have the same resources available to protect themselves.
Now, in addition to these immediate steps, I also believe there is a larger lesson to be learned from the subprime crisis.
In this modern, interconnected economy, there is no  dividing line  between  Main Street  and Wall Street. The decisions that are made in New York's high-rises and  hedge funds  matter and have consequences for millions of Americans across the country. And whether those Americans keep their homes or their jobs; whether they can spend with confidence and avoid falling into debt - that matters and has consequences for the  entire market .
We all have a stake in each other's success. We all have a stake in ensuring that the market is efficient and transparent; that it inspires trust and confidence; that it rewards those who are truly successful instead of those who are just successful at gaming the system. Because if the last few months have taught us anything, it's that we can all suffer from the excesses of a few. Turning a blind eye to the cronyism in our midst can put us all in jeopardy. And we cannot accept that in the  United States  of America.
So I promise you this. I will be a President who believes in your success. I will value your contribution to this country and I will do what I can to encourage it, because I understand that how well you do is inextricably linked to how well America does. And I will always be a strong advocate for a market that is free and open.
But today I am asking you to join me in saying that in this country, we will not tolerate a market that is fixed. We will not tolerate a market that is rigged by lobbyists who don't represent the interests of real Americans or most businesses. And we will not tolerate "what's good for me is good enough" any longer - because the only thing that's good enough is what's best for America.
I am also asking you to join me in doing  something else  today. I am asking you to remind yourselves that in this country, we rise or fall as one people. And I am asking you to join me in ushering in a  new era  of mutual responsibility in America.
Right now there are millions of hardworking Americans who have been struggling to get by for quite some time. They have watched their wages stagnate and their health costs rise and their pensions disappear. Some have seen jobs shipped overseas and others have found new ones that pay much less. Some tell their children they won't be able to afford college this year, others send their youngest to a school that is crumbling around them.
I meet these Americans every single day - people who believe they have been left on the sidelines by a  global economy  that has forever changed the  rules of the game . They understand that revolutions in technology and communication have torn borders and opened up new markets and new opportunities. They know we can't go back to yesterday or wall off our economy from everyone else. Their problem is not that our world is flat. It's that our  playing field  isn't level. It's that opportunity is no longer equal. And that's something we cannot accept anymore.
For too long we have had a President who has clung to the belief that there is nothing America can do about this. He has looked away from these challenges and peddled a philosophy of "what's bad for you is not my problem." And if we are honest, I think we must admit that those who have benefited from the new global marketplace - and that includes almost everyone in this room - have not always concerned themselves with the losers in this new economy. There has been a tendency, during the  boom times , to consider the casualties of a changing economy to be inevitable, and to justify outsized paydays or lower  tax rates  on Wall Street earnings as part of the  natural order of things .
Indeed, rather than addressing this growing sense of uncertainty and constricting opportunity for millions of working-class and middle-class Americans, this Administration has accelerated these trends through its  tax policies  and spending priorities - to the point where there is greater income inequality now than at any time since the Gilded Age.
It may be true, as some have argued, that larger forces are at work here - that  technological advance  and globalization have triggered a fundamental change in the economy. It is true as well that we cannot simply look backwards for solutions - to try to fence off the world beyond our borders, or to hope that the  New Deal  programs born of a different era are, by themselves, somehow adequate to meet the challenges of the future.
No, we are going to have to adapt our institutions to a new world as we always have. And in doing so, we have to remind ourselves that we  rise and fall  as one nation; that a country in which only a few prosper is antithetical to our ideals and our democracy; that those of us who have benefited greatly from the blessings of this country have a solemn obligation to open the doors of opportunity, not just for our children, but to all of America's children; and that unless we take immediate steps to realign the interests of all Americans in growth and prosperity, we may generate a political climate that is inimical to both.
And so, in the coming weeks, I will be laying out a 21st century economic agenda for America. It's an agenda that will level the  playing field  for more Americans to ensure that America can compete and thrive in a  global economy .
It will focus on three broad areas.
Tomorrow, I'll lay out the first part of my agenda - a plan to modernize and simplify our  tax code  so that it provides greater opportunity and more relief to more Americans. For far too long, our  tax code  has been so riddled with special-interest loopholes and giveaways that it's shifted the  tax burden  to  small businesses  and middle-class Americans. At a time when most Americans are facing stagnant wages and rising costs, that's not fair and it doesn't benefit our economy. My plan will give a break to middle-class Americans, seniors, and the homeowners who are feeling today's anxiety and uncertainty, because I believe that we all have a stake in restoring their confidence and investing in their prosperity.
The second part of my agenda will be to ensure America's  competitive edge  in the 21st century. This starts with providing every American with a world-class education from cradle to adulthood. We know that in this economy, countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow. And we also know that China is already graduating four times as many engineers as we do and that our share of twenty-four-year-olds with college degrees now falls somewhere between Bulgaria and  Costa Rica .
We can't allow ourselves to fall behind. That means investing in early child education. It means recruiting an army of new,  qualified teachers  who we pay more and support more because we know how important their job is to the future of this country. And it means finally making a  college education  affordable and available to every American. Tony Blair once said that "Talent is the 21st century wealth," and I believe we all have a stake in nurturing that talent if we hope to prosper in this century.
Ensuring our  competitive edge  also means investing more in the science and technology that has fueled so much of our nation's  economic growth . And one place where that investment would make an enormous difference to the future of this country is in a  renewable energy  policy that ends our addiction on foreign oil. We know this addiction isn't sustainable for our security. We know it's not sustainable for the planet. And I've talked to countless CEOs and  business leaders  who know it's not sustainable for our economy to be held hostage to the spot oil market. I believe that we all have a stake in a renewable future that will create thousands of new jobs and entire new industries that can fuel our prosperity well into the next century.
Finally, the third part of my agenda will be to modernize and strengthen America's  safety net  for working Americans. Like all of you, I believe in  free trade . But we have to acknowledge that for millions of Americans, its burdens outweigh its benefits. And so if we want to avoid rising protectionism in this country; if we expect working Americans to accept and even embrace  free trade , then I believe we all have a stake in embracing policies that will provide them with a  sense of security . That means  health insurance  and a pension that they can always count on. That means skills and training that can actually help people find a job. And that means wages that actually make work pay.
I ask for your support for this economic agenda, both in this campaign and if I should get the chance to enact these policies as your President. I will not pretend it will come without cost, but I do believe we can do achieve this in a fiscally responsible way - certainly more so than the current Administration that's given us deficits as far as the eye can see.
I know some may say it's anathema to come to Wall Street and call for shared sacrifice so that all Americans can benefit from this new economy of ours. But I believe that all of you are as open and willing to listen as anyone else in America. I believe you care about this country and the future we are leaving to the next generation. I believe your work to be a part of building a stronger, more vibrant, and more just America. I think the problem is that no one has asked you to play a part in the project of American renewal.
I also realize that there are some who will say that achieving all of this is far too difficult. That it is too hard to build consensus. That we are too divided and self-interested to think about the responsibilities we have to each other and to our country. That the times are simply too tough.
But then I am reminded that we have been in tougher times and we have faced far more difficult challenges. And each time we have emerged stronger, more united, and more prosperous than the last. It is faith in the American ideal that carries us through, as well as the belief that was voiced by Franklin Roosevelt all those years ago this week: "Failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we must all shoulder our common load." That is the strength and the hope we seek both today - and in all the days and months to come.
 
 
 
It's a privilege to be a part of today's convocation and an honor to receive this degree from Howard. There are few other universities that have played so central a role in breaking down yesterday's barriers and inching this country closer to the ideals we see inscribed on the monuments throughout this city.
It was Howard that sent the first African-American to the  United States Senate . It was Howard that graduated the first African-American to become governor and the first to become mayor of the largest city in the country. It was here, within the halls of this campus, where Thurgood Marshall huddled with the brilliant minds of his day to craft the arguments in Brown v. Board that ignited a movement that changed the world. And it is because of these victories that a  black man  named Barack Obama can stand before you today as a candidate for President of the  United States  of America.
But I am not just running to make history. I'm running because I believe that together, we can change history's course. It's not enough just to look back in wonder of how far we've come - I want us to look ahead with a fierce urgency at how far we have left to go. I believe it's time for this generation to make its own mark - to write our own chapter in the American story. After all, those who came before us did not strike a blow against injustice only so that we would allow injustice to fester in our time.
Thurgood Marshall did not argue Brown so that we would accept a country where too many African-American men end up in prison because we'd rather spend more to jail a 25-year-old than to educate a five-year-old.
Dr. King did not take us to the mountaintop so that we would allow a terrible storm to ravage those who were stranded in the valley; he would not have expected that it would take a breach in our levees to reveal a breach in our compassion; that it would take a hurricane to reveal the hungry God asks us to feed; the sick He asks us to care for; the least of these He commands us to treat as our own.
The teenagers and  college students  who left their homes to march in the streets of Birmingham and Montgomery; the mothers who walked instead of taking the bus after a long day of doing somebody else's laundry and cleaning somebody else's kitchen - they didn't brave  fire hoses  and  Billy clubs  so that their grandchildren and their great-grandchildren would still wonder at the beginning of the 21st century whether their vote would be counted; whether their  civil rights  would be protected by their government; whether justice would be equal and opportunity would be theirs.
And I am certain that nine children did not walk through the doors of a school in Little Rock so that our children would have to see nooses hanging at a school in Louisiana. We have more work to do.
It's a fitting reminder that the fiftieth anniversary of Little Rock fell on this week. Because when the doors to that school finally opened, a nation responded. The President sent the  United States  Army to stand on the side of justice. The Congress passed the  Civil Rights Act  of 1957. The Department of Justice created a  Civil Rights  Division. And millions of Americans took to the streets in the following months and years so that more children could walk through more doors.
These were not easy choices to make at the time. President Eisenhower was warned by some that sending the Army down to Little Rock would be political suicide. The resistance to  civil rights  reform was fierce. And we know that those who marched for freedom did so at great risk to themselves and their families.
But they did it because they understood that sometimes there are moments when what's truly risky is not to act. What's truly risky is to let the same injustice remain year after year. What's truly risky is to walk away and pretend it never happened. What's truly risky is to accept things as they are instead of working for what could be.
In a media-driven culture that's more obsessed with who's beating who in Washington and how long Paris Hilton is going to jail, these moments are harder to spot today. But every so often, they do appear. Sometimes it takes a hurricane. And sometimes it takes a travesty of justice like the one we've seen in Jena, Louisiana.
There are some who will make Jena about the fight itself. And it's true that we have to do more as parents to instill in our children that violence is always wrong. It's wrong when it happens on the streets of Chicago and it's wrong when it happens at a schoolyard in Louisiana. Violence is not the answer.  Non-violence  was the soul of the  Civil Rights  Movement, and we have to do a better job of teaching our children that virtue.
But we also know that to truly understand Jena, you have to look at what happened both before and after that fight. You have to listen to the hateful slurs that flew through the halls of a school. You have to know the full measure of the damage done by that arson. You have to look at those nooses hanging on that schoolyard tree. And you have to understand how badly our system of justice failed those six boys in the days after that fight - the outrageous charges; the unreasonable and excessive sentences; the  public defender  who did not call a single witness.
Like Katrina did with poverty, Jena exposed glaring inequities in our  justice system  that were around long before that schoolyard fight broke out. It reminds us of the fact that we have a system that locks away too many young, first-time, non-violent offenders for the better part of their lives - a decision that's made not by a judge in a courtroom, but by politicians in Washington. It reminds us that we have certain sentences that are based less on the kind of crime you commit than on what you look like and where you come from. It reminds us that we have a  Justice Department  whose idea of prosecuting  civil rights  violations is trying to rollback  affirmative action  programs at our college and universities; a  Justice Department  whose idea of prosecuting voting  rights violations  is to look for voting fraud in black and Latino communities where it doesn't exist.
We know these inequities are there. We know they're wrong. And yet they go largely unnoticed until people find the courage to stand up and say they're wrong. Until someone finally says, "It's wrong that Scooter Libby gets no jail time for compromising our  national security , but a 21-year-old honor student is still sitting in a Georgia prison for something that wasn't even a felony. That's wrong." It's not always easy to stand up and say this. I commend those of you here at Howard who have spoken out on Jena 6 or traveled to the rally in Louisiana. I commend those of you who've spoken out on the Genarlow Wilson case. I know it can be lonely protesting this kind of injustice. I know there's not a lot of glamour in it.
When I was a state Senator in Illinois, we had a  death penalty  system that had sent thirteen innocent people to  death row . Thirteen innocent men - that we know of. I wanted to reform the system. And I was told by almost everyone that it wasn't possible. That I wouldn't be able to get  police officers  and  civil rights  advocates; Democrats and Republicans to all agree that we should videotape confessions to make sure they weren't coerced. Folks told me that there was too much political risk involved.
But I believed that it was too risky not to act. And after awhile people with opposing views came together and started listening. And we ended up reforming that  death penalty  system. And we did the same thing when I passed a law to expose racial profiling. So don't ever let anyone tell you that change isn't possible. Don't let them tell you that speaking out and standing up against injustice is too risky. What's too risky is keeping quiet. What's too risky is looking the other way.
I don't want to be standing here and talking about another Jena four years from now because we didn't have the courage to act today. I don't want this to be another issue that ends up being ignored once the cameras are turned off and the headlines disappear. It's time to seek a new dawn of justice in America.
From the day I take office as President, America will have a  Justice Department  that is truly dedicated to the work it began in the days after Little Rock. I will rid the department of ideologues and political cronies, and for the first time in eight years, the  Civil Rights  Division will actually be staffed with  civil rights  lawyers who prosecute  civil rights  violations, and employment discrimination, and  hate crimes . And we'll have a Voting Rights Section that actually defends the right of every American to vote without deception or intimidation. When flyers are placed in our neighborhoods telling people to vote on the wrong day, that won't only be an injustice, it will be a crime.
As President, I will also work every day to ensure that this country has a  criminal justice system  that inspires trust and confidence in every American, regardless of age, or race, or background. There's no reason that every single person accused of a crime shouldn't have a qualified public attorney to defend them. We'll recruit more  public defenders  to the profession by forgiving college and  law school  loans - and I will ask some of the brilliant minds here at Howard to take advantage of that offer. There's also no reason we can't pass a racial profiling law like I did in Illinois, or encourage state to reform the  death penalty  so that innocent people do not end up on  death row .
When I'm President, we will no longer accept the false choice between being tough on crime and vigilant in our pursuit of justice. Dr. King said it's not  either-or , it's both-and. We can have a crime policy that's both tough and smart. If you're convicted of a crime involving drugs, of course you should be punished. But let's not make the punishment for  crack cocaine  that much more severe than the punishment for powder cocaine when the real difference between the two is the skin color of the people using them. Judges think that's wrong. Republicans think that's wrong. Democrats think that's wrong, and yet it's been approved by Republican and Democratic Presidents because no one has been willing to brave the politics and make it right. That will end when I am President.
I think it's time we also took a hard look at the wisdom of locking up some first-time, non-violent  drug users  for decades. Someone once said that "...long minimum sentences for first-time users may not be the best way to occupy jail space and/or heal people from their disease." That someone was George W. Bush - six years ago. I don't say this very often, but I agree with the President. The difference is, he hasn't done anything about it. When I'm President, I will. We will review these sentences to see where we can be smarter on crime and reduce the blind and counterproductive warehousing of non-violent offenders. And we will give first-time, non-violent  drug offenders  a chance to serve their sentence, where appropriate, in the type of  drug rehabilitation  programs that have proven to work better than a  prison term  in changing  bad behavior . So let's reform this system. Let's do what's smart. Let's do what's just.
Now, there is no doubt that taking these steps will restore a measure of justice and equality to America. They will also restore a  sense of confidence  to the  American people  that the system doesn't just work - it works for everyone.
But there is a broader point I want to make today.
If I have the opportunity to lead this nation, I will always be a President who hears your voice and understands your concerns; a President whose story is like so many of your own - whose life's work has been the unfinished work of our  long march  towards justice. And I will stand up for you, and fight for you, and wake up every day thinking about how to make your lives better.
But the truth is, one man cannot make a movement. No single law can erase the prejudice in the heart of a child who hangs a noose on a tree; or the callousness of a prosecutor who bypasses justice in the pursuit of vengeance. No one leader, no matter how shrewd or experienced, can prevent teenagers from killing other teenagers on the streets of our cities; or free our neighborhoods from the grip of hopelessness; or make real the promise of opportunity and equality for every citizen.
Only a country can do these things. Only this country can do these things. And that is why if you give me the chance to serve this nation, the most important thing I will do as your President is ask you to serve it too. The most important thing I'll do is call on you every day to take a risk and do your part to carry this movement forward. Against great odds and amidst deep cynicism, I will ask you to believe again that we can right the wrongs we see in America.
I would not have driven out to Chicago after college to organize jobless neighborhoods if I didn't believe this was possible. I wouldn't have organized a  voter registration  drive, or become a  civil rights  lawyer, or a  constitutional law  professor, or a state Senator, or a U.S. Senator if I didn't believe this was possible. I would not be standing here today if I didn't believe this was possible.
And I know that you believe it's possible too. One of the most inspiring things about the response to Jena was that it did not begin with the actions of any one leader. The call went out to thousands across the internet and black radio and on  college campuses  like this one. And like the young Americans of another era, you left your homes, and got on buses, and traveled South. It's what happened two years earlier when students here at Howard and Americans from every  walk of life  took it upon themselves to try and rescue a city that was drowning. It's how real change and true justice have always come about.
It takes a movement to lift a nation. It will take a movement to go into our cities and say that it's not enough to just fix our  criminal justice system ; what we really need is to make sure that our kids don't end up there in the first place. We need to set up  child care  and after school programs and  job training  and drug counseling to give our children a place to turn to. And we need parents to start acting like parents and spend more time with their children and read to them once in awhile.
It will take a movement to finish what began in Topeka, Kansas and Little Rock, Arkansas. It will take a movement of Americans from every city and town, of every race and background to stand up and say that no matter what you look like or where you come from, every child in America should have the opportunity to receive the best education this country has to offer. Every child. It will take a movement to demand that we rebuild our crumbling schools; that we invest in  early childhood  education; that we recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them better, and support them more. It will take a movement to ensure that every young person gets the chance that Howard gave all of you; to say that at the beginning of the 21st century, a  college education  is no longer a luxury for those who can afford it; it is the birthright of every American.
So when you go back to your classrooms and your dorm rooms and you begin another year at Howard University, I ask you to remember how far we've come, but I urge you to think hard about where we need to go. I urge you to think about the risks you will take and the role you will play in building the movement that will get us there. And I ask you remember the story of Moses and Joshua.
Most of you know that Moses was called by God to lead his people to the  Promised Land . And in the face of a Pharaoh and his armies, across an unforgiving desert and along the walls of an angry sea, he succeeded in leading his people out of bondage in Egypt. He led them through great dangers, and they got far enough so that Moses could point the way towards freedom on the far banks of the river Jordan.
And yet, it was not in God's plan to have Moses cross the river. Instead He would call on Joshua to finish the work that Moses began. He would ask Joshua to take his people that final distance.
Everyone in this room stands on the shoulders of many Moses. They are the courageous men and women who marched and fought and bled for the rights and freedoms we enjoy today. They have taken us many miles over an impossible journey.
But you are members of the Joshua Generation. And it is now up to you to finish the work that they began. It is up to you to cross the river.
When Joshua discovered the challenge he faced, he had his doubts and his worries. But the Lord told Joshua not to fear. He said, "Be strong and have courage, for I am with you wherever you go." Those are the words I will leave you with today. Be strong and have courage. Be strong and have courage in the face of injustice. Be strong and have courage in the face of prejudice and hatred. Be strong and have courage in the face of joblessness and helplessness and hopelessness. Be strong and have courage, in the face of our doubts and fears, in the face of skepticism, in the face of cynicism, in the face of a mighty river. Be strong and have courage and let us cross over to that  Promised Land  together. Congratulations on another year, and thank you so much.
 
 
 
Thank you, Ted. Ted Sorensen has been counselor to a President in some of our toughest moments, and he has helped define our national purpose at pivotal  turning points . Let me also welcome all of the elected officials from Illinois who are with us. Let me give a special welcome to all of the organizers and speakers who joined me to rally against going to war in Iraq five years ago. And I want to thank DePaul University and DePaul's students for hosting this event.
We come together at a time of renewal for DePaul. A new  academic year  has begun. Professors are learning the names of new students, and students are reminded that you actually do have to attend class. That cold is beginning to creep into the Chicago air. The season is changing.
DePaul is now filled with students who have not spent a single day on campus without the reality of a war in Iraq. Four classes have matriculated and four classes have graduated since this war began. And we are reminded that America's sons and daughters in uniform, and their families, bear the heavy burden. The wife of one soldier from Illinois wrote to me and said that her husband "feels like he's stationed in Iraq and deploys home." That's a tragic statement. And it could be echoed by families across our country who have seen  loved ones  deployed to tour after  tour of duty .
You are students. And the great responsibility of students is to question the world around you, to question things that don't add up. With Iraq, we must ask the question: how did we go so wrong? There are those who offer up easy answers. They will assert that Iraq is George Bush's war, it's all his fault. Or that Iraq was botched by the arrogance and incompetence of Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney. Or that we would have gotten Iraq right if we went in with more troops, or if we had a different proconsul instead of Paul Bremer, or if only there were a stronger Iraqi  Prime Minister .
These are the easy answers. And like most easy answers, they are partially true. But they don't tell the  whole truth , because they overlook a harder and more fundamental truth. The hard truth is that the war in Iraq is not about a catalog of many mistakes - it is about one big mistake. The war in Iraq should never have been fought.
Five years ago today, I was asked to speak at a rally against going to war in Iraq. The vote to authorize the war in Congress was less than ten days away and I was a candidate for the  United States Senate . Some friends of mine advised me to keep quiet. Going to war in Iraq, they pointed out, was popular. All the other major candidates were supporting the war at the time. If the war goes well, they said, you'll have thrown your  political career  away.
But I didn't see how Saddam Hussein posed an imminent threat. I was convinced that a war would distract us from Afghanistan and the real threat from al Qaeda. I worried that Iraq's history of sectarian rivalry could leave us bogged down in a bloody conflict. And I believed the war would fan the flames of extremism and lead to new terrorism. So I went to the rally. And I argued against a "rash war" - a "war based not on reason, but on politics" - "an occupation of undetermined length, with undetermined costs, and undetermined consequences." I was not alone. Though not a majority, millions of Americans opposed giving the President the authority to wage war in Iraq. Twenty-three Senators, including the leader of the Senate Intelligence Committee, shared my concerns and resisted the march to war. For us, the war defied  common sense . After all, the people who hit us on 9/11 were in Afghanistan, not Iraq.
But the conventional thinking in Washington has a way of buying into stories that make political sense even if they don't make practical sense. We were told that the only way to prevent Iraq from getting  nuclear weapons  was with military force. Some leading Democrats echoed the Administration's erroneous line that there was a connection between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda. We were counseled by some of the most experienced voices in Washington that the only way for Democrats to look tough was to talk, act and vote like a Republican.
As Ted Sorensen's old boss President Kennedy once said - "the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war - and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears." In the fall of 2002, those deaf ears were in Washington. They belonged to a President who didn't tell the  whole truth  to the  American people ; who disdained diplomacy and bullied allies; and who squandered our unity and the support of the world after 9/11.
But it doesn't end there. Because the  American people  weren't just failed by a President - they were failed by much of Washington. By a media that too often reported spin instead of facts. By a  foreign policy  elite that largely boarded the bandwagon for war. And most of all by the majority of a Congress - a coequal branch of government - that voted to give the President the open-ended authority to wage war that he uses to this day. Let's be clear: without that vote, there would be no war.
Some seek to rewrite history. They argue that they weren't really voting for war, they were voting for inspectors, or for diplomacy. But the Congress, the Administration, the media, and the  American people  all understood what we were debating in the fall of 2002. This was a vote about whether or not to go to war. That's the truth as we all understood it then, and as we need to understand it now. And we need to ask those who voted for the war: how can you give the President a  blank check  and then act surprised when he cashes it? With all that we know about what's gone wrong in Iraq, even today's debate is divorced from reality. We've got a surge that is somehow declared a success even though it has failed to enable the political reconciliation that was its stated purpose. The fact that violence today is only as horrific as in 2006 is held up as progress. Washington politicians and pundits trip over each other to debate a  newspaper advertisement  while our troops fight and die in Iraq.
And the conventional thinking today is just as entrenched as it was in 2002. This is the conventional thinking that measures experience only by the years you've been in Washington, not by your time spent serving in the wider world. This is the conventional thinking that has turned against the war, but not against the habits that got us into the war in the first place - the outdated assumptions and the refusal to talk openly to the  American people .
Well I'm not running for President to conform to Washington's conventional thinking - I'm running to challenge it. I'm not running to join the kind of Washington groupthink that led us to war in Iraq - I'm running to change our politics and our policy so we can leave the world a better place than our generation has found it.
So there is a choice that has emerged in this campaign, one that the  American people  need to understand. They should ask themselves: who got the single most important  foreign policy  decision since the  end of the Cold War  right, and who got it wrong. This is not just a matter of debating the past. It's about who has the best judgment to make the critical decisions of the future. Because you might think that Washington would learn from Iraq. But we've seen in this campaign just how bent out of shape Washington gets when you challenge its assumptions.
When I said that as President I would lead direct diplomacy with our adversaries, I was called naïve and irresponsible. But how are we going to turn the page on the failed Bush-Cheney policy of not talking to our adversaries if we don't have a President who will lead that diplomacy? When I said that we should take out high-level terrorists like Osama bin Laden if we have actionable intelligence about their whereabouts, I was lectured by legions of Iraq War supporters. They said we can't take out bin Laden if the country he's hiding in won't. A few weeks later, the  co-chairmen  of the 9/11 Commission - Tom Kean and Lee Hamilton - agreed with my position. But few in Washington seemed to notice.
Some people made a different argument on this issue. They said we can take out bin Laden, we just can't say that we will. I reject this. I am a candidate for President of the  United States , and I believe that the  American people  have a right to know where I stand.
And when I said that we can rule out the use of  nuclear weapons  to take out a terrorist  training camp , it was immediately branded a "gaffe" because I did not recite the conventional Washington-speak. But is there any military planner in the world who believes that we need to drop a  nuclear bomb  on a terrorist  training camp ? We need to question the world around us. When we have a debate about experience, we can't just debate who has the most experience scoring political points. When we have a debate about experience, we can't just talk about who fought yesterday's battles - we have to focus on who can face the challenges and seize the opportunities of tomorrow. Because no matter what we think about George Bush, he's going to be gone in January 2009. He's not on the ballot. This election is about ending the Iraq War, but even more it's about moving beyond it. And we're not going be safe in a world of unconventional threats with the same old conventional thinking that got us into Iraq. We're not going to unify a divided America to confront these threats with the same old conventional politics of just trying to beat the other side.
In 2009, we will have a  window of opportunity  to renew our global leadership and bring our nation together. If we don't seize that moment, we may not get another. This election is a  turning point . The  American people  get to decide: are we going to turn back the clock, or turn the page? I want to be straight with you. If you want conventional Washington thinking, I'm not your man. If you want rigid ideology, I'm not your man. If you think that fundamental change can wait, I'm definitely not your man. But if you want to bring this country together, if you want experience that's broader than just learning the ways of Washington, if you think that the global challenges we face are too urgent to wait, and if you think that America must offer the world a new and hopeful face, then I offer a different choice in this race and a different vision for our future.
The first thing we have to do is end this war. And the right person to end it is someone who had the judgment to oppose it from the beginning. There is no military solution in Iraq, and there never was. I will begin to remove our troops from Iraq immediately. I will remove one or two brigades a month, and get all of our  combat troops  out of Iraq within 16 months. The only troops I will keep in Iraq will perform the limited missions of protecting our diplomats and carrying out targeted strikes on al Qaeda. And I will launch the diplomatic and humanitarian initiatives that are so badly needed. Let there be no doubt: I will end this war.
But it's also time to learn the lessons of Iraq. We're not going to defeat the threats of the 21st century on a conventional battlefield. We cannot win a fight for hearts and minds when we outsource critical missions to unaccountable contractors. We're not going to win a battle of ideas with bullets alone.
Make no mistake: we must always be prepared to use force to protect America. But the best way to keep America safe is not to threaten terrorists with  nuclear weapons  - it's to keep  nuclear weapons  and  nuclear materials  away from terrorists. That's why I've worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law accelerating our pursuit of loose  nuclear materials . And that's why I'll lead a global effort to secure all loose  nuclear materials  during my first term in office.
But we need to do much more. We need to change our nuclear policy and our posture, which is still focused on deterring the  Soviet Union  - a country that doesn't exist. Meanwhile, India and Pakistan and North Korea have joined the club of nuclear-armed nations, and Iran is knocking on the door. More  nuclear weapons  and more nuclear-armed nations mean more danger to us all.
Here's what I'll say as President: America seeks a world in which there are no  nuclear weapons .
We will not pursue unilateral disarmament. As long as  nuclear weapons  exist, we'll retain a strong  nuclear deterrent . But we'll keep our commitment under the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty on the long road towards eliminating  nuclear weapons . We'll work with Russia to take U.S. and Russian  ballistic missiles  off hair-trigger alert, and to dramatically reduce the stockpiles of our  nuclear weapons  and material. We'll start by seeking a  global ban  on the production of  fissile material  for weapons. And we'll set a goal to expand the U.S.-Russian ban on intermediate-range missiles so that the agreement is global.
As we do this, we'll be in a better position to lead the world in enforcing the  rules of the road  if we firmly abide by those rules. It's time to stop giving countries like Iran and North Korea an excuse. It's time for America to lead. When I'm President, we'll strengthen the Nuclear  Non-Proliferation  Treaty so that nations that don't comply will automatically face strong  international sanctions .
This will require a  new era  of American diplomacy. To signal the dawn of that era, we need a President who is willing to talk to all nations, friend and foe. I'm not afraid that America will lose a propaganda battle with a petty tyrant - we need to go before the world and win those battles. If we take the attitude that the President just parachutes in for a photo-op after an agreement has already been reached, then we're only going to reach agreements with our friends. That's not the way to protect the  American people . That's not the way to advance our interests.
Just look at our history. Kennedy had a direct line to Khrushchev. Nixon met with Mao. Carter did the  hard work  of negotiating the Camp David Accords. Reagan was negotiating  arms agreements  with Gorbachev even as he called on him to "tear down this wall." It's time to make diplomacy a  top priority . Instead of shuttering consulates, we need to open them in the tough and hopeless corners of the world. Instead of having more Americans serving in  military bands  than the  diplomatic corps , we need to grow our  foreign service . Instead of retreating from the world, I will personally lead a  new chapter  of American engagement.
It is time to offer the world a message of hope to counter the prophets of hate. My experience has brought me to the hopeless places. As a boy, I lived in Indonesia and played barefoot with children who could not dream the same dreams that I did. As an adult, I've returned to be with my family in their small village in Kenya, where the promise of America is still an inspiration. As a community organizer, I worked in South Side neighborhoods that had been left behind by global change. As a Senator, I've been to  refugee camps  in Chad where proud and dignified people can't hope for anything beyond the next handout.
In the 21st century, progress must mean more than a vote at the  ballot box  - it must mean freedom from fear and freedom from want. We cannot stand for the freedom of anarchy. Nor can we support the globalization of the  empty stomach . We need new approaches to help people to help themselves. The  United Nations  has embraced the Millennium Development Goals, which aim to cut extreme poverty in half by 2015. When I'm President, they will be America's goals. The Bush Administration tried to keep the UN from proclaiming these goals; the Obama Administration will double  foreign assistance  to $50 billion to lead the world to achieve them.
In the 21st century, we cannot stand up before the world and say that there's one  set of rules  for America and another for everyone else. To lead the world, we must lead by example. We must be willing to acknowledge our failings, not just trumpet our victories. And when I'm President, we'll reject torture - without exception or equivocation; we'll close Guantanamo; we'll be the country that credibly tells the dissidents in the  prison camps  around the world that America is your voice, America is your dream, America is your light of justice.
We cannot - we must not - let the promotion of our values be a casualty of the Iraq War. But we cannot secure America and show our best face to the world unless we change how we do business in Washington.
We all know what Iraq has cost us abroad. But these last few years we've seen an unacceptable  abuse of power  at home. We face real threats. Any President needs the latitude to confront them swiftly and surely. But we've paid a heavy price for having a President whose priority is expanding his own power. The Constitution is treated like a nuisance. Matters of war and peace are used as political tools to bludgeon the other side. We get subjected to endless spin to keep our troops at war, but we don't get to see the flag-draped coffins of our heroes coming home. We get secret  task forces , secret budgeting, slanted intelligence, and the shameful smearing of people who speak out against the President's policies.
All of this has left us where we are today: more divided, more distrusted, more in debt, and mired in an endless war. A war to disarm a dictator has become an open-ended occupation of a  foreign country . This is not America. This is not who we are. It's time for us to stand up and tell George Bush that the government in this country is not based on the whims of one person, the government is of the people, by the people and for the people.
We thought we learned this lesson. After Vietnam, Congress swore it would never again be duped into war, and even wrote a  new law  -- the  War Powers  Act -- to ensure it would not repeat its mistakes. But no law can force a Congress to stand up to the President. No law can make Senators read the intelligence that showed the President was overstating the case for war. No law can give Congress a backbone if it refuses to stand up as the co-equal branch the Constitution made it.
That is why it is not enough to change parties. It is time to change our politics. We don't need another President who puts politics and loyalty over candor. We don't need another President who thinks big but doesn't feel the need to tell the  American people  what they think. We don't need another President who shuts the door on the  American people  when they make policy. The  American people  are not the problem in this country - they are the answer. And it's time we had a President who acted like that.
I will always tell the  American people  the truth. I will always tell you where I stand. It's what I'm doing in this campaign. It's what I'll do as President. I'll lead a  new era  of openness. I'll give an annual "State of the World" address to the  American people  in which I lay out our  national security  policy. I'll draw on the legacy of one our greatest Presidents - Franklin Roosevelt - and give regular "fireside webcasts," and I'll have members of my  national security  team do the same.
I'll turn the page on a growing empire of classified information, and restore the balance we've lost between the necessarily secret and the necessity of openness in a  democratic society  by creating a new National Declassification Center. We'll protect sources and methods, but we won't use sources and methods as pretexts to hide the truth. Our history doesn't belong to Washington, it belongs to America.
I'll use the intelligence that I do receive to make good policy - I won't manipulate it to sell a bad policy. We don't need any more officials who tell the President what they want to hear. I will make the Director of National Intelligence an official with a fixed term, like the Chairman of the Federal Reserve - not someone who can be fired by the President. We need consistency and integrity at the top of our  intelligence agencies . We don't need politics. My test won't be loyalty - it will be the truth.
And I'll turn the page on the imperial presidency that treats  national security  as a partisan issue - not an American issue. I will call for a standing, bipartisan Consultative Group of congressional leaders on  national security . I will meet with this Consultative Group every month, and consult with them before taking major  military action . The buck will stop with me. But these discussions have to  take place  on a bipartisan basis, and support for these decisions will be stronger if they draw on bipartisan counsel. We're not going to secure this country unless we turn the page on the conventional thinking that says politics is just about beating the other side.
It's time to unite America, because we are at an urgent and pivotal moment.
There are those who suggest that there are easy answers to the challenges we face. We can look, they say, to Washington experience - the same experience that got us into this war. Or we can turn the page to something new, to unite this country and to seize this moment.
I am not a perfect man and I won't be a perfect President. But my own American story tells me that this country moves forward when we cast off our doubts and seek  new beginnings .
It's what brought my father across an ocean in search of a dream. It's what I saw in the eyes of men and women and children in Indonesia who heard the word " America" and thought of the possibility beyond the horizon. It's what I saw in the streets of the South Side, when people who had every reason to give in decided to pick themselves up. It's what I've seen in the  United States Senate  when Republicans and Democrats of good will do come together to take on tough issues. And it's what I've seen in this campaign, when over half a million Americans have come together to seek the change this country needs.
Now I know that some will shake their heads. It's easy to be cynical. When it comes to our  foreign policy , you get it from all sides. Some folks on the right will tell you that you don't love your country if you don't support the war in Iraq. Some folks on the left will tell you that America can do no right in the world. Some shrug their shoulders because Washington says, "trust us, we'll take care of it." And we know happened the last time they said that.
Yes, it's easy to be cynical. But right now, somewhere in Iraq, there's someone about your age. He's maybe on his second or third tour. It's hot. He would rather be at home. But he's in his uniform, got his combat gear on. He's getting in a Humvee. He's going out on patrol. He's lost a buddy in this war, maybe more. He risked his life yesterday, he's risking his life today, and he's going to risk it tomorrow.
So why do we reject the cynicism? We reject it because of men and women like him. We reject it because the legacy of their sacrifice must be a better America. We reject it because they embody the spirit of those who fought to free the slaves and free a continent from a madman; who rebuilt Europe and sent  Peace Corps  volunteers around the globe; because they are fighting for a better America and a better world.
And I reject it because I wouldn't be on this stage if, throughout our history, America had not made the right choice over the easy choice, the ambitious choice over the cautious choice. I wouldn't be here if I didn't think we were ready to move past the fights of the 1960s and the 1990s. I wouldn't be here if, time and again, the torch had not been passed to a new generation - to unite this country at home, to show a new face of this country to the world. I'm running for the presidency of the  United States  of America so that together we can do the  hard work  to seek a new dawn of peace and prosperity for our children, and for the children of the world.
 
 
 
Two weeks ago, representatives from some of the world's largest emitters of  greenhouse gases  were invited to Washington by the President for a global conference on  climate change .
For a brief moment, there was a hope that maybe this conference would be different - that maybe America would finally commit to the steps that nearly every scientist and expert believes we must take; that maybe the planet's only superpower would finally lead the world - or at the very least, follow it - in taking on the planet's greatest threat.
Instead, the world traveled thousands of miles to Washington only to find that Washington is still miles away from the world in its willingness to address one of the most urgent challenges of our generation. Some of the attendees said they were amazed at how isolated the  White House  view had become. Others dismissed the President's credibility entirely. And another headline noted that when it comes to the global debate on  climate change , our country is struggling just to stay relevant.
Struggling just to stay relevant.
That is not the America we know. It is not the America we believe in. We are a nation that has led the world ever since the moment a lowly band of colonists proved that freedom could triumph over tyranny. We are the country that summoned the courage of its people to build an arsenal of democracy that freed a continent and brought peace to a world at war. We are a land of  moon shots  and miracles of science and technology that have touched the lives of millions across the planet. And when that planet is challenged or when it is threatened, the eyes of the world have always turned to this nation as the "last, best hope of Earth." That is the America I want to lead as President. I believe that when it comes to the issue that will determine the very future of life on this Earth, we are still Earth's best hope. And when the world arrives at the doorstep of the  White House  to hear what America has to say about  climate change , I will let them know that America is up to the challenge. That America is ready to lead again.
We have not fallen behind on energy due to a lack of ingenuity or initiative from the  American people . I have seen too much innovation and possibility in this country to believe that. Right here in  New Hampshire , I've filled up at a biodiesel pump at UNH, where this year students and faculty will remove over 200 tons of  carbon dioxide  from the atmosphere.  New Hampshire  is already reducing its  greenhouse gas  pollution as part of the Regional  Greenhouse Gas  Initiative, and thanks to the leadership of Senator Martha Fuller Clark and Governor Lynch, you'll get 25% of your energy from renewable sources by 2025. Keene is one of America's greenest cities, and I understand that 164 towns have now passed a resolution demanding that Washington take action on  climate change  But Washington hasn't acted; and that is the real reason why America hasn't led.
Washington's failure to lead on energy is the failure of a President who spent most of his time in office denying the very existence of  global warming  - a President who put more faith in the spin of a  science fiction  writer than the science facts of real experts. It's the failure of an Administration that developed America's  energy policy  with a secret  task force  that opened the door to oil lobbyists and then shut it to every other viewpoint. It's a failure of leadership that has never called on the  American people  to do anything more than go shopping.
And it's also a failure of our politics that pre-dates the presidency of George W. Bush. We have heard promises about energy independence from every single U.S. President since Richard Nixon - Republicans and Democrats. We've heard proposals to curb our use of  fossil fuels  in nearly every State of the Union address since the  oil embargo  of 1973. Back then we imported about a third of our oil. Now we import over half. Back then  global warming  was just the theory of a few scientists. Now it is a fact that threatens our very existence.
The truth is, our energy problem has become an  energy crisis  because no matter how well-intentioned the promise - no matter how bold the proposal - they all fall victim to the same  Washington politics  that has only become more divided and dishonest; more timid and calculating; more beholden to the powerful interests that have the biggest stake in the  status quo .
There are some in this race who actually make the argument that the more time you spend immersed in the broken politics of Washington, the more likely you are to change it. I always find this a little amusing. I know that change makes for good campaign rhetoric, but when these same people had the chance to actually make change happen, they didn't lead. When they had the chance to stand up and require automakers to raise their fuel standards, they refused. When they had multiple chances to reduce our dependence on foreign oil by investing in renewable fuels that we can literally grow right here in America, they said no.
Now, I know that some of these policies are difficult politically. They aren't easy. But being President of the  United States  isn't about doing what's easy. It's about doing what's hard. It's about doing what's right. Leadership isn't about telling people what they want to hear - it's about telling them what they need to hear.
When I arrived in the U.S. Senate, I wanted to do whatever I could to make real progress toward energy independence. I reached across the aisle to pass a law that will give more Americans the chance to fill up their cars with clean biofuels. I passed a law that will fuel the research needed to develop a car that will get 500 miles to the gallon. I even voted for an energy bill that was far from perfect because I was able to ensure that it contained some real investments in renewable  sources of energy . And I've fought to eliminate the tax giveaways to  oil companies  that were slipped into that bill -  oil companies  that have spent half a billion dollars lobbying Congress in the last ten years while their profits have risen to record highs.
And I did  something else . I knew that America hadn't raised the fuel standards for our cars in twenty years. Even though we had the technology on the shelf. Even though Japanese  car companies  that make more fuel-efficient cars are running circles around our own  car companies . Even though we send hundreds of millions of dollars a day to some of the world's most dangerous regimes for their oil.
So I decided to try something new. I reached across the aisle to come up with a plan to raise our fuel standards that won support of lawmakers who had never supported raising fuel standards before. And I didn't just give a speech about it in front of some environmental audience in California. I went to Detroit, I stood in front of a group of automakers, and I told them that when I am President, there will be no more excuses - we will help them retool their factories, but they will have to make cars that use less oil.
Now I have to admit - the room was pretty quiet after that. But I said what I did because I believe America has had enough of politicians who just tell everyone what they want to hear. We have to tell people the truth. And the truth is that we can't afford to let the same old politics stand in the way of our future anymore.
We can't afford the same kind of caution when the future of our security is at stake. We know that the money that America spends on foreign oil is funding both sides of the war on terror; that it pays for everything from the madrassas that plant the seeds of terror in young minds to the Sunni insurgents that attack our troops in Iraq. We know this money corrupts budding democracies and allows dictators from hostile regimes to threaten the  international community . It even presents a target for Osama bin Laden, who has told al Qaeda to, "focus your operations on oil, since this will cause [the Americans] to die off on their own." We can't be afraid to stand up to the oil and  auto industry  when the future of our economy is at stake. When we let these companies off the hook; when we tell them they don't have to build fuel-efficient cars or transition to renewable fuels, it may boost their short-term profits, but it is killing their long-term chances for survival and threatening too many American jobs. The global market is already moving away from  fossil fuels . The question is not if a  renewable energy  economy will thrive in the future, it's where. And if we want that place to be the  United States  of America, we can't afford to wait any longer.
Most of all, we cannot afford more of the same timid politics when the future of our planet is at stake.  Global warming  is not a someday problem, it is now. In a state like  New Hampshire , the ski industry is facing shorter seasons and losing jobs. We are already breaking records with the intensity of our storms, the number of  forest fires , the periods of drought. By 2050 famine could force more than 250 million from their homes - famine that will increase the chances of war and strife in many of the world's weakest states. The  polar ice  caps are now melting faster than science had ever predicted. And if we do nothing,  sea levels  will rise high enough to swallow large portions of every  coastal city  and town.
This is not the future I want for my daughters. It's not the future any of us want for our children. And if we act now and we act boldly, it doesn't have to be. But if we wait; if we let  campaign promises  and State of the Union pledges go unanswered for yet another year; if we let the same broken politics that's held us back for decades win one more time, we will lose another chance to save our planet. And we might not get many more.
I reject that future. I would not be running for President if I didn't believe that this time could be different. Not because I have some perfect solution that every other expert and candidate has somehow missed. Not because I think I can lock myself in the  White House  with a secret  task force  and get this done on my own. But because I believe the  American people  are ready for a President who can unite us around a common purpose again. I believe that we are ready to lead again.
Make no mistake - developing the next generation of energy will be one of the greatest challenges that this generation of Americans will ever face. It will not be easy. It will not come without cost or without sacrifice. And if anyone tries to tell you otherwise, they are either fooling themselves or trying to fool you.
I will set big goals for this country as President - some so large that the technology to reach them does not yet exist. But that has not stopped us before. When President Roosevelt's advisors informed him that his goals for wartime production were impossible to meet, he waved them off and said "believe me, the production people can do it if they really try." And they did. When the scientists and engineers told John F. Kennedy that they had no idea how to put a man on the moon, he told them they would find a way. And we found one.
I believe we will again.
In the speech I gave in Detroit, I laid out the first part of my comprehensive energy plan - a proposal that will require our cars to use less oil and our fuels to use less carbon. It's a proposal that alone removes 50 million cars' worth of pollution from the road and reduces our oil consumption 2.5 million barrels a day by 2020 - the equivalent of all the oil we import from the  Persian Gulf  today.
Today I want to lay out the second part of my plan - a set of proposals that will allow America to lead the world in combating  global climate  change. From the moment I take office as President, I will call together scientists and entrepreneurs; heads of industry and labor; Democrats, Republicans and Americans from all  walks of life  to help develop and deploy the next generation of energy that will allow us to build the next generation's economy.
After all, in meeting the challenges of earlier generations, we didn't just end a costly war or beat the Soviets to the moon - we also unleashed opportunities we had never dreamed of. The  GI Bill  sent an entire generation of Americans - including my grandfather - to college and then on to the middle-class. Legions of scientists and engineers emerged from our race to space whose discoveries and innovations have forever changed the world.
This same opportunity exists today. That's why my plan isn't just about making dirty energy expensive, it's about making  clean energy  affordable - a project that will create millions of new jobs and entire new industries right here in America.
The  first step  in doing this is to phase out a carbon-based economy that's causing our changing climate. As President, I will set a hard cap on all  carbon emissions  at a level that scientists say is necessary to curb  global warming  - an 80% reduction by 2050. To ensure this isn't just talk, I will also commit to interim targets toward this goal in 2020, 2030, and 2040. These reductions will start immediately, and we'll continue to follow the recommendations of top scientists to ensure that our targets are strong enough to meet the challenge we face.
In addition to this cap, all polluters will have to pay based on the amount of pollution they release into the sky. The market will set the price, but unlike the other cap-and-trade proposals that have been offered in this race, no business will be allowed to emit any greenhouses gases for free. Businesses don't own the sky, the public does, and if we want them to stop polluting it, we have to put a price on all pollution. It's time to make the cleaner way of doing business the more profitable way of doing business.
There is no doubt that this transition will be costly in the short-term. To make it easier, we will provide assistance to Americans who need help with their energy bills. We'll help families make their homes more energy efficient, and we'll help workers and factories retool their facilities so they can compete and thrive in a  clean energy  economy. And once we make America more energy efficient and start producing more  renewable energy , we will save money and bring energy costs down in the long-run. But we must act now.
Once we make dirty energy expensive, the second step in my plan is to invest $150 billion over the next decade to ensure the development and deployment of clean, affordable energy.
That starts with the next generation of biofuels. We know that corn ethanol has been the most successful alternative fuel we have ever developed. I've been a champion for ethanol. In just two years, the Renewable Fuel Standard I helped pass has sparked an historic expansion of ethanol production. It has helped displace foreign oil and strengthen our rural economy. And we should fight the efforts of big oil and big agri-business to undermine this  emerging industry .
But the truth is, corn ethanol is neither the perfect nor the permanent answer to our energy challenge. There are legitimate economic and ecological concerns about an over-reliance on corn-based ethanol. And even if we double or triple its production, it won't replace even a tenth of our demand for gasoline. That's why we must invest in the next generation of advanced biofuels like cellulosic ethanol that can be made from things like switchgrass and woodchips. The struggling  paper mills  in New Hampsire would be back in business if they could use wood to produce biofuels. We should set a goal to produce the first two billion gallons of advanced biofuels by 2013. And we should make sure that more local farms and local refineries have the chance to be a part of this new industry.
We'll also invest in  clean energy  sources like wind power and  solar power , so that by 2025, America can meet a new standard that will require 25% of all our electricity to come from renewable sources.
And we must find a way to stop coal from polluting our atmosphere without pretending that our nation's most abundant  energy source  will just go away. It won't. It will also require taking steps to ensure that China's coal emissions are curbed as well. Already, some coal pollution from China's dirty plants is making its way to California. That's why we must invest in clean coal technologies that we can use at home and share with the world. Until those technologies are available, I will rely on the carbon cap and whatever tools are necessary to stop new dirty coal plants from being built in America - including a ban on new traditional coal facilities.
We will also explore safer ways to use  nuclear power , which right now accounts for more than 70% of our non-carbon generated electricity. We should accelerate research into technologies that will allow for the safe, secure treatment of  nuclear waste . As President, I'll continue the work I began in the Senate to ensure that all  nuclear material  is stored, secured and accounted for - both at home and around the world. There should be no short cuts or regulatory loopholes - period.
Many of these  clean energy  technologies - from biofuels to  solar power  to carbon sequestration - are being developed in research labs and facilities all across America at this very moment. The problem is they might never get further than that. U.S.  venture capital  funding does a great job investing in research and development, but we don't do enough to take the risk out of bringing new discoveries to the wider marketplace. And so we see technologies that are invented here in America - like  wind turbines ,  solar panels , and compact fluorescent bulbs - developed overseas and then sold back to American consumers.
This will change when I am President. I will launch a Clean Technologies  Venture Capital  Fund that will provide $10 billion a year for five years to get the most promising  clean energy  technologies off the ground. This  venture capital  fund will get  new technologies  from the lab to the marketplace so that in the next few years, the American economy can benefit from America's innovations.
The third step in my plan to combat  climate change  is to call on businesses, government, and the  American people  to make America 50% more energy efficient by 2030. This is by far the fastest, easiest, and cheapest way to curb our emissions and save money at the same time. Since DuPont implemented an  energy efficiency  program in 1990, the company has significantly reduced its pollution and cut its energy bills by $3 billion, and cities like Keene and Portland, Oregon have led in meeting new efficiency standards. There is no reason the rest of America can't do the same.
We will start by dramatically improving the efficiency of our buildings, which currently account for nearly half of all  carbon emissions  in America today. When I am President, we'll set a goal of making our new buildings 50% more efficient within several years. The  federal government  will lead by making all of its buildings carbon neutral by 2025. And I will set a national goal of making all new buildings in America carbon neutral by 2030.
We will also start replacing our outdated  power grid  with a digital smart grid so that we don't lose precious energy and billions of dollars like we did in the 2003 New York City blackout. We'll follow the lead of states like California and change the way utilities make money so that their profits aren't tied to how much energy we use, but how much energy we save. Finally, we know that if every home in America replaced just five incandescent  light bulbs  with five compact fluorescent bulbs, it would eliminate the need for  twenty-one   power plants . We'll do one better. I will immediately sign a law that begins to phase out all incandescent  light bulbs  - a measure that will save American consumers $6 billion a year on their  electric bills .
Now, none of these steps will happen overnight. They will take time, they will take sacrifice, and they will take a sustained commitment from the  American people . As President, I will lead this commitment. I will not be outlining these goals in my State of the Union and then walk away when they become too difficult. I will report to the  American people  every year on the State of our Energy Future, and let you know the progress we've made toward an 80% emissions reduction by 2050, toward replacing over a third of our oil consumption by 2030, and toward improving our  energy efficiency  50% by 2030. I will also make America's  energy security  a fundamental tenet of our  national security  by preparing our military to deal with threats posed by  climate change .
And there is one step I will take as soon as possible.
From the moment I take office, I will invite the world back to Washington and let it be known that the  United States  of America is ready to lead again. That we are ready to rejoin the community of nations in taking on the greatest challenge of this generation.
I will personally reach out to the leaders of the biggest carbon emitting nations in both the developed and developing world and ask them to join America in creating a new Global Energy Forum that will lay the foundation for the next generation of climate protocols. It will complement - and ultimately merge with - the much larger  negotiation process  underway at the UN to develop a post-Kyoto framework. I will be in constant contact with these leaders to develop concrete, feasible emissions targets that all of us will meet. We will also work to build an alliance of oil-importing nations and work together to reduce our demand, just like the OPEC nations strategize on supply.
And as we develop  new forms  of  clean energy  here at home, we will share our technology and our innovations with all the nations of the world. If we can build a clean coal plant in America, China should be able to as well. If we find a way to harness the next generation of biofuels, India will know how to do it too. And as we tackle under-development in impoverished nations, we will use what we know to help them reduce the negative impacts of  climate change  and build a  clean energy  future.
Recently, the director of a nonprofit that helps promote  clean energy  policies in China said that the most frequent question he gets from the Chinese about every  policy initiative  he suggests is, "If it is so good, why aren't you doing it?" And it's the hardest  question to answer . He said, "We can point to  good examples  that some American states, or cities, or companies are implementing...but we can't point to America." I believe it's time the world could point to America again. I want the engineer in New Delhi to point to our green buildings as the kind he'd like to design for his country. I want the automaker in Tokyo to point to our cars as the model for all the world. I want the leaders of Europe and Asia; of Africa and  South America  to point to our diplomacy and our engagement and our ingenuity as the light that led us toward a new energy future in our time.
And most of all, I want our children and our children's children to point to this generation and this moment as the time when America found its way again. As the time when America overcame the division and the politics and the pettiness of an earlier era so that a new generation could come together and take on the most urgent challenge of this era. I am running for President of the  United States  to lead us toward this  new era , and I ask all of you to join me in taking on the challenge that lies ahead. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's a special honor to be here in Clarendon County. Because Clarendon County is the place that showed me and showed America that when  ordinary people  come together, they can do extraordinary things.
That's the Clarendon County I know.
I know how sixty years ago, the NAACP's James Hinton dared to ask why white children could ride buses to school but black children had to walk.
I know how Reverend J.A. DeLaine, a preacher and teacher in Summerton, heard that call and joined with Levi Pearson, a father who was sick and tired of seeing his children walk nine miles to school, and with Harry and Eliza Briggs and more than a dozen other Black parents to challenge unequal education.
I know that because of that challenge, Harry Briggs lost his job at the local  service station , Eliza Briggs lost hers at a local hotel, and Reverend DeLaine's home was burned to the ground while the  fire department  stood by and watched.
It would have been easy for them to  stay home . To heed the voices of caution and convenience that said, "wait," "the timing isn't right," or "the country just isn't ready." It would have been easy for them to give in to the fears that no doubt kept them awake some nights.
But I know that because they were willing to overcome their fears and reach for a larger dream, the  Supreme Court  overturned "separate but equal," and Congress passed the  Civil Rights Act  and the  Voting Rights Act .
And I know that I stand on their shoulders, that their courage and sacrifice six decades ago makes it possible for me to run today for President of the  United States .
So I know Clarendon County. The Clarendon County that showed a nation how to look up rather than down. The Clarendon County that made a claim on the  American Dream . The Clarendon County that changed the course of history.
But I also know another Clarendon County.
I know schools in the Corridor of Shame.
I know J.V. Martin  Junior High School  in Dillon was built more than a century ago, and for years had shattered windows, leaking ceilings, and broken bathrooms.
I know South Carolina has the worst  high school   dropout rate  in America.
I know that all across this nation, one out of every four children go to schools just like J. V. Martin, and take away the same message that we don't care enough about their education to do better by them.
I know that America today is still blind to the poverty in our midst, and that we still tolerate Jena justice for some and Scooter Libby justice for others.
I know that Black parents in Clarendon are still having to go to court to give their children an equal education - fifty years after Brown v.  Board of Education .
There is another side of Clarendon County, another side of America, still waiting for what Harry and Eliza Briggs hoped for. The hope that our children's destinies aren't written before they are born. The hope that one day the world as it is and the world as it should be might be one and the same.
That is why I stand before you today as a candidate for President of the  United States  of America.
I am running because I refuse to accept that the way it is, is the way it has to be. I refuse to accept it when I hear adults say things like "these kids can't learn" or "these kids come from tough backgrounds" or "these kids are too far behind." We need to start treating "these kids" like "our kids." I am running because I want a  sense of urgency  about our kids in Washington. When I'm in the  White House , we'll reform No Child Left Behind so we don't leave the money behind. We'll recruit an army of new teachers - and make sure they come teach here in Manning - because the most important factor in a child's education is the person standing at the head of the classroom. We'll invest in  early childhood  education because for every dollar we put there, we get seven dollars back in reduced  dropout rates , reduced delinquency, and reduced prison rates, and more  young people  can go to college and get good jobs. And we'll rebuild our broken schools.
We know why this matters. It's not just that a good education is essential to helping the children of today compete more effectively as the workers of tomorrow. It's that the promise of a good education makes it possible for every child to transcend the barriers of race and class and background and achieve their God-given potential. That's why Harry and Eliza Briggs put their names on that lawsuit. That's why so many others risked so much to give their children an equal education. That's my story. That's what the American story is supposed to be about.
That cause is worth fighting for. A quality education is worth fighting for. Universal  health care  is worth fighting for.  Economic opportunity  is worth fighting for. Equality is still worth fighting for.
And when I'm President, we're going to have a government that helps us win these fights. Not because it's up to me alone. Not because I have a corner on  all the best  ideas. But because I understand that we need more than a new campaign or candidate - we need a movement. We need a president ready to partner with you and not too important to do so, ready to move the  American people  to common cause on these issues, and willing to ask you to do your part - not just as voters, but as citizens.
Because the truth is, no matter how many government programs we launch or how many  tax dollars  we spend, we can still fall short if each of us is unwilling to do our own part. If we're unwilling to be responsible parents and turn off the TV, put away the  video games , read to our child, and attend those parent/teacher conferences.
We can still fall short if we don't heal the hole in the hearts of all those young men standing on  street corners  in every city in this country without a sense of any destiny other than ending up in jail or dead. And healing that hole is going to take more than a  change in policy ; it's going to take a  change of heart .
We're going to have to reclaim in our own lives the belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper. It's the belief that led folks in Clarendon not to turn their backs on Harry Briggs and his fellow  foot soldiers , but to offer them money when their credit was cut at the local store, and a place to stay when they were kicked off the land. It's the belief that led a white judge named J. Waites Waring to stand by their side even after a cross was burned on his lawn and shots were fired into his  living room . And it's the belief that led me into  public service  more than two decades ago.
As some of you may know, after college, I walked away from a career on Wall Street, and went to work with a group of churches as a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago so I could fight for folks who had lost their jobs when the local  steel plant  closed. And ever since, I've been fighting to put the  American Dream  within reach for every American. That's why I went to work as a  civil rights  lawyer, and as a state Senator and as a U.S. Senator. That's why I expanded  health care  to 150,000 children and their parents in Illinois. That's why I led the fight to reform a  death penalty  system that had sentenced 13 innocent men to death. That's why I led the fight to reform racial profiling. And that's why you can trust that I'll fight for you as President.
Now, I've heard that some folks aren't sure America is ready for an African-American president, so let me be clear: I never would have begun this campaign if I weren't confident I could win. But you see, I am not asking anyone to take a chance on me. I am asking you to take a chance on your own aspirations.
Just imagine what we could do as partners in an Obama administration. Imagine a President who was raised like I was by a  single mom  who had to work and go to school and raise her kids and accept  food stamps  for a while. Imagine a President who could go into Holly Courts Apartments here in Manning or Scott's Branch  High School  in Summerton, and give the young men and women there someone to look up to. Imagine a President who fought each day to narrow the gap between the world as it is and the world as it should be.
Narrowing that gap is not going to be easy. But real change never is. I can still remember one of the  early days  when I was just starting out as a community organizer in Chicago. We had set up a meeting to figure out how to rebuild our neighborhoods, but no one showed up. And our volunteers felt so defeated, they wanted to quit. And I was tired too.
But at that moment, I looked outside and saw some young boys playing in a  vacant lot  across the street, tossing stones at a boarded-up  apartment building . And I turned to the volunteers, and I asked them, "Before you quit, I want you to answer one question. What's gonna happen to those boys?" I thought, if we cannot put aside our doubts and our cynicism; if we cannot see that we have a stake in those children; if we don't realize that the fight for their future is the fight for our own, who will? One by one, the volunteers decided to stay. And block by block, we began to turn those neighborhoods around.
So today, sixty years after James Hinton issued his challenge, I want to issue a challenge of my own. If you're tired of the politics of fear and division; if you're tired of a government that stands idly by while our schools go underfunded, our children go unemployed, and our communities are neglected; if you feel as I do that if we don't fight for that next generation of children, who will? - then I'm asking you to join me. And if you can do that - if you can overcome your doubts, cast away your fears, and believe once again that real change is possible in this country - then I truly believe we can bring about the world that Harry and Eliza Briggs dreamed of for their children.
 
 
 
Read Barack Obama's Plan Here It's wonderful to be here today. I feel right at home in Bettendorf, which is just a  stone's throw  from my  home state  of Illinois. But the truth is, we share more than the banks of a great river.
If you spend time in Washington, you hear a lot about the divisions in our country. About how we're becoming more separated by geography and ideology; race and religion; wealth and opportunity. And we've had plenty of politicians who try to take advantage of these divisions - pitting Americans against  one another , or targeting different messages to different audiences.
But as I've traveled around Iowa and the rest of the country these last nine months, I haven't been struck by our differences - I've been impressed by the values and hopes that we share. In  big cities  and small towns; among men and women; young and old; black, white, and brown - Americans share a faith in simple dreams. A job with wages that can support a family.  Health care  that we can count on and afford. A retirement that is dignified and secure. Education and opportunity for our kids. Common hopes. American dreams.
These are dreams that drove my grandparents. After my grandfather served in  World War II , the  GI Bill  gave him a chance to go to college, and the government gave them a chance to buy a home. They moved West, worked hard at different jobs, and were able to provide my mother with a decent education, to help raise me, and to save enough to retire.
These are dreams that drove my father- in-law . A  city worker  in Chicago, he was diagnosed with  Multiple Sclerosis  at the age of 30. But every day, even when he had to leave an hour earlier in the morning and rely on a walker to get him there, he went to work while his wife stayed home with the kids. And on that single salary, he provided for his family and sent my wife Michelle and her brother to college. His dream was to see them do better. And they have.
These are dreams that drove my mother. A  single mom  - even while relying on  food stamps  as she finished her education, she followed her passion for helping others, and raised my sister and me to believe that in America there are no barriers to success - no matter what color you are, no matter where you're from, no matter how much money you have.
And these are the dreams that led me to Chicago over two decades ago to become a community organizer. The salary - $12,000 a year - wasn't what my friends would make in the corporate world or at  law firms . I didn't know a single person in Chicago. But I knew there were folks who needed help. The  steel plant  had closed. Jobs were disappearing. In a forgotten corner of America, the  American dream  was slipping away. And I knew dreams are worth fighting for.
What is unique about America is that we want these dreams for more than ourselves - we want them for each other. That's why we call it the  American dream . We want it for the kid who doesn't go to college because she cannot afford it; for the worker whose wondering if his wages will pay this winter's  heating bill ; for 47 million Americans living without  health care ; for the millions more who worry if they have enough to retire with the dignity they have earned.
When our fellow Americans are denied the  American dream , our own dreams are diminished. And today, the cost of that dream is rising faster than ever before. While some have prospered beyond imagination in this  global economy , middle-class Americans - as well as those working hard to become  middle class  - are seeing the  American dream  slip further and further away.
You know it from your own lives. Americans are working harder for less and paying more for  health care  and college. For most folks, one income isn't enough to raise a family and send your kids to college. Sometimes, two incomes aren't enough. It's harder to save. It's harder to retire. You're doing your part, you're meeting your responsibilities, but it always seems like you're treading water or falling behind. And as I see this every day on the  campaign trail , I'm reminded of how unlikely it is that the dreams of my family could be realized today I don't accept this future. We need to reclaim the  American dream . And that starts with reclaiming the  White House  from George Bush and Dick Cheney. We're tired of  tax cuts  for the wealthy that shift the burden onto the backs of working people. We're tired of waiting ten years for the minimum wage to go up while CEO pay is soaring. We're tired of more Americans going without  health care , of more Americans falling into poverty, of more American kids who have the brains and the drive to go to college - but can't - because they can't afford it. We're ready for the Bush Administration to end, because we are sick and tired of being sick and tired.
But this is about more than George Bush. He's just the beginning of the change that we need. These problems didn't start when he came to office and they won't end just because he's leaving. We're not going to reclaim that dream unless we put an end to the politics of polarization and division that is holding this country back; unless we stand up to the corporate lobbyists that have stood in the way of progress; unless we have leadership that doesn't just tell people what they want to hear - but tells everyone what they need to know. That's the change we need.
I believe that Americans want to come together again behind a common purpose. Americans want to reclaim our  American dream . That's why I'm running for President of the  United States . It's the same reason I packed up my car and moved to Chicago. Because in this country, that dream is worth fighting for - not just for ourselves, but for each other. And that's why I don't think you should settle for a President who's only there for you when it's easy or convenient or popular - I think you deserve a President who you can trust will fight for your dreams every hour of every day for the next four years. That's the change we need.
This starts with an economy that works for working people. Americans don't expect government to solve all our problems. But you're tired of a government that works for  special interests , and not for you. It's time that we had leadership that worried as much about  Main Street  as it does about Wall Street. That's why I'm introducing an  American Dream  agenda - to put some wind at the backs of working people, to lower the cost of getting ahead, and to protect and extend opportunity for the  middle class .
We need to give working families a break. For twenty-five years, we've seen gaps in wealth grow larger, while our  tax code  that favors wealth over work. That's why I've proposed an  income tax  cut to offset the payroll tax that working Americans are already paying. This will be worth up to $1000 for a working family. I'll make retirement more secure for America's seniors by eliminating  income taxes  for any retiree making less than $50,000 per year. And I won't wait ten years to raise the minimum wage - I'll guarantee that it goes up every single year. That's the change that working Americans need.
We know that the cost of the  American dream  must never come at the expense of the American family. You're working longer hours. More families have two parents working. Meanwhile, it's hard to get a hand. It's even harder to get a break. That's why I'll double spending on quality after-school programs - so that you can know your kids are safe and secure. And that's why I'll expand the Family Medical Leave Act to include more businesses and millions more workers; to let parents participate in school activities with their kids; and to cover elderly care. And we'll finally put  federal support  behind state efforts to provide paid Family and Medical Leave.
We also need to change a system that is stacked against women. Forty percent of  working women  do not have a single paid sick day. More and more women are denied jobs or promotions because they've got kids at home. As the son of a  single mother , that is not the America that I believe in. I'll be a President who stands up for working parents. We'll require employers to provide seven paid sick days each year. We'll enforce laws that prohibit caregiver discrimination. And we'll encourage flexible  work schedules  to better balance work and parenting for mothers and fathers. That's the change that working families need.
We also need a housing market that is honest, open and accountable. I've introduced a bill in the Senate that cracks down on mortgage fraud. As President, I'll get tough on enforcement and raise penalties on lenders who have broken the rules. For homeowners facing foreclosure through no fault of their own, we'll create a fund and reform bankruptcy laws to give them a shot at avoiding foreclosure. We'll mandate that prospective homebuyers have access to accurate and complete information about their mortgage options. And we'll give  middle class  homeowners added relief by providing a  tax credit  that covers 10 percent of a family's  mortgage interest  payment each year. That's the change that America's homeowners need.
Since many people who hold subprime mortgages are shifting their debt to  credit cards , we have to make sure that they understand their commitments - otherwise  credit cards  could be the next stage in the subprime crisis. To make sure that Americans know what they're signing up for, I'll institute a five-star  rating system  to inform consumers about the level of risk involved in every  credit card . And we'll establish a  Credit Card   Bill of Rights  that will ban unilateral changes to a  credit card  agreement; ban rate changes to debt that's already incurred; and ban interest on late fees. Americans need to pay what they owe, but they should pay what's fair.
This same principle of fairness is needed in our bankruptcy laws. For far too long, the same politicians in Washington who have been cutting back the  safety net  for working people have been protecting  golden parachutes  for the  well-off  - so workers lose their pensions and their  health care , while CEOs get multi-million dollar payoffs.
I fought against a bankruptcy reform bill in the Senate that did more to protect  credit card  companies and banks than to help working people. I'll continue the fight for good bankruptcy laws as President. No more bonuses for executives while pensions disappear. We'll press firms to put more money into their  pension funds , and require firms to disclose their  pension fund  investments. And we'll increase the amount of wages and benefits that workers can claim in  bankruptcy court . That's the change we need in our bankruptcy laws.
And if you can demonstrate that you went bankrupt because of medical expenses, then there must be a process that relieves that debt and lets you get back on your feet. I don't accept an America where we let someone go over a cliff just because they get sick. That is not who we are.
Every four years politicians come before you to talk about  health care . You hear the same promises. And then you see the same results. Well it's time to end the outrage of 47 million uninsured Americans. It's time to finally do something about it. I reformed  health care  in Illinois, and I didn't do it alone - I did it by reaching out to Democrats and Republicans. We took on the  insurance industry , and we won. That's how I'll pass a universal  health care  bill that cuts a  typical family 's premiums by up to $2500. And mark my words - I will sign this bill by the end of my first term as President. That's the change that America is waiting for.
And  health care  isn't the only cost that we're not keeping up with. Americans who work hard their  entire lives  have earned a secure retirement. But right now, we've got 75 million working people in this country who don't have employer-based retirement plans. Personal saving is at an all-time low. A part of the  American dream  is at risk.
That's why I'll establish an automatic workplace pension policy. Employers will be required to enroll workers in a direct deposit  retirement account  that places a small percentage of each paycheck into the account. Then you'll have the choice of opting out, matching, or adding to this account. When you change jobs, your savings will roll over into your new employer's system, or into a system that you control if you leave the workplace or become self-employed. And the  federal government  will match savings for working families. This will dramatically increase the number of Americans who save for retirement, and lift up the amount of savings in this country. That's the change we need to help Americans achieve the retirement they are working for.
But we need to do more than put the  American dream  on a firmer foundation. Every American has the right to pursue their dreams. But we also have the responsibility to make sure that our children can reach a little further and rise a little higher than we did. When I am President, we will stop passing bills called No Child Left Behind that leave the money behind, and start making real investments in education. That means  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and supporting them more so they're not just teaching to test, but teaching to teach.
It also means putting a  college education  within reach of every American. That's the best investment we can make in our future. I'll create a new and fully refundable  tax credit  worth $4,000 for tuition and fees every year, which will cover two-thirds of the tuition at the average public college or university. I'll also simplify the  financial aid   application process  so that we don't have a million students who aren't applying for aid because it's too difficult. I will start by eliminating the current student aid form altogether - we'll use tax data instead.
And I'll tap the tremendous resource of  community colleges , which educate half the undergraduates in this country, by creating a new  Community College  Partnership Program. We'll help schools determine what skills and technical education are needed to help local industry; we'll expand new degrees for emerging fields; and we'll reward schools that graduate more students. That's the change we need so that our  young people  can achieve their dreams.
This is what we must do to reclaim the  American dream . We know it won't be easy. We'll hear from the can't-do, won't-do, won't-even-try crowd in Washington; the  special interests  and their lobbyists; the conventional thinking that says this country is just too divided to make progress.
Well I'm not running for President to conform to this conventional thinking - I'm running to challenge it. There is too much at stake. Too much at stake for the family that can't get ahead; the elderly worker who faces a retirement filled with worry; the kid who doesn't believe America has a place for her dreams. To stand up for these Americans, I don't want to settle for anything less than real change, fundamental change - change we need - change that we can believe in.
It's change that I've been fighting for since I moved out to Chicago over two decades ago. Because those dreams - American dreams - are worth fighting for. And because I wouldn't be standing on this stage today if it weren't for the dreams of those who came before me.
The dreams of my grandfather - who marched in Patton's Army and moved his family west in search of opportunity.
The dreams of my grandmother - who was up at dawn and worked twice as hard at her job because a woman had to work harder to get ahead.
The dreams of my father who crossed an ocean because America offered that light to the world.
The dreams of my mother - a  single mom  who understood that a life rich in family and experience was more important than a life of riches.
The dreams of those men and women on the South Side of Chicago, who fought with me to create a future for their community after the  steel plant  was shuttered.
There has been a lot of talk in this campaign about the politics of hope. But the politics of hope doesn't mean hoping that things come easy. It's a politics of believing in things unseen; of believing in what this country might be; and of standing up for that belief and fighting for it when it's hard.
America is the sum of our dreams. And what binds us together, what makes us one American family, is that we stand up and fight for each other's dreams, that we reaffirm that fundamental belief - I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper - through our politics, our policies, and in our daily lives. It's time to do that once more. It's time to reclaim the  American dream .
 
 
 
We meet at a difficult time for  organized labor . A while back, I went to a Maytag plant in Galesburg, Illinois that was moving to Mexico. And I met workers who were having to compete with their own children for jobs that pay seven bucks an hour. A few months ago, I traveled to Newton, where Maytag was shutting its doors after 114 years. One worker who'd been there more than a decade said, "I just thought I would retire from here and never have another job. I'm scared." I'm scared.
It makes us outraged to hear these stories. And we've been hearing them for a long time. It was stories like these that led me more than two decades ago to walk away from a career on Wall Street and become a community organizer in Chicago, so I could help folks who'd lost jobs and lost hope when the nearby  steel plants  closed down. I didn't know a soul in Chicago, but I knew I didn't like the idea of working people being laid off and not having anybody fighting for them. I knew I wanted to do my part to make sure they had a decent future.
So when I go to places like Galesburg or Newton, it reminds me why I entered  public service . And it reminds me why I'm a Democrat. Because if the  Democratic Party  means anything, then it has to mean we value labor. If the  Democratic Party  stands for anything, then it has to stand up for your rights, and your future. If the  Democratic Party  has a vision for America - then it has to be an America that's working for working Americans.
But we all know that for a long time now, we've had a President who doesn't see it that way. We have lived through six years of the most anti-labor administration in generations. They don't believe in unions. They don't believe in organizing. They've packed the  labor relations  board with their corporate buddies. Well, we've got news for them - it's not the Department of Management, it's the Department of Labor, and we're going to take it back.
But despite six years of them doing everything they could to tear labor down - as I look out on this crowd and as I travel across this country, the one thing I know for certain is that the UAW is still fighting. The UAW is still mobilizing. The UAW is still organizing.
I'm tired of playing defense. I know the UAW is tired of playing defense. We're ready to play some offense. We're ready to play offense for a secure retirement. We're ready to play offense to enforce  labor laws .
We're ready to play offense for universal  health care . I'm tired of seeing unions go to the  bargaining table  and fight for the benefits they negotiated a long time ago, instead of fighting for better wages to support their families. I reformed  health care  in Illinois. And I did it by reaching out to Democrats and Republicans. We took on the  insurance industry , and we won. And that's what I'll do as President. I've got a plan that cuts costs for the  typical family  by up to $2,500 a year - more than any other plan that's been offered in this race. And I make this solemn pledge to you - I'll sign my universal  health care  plan into law by the end of my first term.
We're ready to play offense for American workers. When I'm President, we're not going to wait twenty years or ten years to raise the minimum wage - we'll raise it to keep pace with inflation every year so that American workers aren't falling behind. And we'll take  tax breaks  away from companies that ship our jobs overseas and put them in the pockets of working Americans who deserve it.
We're not going to stop globalization in its tracks, but we shouldn't be standing idly by while American jobs are shipped overseas. It's time to put  Main Street  ahead of Wall Street when it comes to trade. The only  trade agreements  I believe in are ones that put workers first - because trade deals aren't good for the  American people  if they aren't good for working people. That's why I opposed CAFTA. That's why I oppose the South Korea  Free Trade  Agreement. That's why I voted to block Mexican trucks from entering this country. And that's why we need to amend NAFTA.
We're ready to take the offense for  organized labor . It's time we had a President who didn't choke saying the word "union." We need to strengthen our unions by letting them do what they do best - organize our workers. If a majority of workers want a union, they should get a union. It's that simple. We need to stand up to the business lobby that's been getting their friends in Congress and in the  White House  to block card check. That's why I was one of the leaders fighting to pass the Employee Free Choice Act. That's why I'm fighting for it in the Senate. And that's why we'll make it the law of the land when I'm President.
There are few more important unions in this country than the UAW. You created the  auto industry . You secured good-paying jobs for generations of workers. And you built the American  middle class  - the backbone of our economy. So I know someone once said what's good for GM is good for America. But it's time we also recognized that what's good for the UAW is good for America.
We need to help you compete with workers around the world by helping the  auto industry  compete with  car companies  all over the world. Yes, that means raising our fuel standards so we can make the fuel-efficient cars that are the future of your industry. But it also means giving you the help you need to retool your plants so we can build these cars right here in America. And if we can do that, we'll create thousands and thousands of jobs in the process.
But if we're serious about helping you compete abroad, we need to stand up for you here at home. That's why I called Mike Sheridan with Local 95 in Wisconsin the day they decided to strike GM, and gave him my support. And I made the same call to Dan Kirk with Local 72 when Chrysler workers went on strike. And Larry Sharpe and his members in Local 6 from my  home state  of Illinois can't be here today because they're striking International Truck and Engine, but Larry knows he has my support. Because when you hit the  picket lines  - whether it's with GM or Chrysler or anybody else - you aren't just fighting for your own rights, you're fighting for the rights of every American worker.
But it's going to be hard to do all this - it's going to be hard to make the UAW's agenda America's agenda - until we end this war in Iraq. This is a war I opposed in 2002. It's a war I opposed in 2003. And in 2004, and 2005, and 2006. This is a war that should have never been authorized and never been waged. And we shouldn't compound the mistake of going in by waiting any longer to pull our troops out. That's why I've called for us to start withdrawing troops not next month, not next year - now.
This is a defining moment in our history. Our nation is at war. The dream that so many generations fought for feels as if it's slowly slipping away. We are working harder for less. We've never paid more for  health care  or for college. It's harder to save and it's harder to retire. And most of all we've lost faith that our leaders can or will do anything about it.
And it is because of this that America is listening, intently, to what my fellow candidates and I are saying - not just Democrats, but Republicans and Independents who've lost trust in their government, but want to believe again. So in this election, we have a chance to bring the country together in a new majority - to finally tackle problems that George Bush made far worse, but that had festered long before George Bush ever took office - problems that we've talked about year after year after year after year.
And that is why the same old Washington textbook campaigns just won't do in this election. That's why not answering questions because we're afraid our answers won't be popular just won't do. That's why telling the  American people  what we think they want to hear instead of telling the  American people  what they need to hear just won't do. Triangulating and poll-driven positions because we're worried about what Mitt or Rudy might say about us just won't do. If we're really serious about winning this election, we can't live in fear of losing it.
The  Democratic Party  has always made the biggest difference in the lives of the  American people  when we've led not by polls, but by principle; not by calculation, but by conviction; when we summoned the entire nation to a common purpose - a higher purpose. And I run for the Presidency of the  United States  of America because that's the party America needs us to be right now.
A party that offers not just a difference in policies, but a difference in leadership.
A party that doesn't just focus on how to win but why we should.
A party that doesn't just offer change as a slogan, but real, meaningful change - change that America can believe in.
That's why I'm in this race. That's why I am running for President of the  United States  of America.
Now, I know we've got a lot of good candidates in this race, and I know they're saying the right things when they come and talk to you. But politicians often say they're pro-labor at election time no matter what they've said or done before. And that leaves you wondering what they will say or do after the election. So when a candidate rails against NAFTA today, it's fair to ask her where she's been before. When a candidate says he opposes right-to-work laws or trade rules that hurt workers today, ask him where he's been before. Because what you need, what America needs, is a President who will fight for you when it's hard, and not just when it's politically convenient.
And that's exactly what I intend to do. Because politics didn't lead me to working folks - working folks led me into politics. I was standing with American workers on the streets of Chicago twenty years ago, and the reason I'm here today is because I don't want to wake up one day many years from now and see that we're still standing by while American jobs get shipped overseas.
So I'm not just here to give a speech. I don't like just talking about the problems we face in this country. I want to solve them. So I'm here to ask for your support, Region 4. I'm here to ask you to believe not just in me, but in your own sense of possibility, your own imagination about what America might be.
Imagine a President whose life's story was like so many of your own, who knows what it's like to go to college on scholarships, who knows what it's like to see his mother get sick and worry that maybe she can't pay the  medical bills .
Imagine a President who knows what it's like to put on a comfortable  pair of shoes  and walk with you on that  picket line . Who gives Denny Williams a call before any major piece of  labor legislation  crosses his desk, so even if we don't see eye to eye on everything, your voice will be heard.
Imagine an America where we don't have to keep playing defense because we can finally play some offense.
That future is within our grasp. We can build that America together if you join me.
But each of us has to do our part. So I just want to close with a story about the difference that one voice can make.
 
 
 
Thank you so much. To the great Governor of Iowa and Lieutenant. Governor of Iowa. To my dear friend Tom Harkin for the outstanding work that he does. To the congressional delegation of Iowa that is doing outstanding work and to Nancy Pelosi, Madam Speaker, thank you all for the wonderful welcome and the wonderful hospitality.
[Responding to Audience]I love you back.
A little less than one year from today, you will go into the  voting booth  and you will select the President of the  United States  of America.
Now, here's the  good news  - the name George W. Bush will not be on the ballot. The name of my cousin Dick Cheney will not be on the ballot. We've been trying to hide that for a long time. Everybody has a  black sheep  in the family. The era of Scooter Libby justice, and Brownie incompetence, and Karl Rove politics will finally be over.
But the question you're going to have to ask yourself when you caucus in January and you vote in November is, "What's next for America?" We are in a defining moment in our history. Our nation is at war. The planet is in peril. The dream that so many generations fought for feels as if it's slowly slipping away. We are working harder for less. We've never paid more for  health care  or for college. It's harder to save and it's harder to retire. And most of all we've lost faith that our leaders can or will do anything about it.
We were promised compassionate conservatism and all we got was Katrina and wiretaps. We were promised a uniter, and we got a President who could not even lead the half of the country that voted for him. We were promised a more ethical and more efficient government, and instead we have a town called Washington that is more corrupt and more wasteful than it was before. And the only mission that was ever accomplished is to use fear and falsehood to take this country to a war that should have never been authorized and should have never been waged.
It is because of these failures that America is listening, intently, to what we say here today - not just Democrats, but Republicans and Independents who've lost trust in their government, but want to believe again.
And it is because of these failures that we not only have a moment of great challenge, but also a moment of great opportunity. We have a chance to bring the country together in a new majority - to finally tackle problems that George Bush made far worse, but that had festered long before George Bush ever took office - problems that we've talked about year after year after year after year.
And that is why the same old Washington textbook campaigns just won't do in this election. That's why not answering questions  cause we are afraid our answers won't be popular just won't do. That's why telling the  American people  what we think they want to hear instead of telling the  American people  what they need to hear just won't do. Triangulating and poll-driven positions because we're worried about what Mitt or Rudy might say about us just won't do. If we are really serious about wining this election Democrats, we can't live in fear of losing it.
This party - the party of Jefferson and Jackson; of Roosevelt and Kennedy - has always made the biggest difference in the lives of the  American people  when we led, not by polls, but by principle; not by calculation, but by conviction; when we summoned the entire nation to a common purpose - a higher purpose. And I run for the Presidency of the  United States  of America because that's the party America needs us to be right now.
A party that offers not just a difference in policies, but a difference in leadership.
A party that doesn't just focus on how to win but why we should.
A party that doesn't just offer change as a slogan, but real, meaningful change - change that America can believe in.
That's why I'm in this race. That's why I am running for the Presidency of the  United States  of America - to offer change that we can believe in.
I am in this race to tell the corporate lobbyists that their days of setting the agenda in Washington are over. I have done more than any other candidate in this race to take on lobbyists - and won. They have not funded my campaign, they will not get a job in my  White House , and they will not drown out the voices of the  American people  when I am President.
I'm in this race to take those  tax breaks  away from companies that are moving jobs overseas and put them in the pockets of hard working Americans who deserve it. And I won't raise the minimum wage every ten years -I will raise it to keep pace so that workers don't' fall behind.
That is why I am in it. To protect the American worker. To fight for the American worker.
I'm in this race because I want to stop talking about the outrage of 47 million Americans without  health care  and start actually doing something about it. I expanded  health care  in Illinois by bringing Democrats and Republicans together. By taking on the  insurance industry . And that is how I will make certain that every single American in this country has  health care  they can count on and I won't do it twenty years from now, I won't do it ten years from now, I will do it by the end of my first term as President of the  United States  of America.
I run for president to make sure that every American child has the best education that we have to offer- from the day they are born to the day they graduate from college. And I won't just talk about how great teachers are - as President I will reward them for their greatness - by raising salaries and giving them more support. That's why I'm in this race.
I am running for President because I am sick and tired of democrats thinking that the only way to look tough on  national security  is by talking, and acting, and voting like George Bush Republicans.
When I am this party's nominee, my opponent will not be able to say that I voted for the war in Iraq; or that I gave George Bush the benefit of the doubt on Iran; or that I supported Bush-Cheney policies of not talking to leaders that we don't like. And he will not be able to say that I wavered on something as fundamental as whether or not it is ok for America to torture - because it is never ok. That's why I am in it.
As President, I will end the war in Iraq. We will have our troops home in sixteen months. I will close Guantanamo. I will restore  habeas corpus . I will finish the fight against Al Qaeda. And I will lead the world to combat the common threats of the 21st century -  nuclear weapons  and terrorism;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. And I will send once more a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says, "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now." America, our moment is now.
Our moment is now.
I don't want to spend the next year or the next four years re-fighting the same fights that we had in the 1990s.
I don't want to pit Red America against Blue America, I want to be the President of the  United States  of America.
And if those Republicans come at me with the same fear-mongering and swift-boating that they usually do, then I will take them head on. Because I believe the  American people  are tired of fear and tired of distractions and tired of diversions. We can make this election not about fear, but about the future. And that won't just be a Democratic victory; that will be an American victory.
And that is a victory America needs right now.
I am not in this race to fulfill some long-held ambitions or because I believe it's somehow owed to me. I never expected to be here, I always knew this journey was improbable. I've never been on a journey that wasn't.
I am running in this race because of what Dr. King called "the fierce urgency of now." Because I believe that there's such a thing as being too late. And that hour is almost upon us.
I don't want to wake up four years from now and find out that millions of Americans still lack  health care  because we couldn't take on the  insurance industry .
I don't want to see that the oceans have risen a few more inches. The planet has reached a point of no return because we couldn't find a way to stop buying oil from dictators.
I don't want to see more American lives put at risk because no one had the judgment or the courage to stand up against a misguided war before we sent our troops into fight.
I don't want to see homeless veterans on the streets. I don't want to send another generation of American children to failing schools. I don't want that future for my daughters. I don't want that future for your sons. I do not want that future for America.
I'm in this race for the same reason that I fought for jobs for the jobless and hope for the hopeless on the streets of Chicago; for the same reason I fought for justice and equality as a  civil rights  lawyer; for the same reason that I fought for Illinois families for over a decade.
Because I will never forget that the only reason that I'm standing here today is because somebody, somewhere stood up for me when it was risky. Stood up when it was hard. Stood up when it wasn't popular. And because that somebody stood up, a few more stood up. And then a few thousand stood up. And then a few million stood up. And standing up, with courage and clear purpose, they somehow managed to change the world.
That's why I'm running, Iowa - to give our children and grandchildren the same chances somebody gave me.
That's why I'm running, Democrats - to keep the  American Dream  alive for those who still hunger for opportunity, who still thirst for equality.
That's why I'm asking you to stand with me, that's why I'm asking you to caucus for me, that's why I am asking you to stop settling for what the cynics say we have to accept. In this election - in this moment - let us reach for what we know is possible. A nation healed. A world repaired. An America that believes again. Thank you very much everybody.
 
 
 
Less than a year from now, you will go into the  voting booth  and you will select the President of the  United States  of America.
Now, here's the  good news  - the name George W. Bush will not be on the ballot. The name of my cousin Dick Cheney will not be on the ballot. We've been trying to hide that for a long time. Everybody has a  black sheep  in the family. The era of Scooter Libby justice, and Brownie incompetence, and Karl Rove politics will finally be over.
But the question you're going to have to ask yourself when you vote this year and next is this: "What's next for America?" We are in a defining moment in our history. Our nation is at war. The planet is in peril. The dream that so many generations fought for feels as if it's slowly slipping away. We are working harder for less. We've never paid more for  health care  or for college. It's harder to save and it's harder to retire. And most of all we've lost faith that our leaders can or will do anything about it.
We were promised compassionate conservatism and all we got was Katrina and wiretaps.
We were promised a uniter, and we got a President who could not even lead the half of the country that voted for him.
We were promised a more ethical and more efficient Washington, and instead we have a town that is more corrupt and more wasteful than it was before. And the only mission that was ever accomplished is to use fear and falsehood to take this country to a war that should have never been authorized and should have never been waged.
It is because of these failures that America is listening, intently, to what we say here today - not just Democrats, but Republicans and Independents who've lost trust in their government, but want to believe again.
And it is because of these failures that we not only have a moment of great challenge, but also a moment of great opportunity. We have a chance to bring the country together in a new majority - to finally tackle problems that George Bush made far worse, but that had festered long before George Bush ever took office - problems that we've talked about year after year after year.
And that is why the same old Washington textbook campaigns just won't do in this election. An electoral strategy that starts out leaving half the country behind just won't do. Telling the  American people  what we think they want to hear instead of telling the  American people  what they need to hear just won't do. Triangulating and poll-driven positions because we're worried about what Mitt or Rudy might say about us just won't do. If we are really serious about wining this election Democrats, we can't live in fear of losing it.
This party - the party of Jefferson and Jackson; of Roosevelt and Kennedy - has always made the biggest difference in the lives of the  American people  when we led, not by polls, but by principle; not by calculation, but by conviction; when we summoned the entire nation to a common purpose - a higher purpose. And I run for the Presidency of the  United States  of America because that's the party America needs us to be right now. A party that doesn't just offer change as a slogan, but real, meaningful change - change that America can believe in.
That's why I'm in this race. I am in this race to tell the corporate lobbyists that their days of setting the agenda in Washington are over. I have done more than any other candidate in this race to take on lobbyists - and won. They have not funded my campaign, they will not get a job in my  White House , and they will not drown out the voices of the  American people  when I am President.
I'm in this race to take those  tax breaks  away from companies that are moving jobs overseas and put them in the pockets of hard working Americans who deserve it. And I won't raise the minimum wage every ten years -I will raise it to keep pace so that workers don't' fall behind.
That is why I am in it. I'm in this race because I want to stop talking about the outrage of 47 million Americans without  health care  and start actually doing something about it. I expanded  health care  in Illinois by bringing Democrats and Republicans together. By taking on the  insurance industry . And I have put forth a universal  health care  plan that will do more to cut the cost of  health care  than any other proposal in this race. Here's the truth - if you can't afford  health insurance  right now, you will when I'm President. Anyone who tells you otherwise is more interested in scoring points than solving problems. And I'm in it because we've had enough of that.
I run for president to make sure that every American child has the best education that we have to offer- from the day they are born to the day they graduate from college. And I won't just talk about how great teachers are - as President I will reward them for their greatness - by raising salaries and giving them more support. That's why I'm in this race.
I am running for President because I am sick and tired of Democrats thinking that the only way to look tough on  national security  is by talking, and acting, and voting like George Bush Republicans.
When I am this party's nominee, my opponent will not be able to say that I voted for the war in Iraq; or that I gave George Bush the benefit of the doubt on Iran; or that I supported Bush-Cheney policies of not talking to leaders that we don't like. And he will not be able to say that I wavered on something as fundamental as whether or not it is ok for America to torture - because it is never ok. That's why I am in it.
As President, I will end the war in Iraq. We will have our troops home in sixteen months. I will close Guantanamo. I will restore  habeas corpus . I will finish the fight against Al Qaeda. And I will lead the world to combat the common threats of the 21st century -  nuclear weapons  and terrorism;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. And I will send once more a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says, "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now." America, our moment is now.
Our moment is now.
I don't want to spend 2008 re-fighting the same fights that we had in the 1990s. That's exactly what Mitt and Rudy want. That's they're only hope of winning because they know that if this election is about  health care , or ending this war, or making college affordable, then they will lose. They are counting on the same bitter partisanship and the same electoral map we've had for far too long.
I believe I can transform that map. In my Senate race I won some of the reddest, most Republican counties in Illinois. In 2006, when House and Senate candidates in states like Missouri, and Nebraska, and Tennessee, and Virginia, and Indiana needed someone to come campaign for them, I was the one they called. And I'm attracting more Independents and Republicans to our cause than anyone else in this campaign.
It's because I believe we can build that new majority - not just to win, but to govern - to actually get something done. I don't want to pit Red America against Blue America, I want to be President of the  United States  of America. And that won't just be a Democratic victory; that will be an American victory.
And that is a victory America needs right now.
I am not in this race to fulfill some long-held ambitions or because I believe it's somehow owed to me. I never expected to be here, I always knew this journey was improbable. I've never been on a journey that wasn't.
I am running in this race because of what Dr. King called "the fierce urgency of now." Because I believe that there's such a thing as being too late. And that hour is almost upon us.
I don't want to wake up four years from now and find out that millions of Americans still lack  health care  because we couldn't take on the  insurance industry .
I don't want to see that the oceans have risen a few more inches. The planet has reached a point of no return because we couldn't find a way to stop buying oil from dictators.
I don't want to see more American lives put at risk because no one had the judgment or the courage to stand up against a misguided war before we sent our troops into fight.
I don't want to see homeless veterans on the streets. I don't want to send another generation of American children to failing schools. I don't want that future for my daughters. I don't want that future for your sons. I do not want that future for America.
I'm in this race for the same reason that I fought for jobs for the jobless and hope for the hopeless on the streets of Chicago; for the same reason I fought for justice and equality as a  civil rights  lawyer; for the same reason that I fought for Illinois families for over a decade.
Because I will never forget that the only reason that I'm standing here today is because somebody, somewhere stood up for me when it was risky. Stood up when it was hard. Stood up when it wasn't popular. And because that somebody stood up, a few more stood up. And then a few thousand stood up. And then a few million stood up. And standing up, with courage and clear purpose, they somehow managed to change the world.
That's why I'm running, Democrats - to give our children and grandchildren the same chances somebody gave me.
That's why I'm running - to keep the  American Dream  alive for those who still hunger for opportunity, who still thirst for equality.
That's why I'm asking you to stand with me, that's why I'm asking you to vote for me, that's why I am asking you to stop settling for what the cynics say we have to accept. In this election - in this moment - let us reach for what we know is possible. A nation healed. A world repaired. An America that believes again. Thank you very much everybody.
 
 
 
Watch the Video.
It is an honor to be introduced by Harris Wofford - one of America's greatest advocates for  public service . Starting with the  civil rights  movement and the  Peace Corps , Harris and a generation of Americans answered a call to service. At a pivotal moment in our history, they stood up; they changed America; and they changed the world.
Today, it's easy for us to get caught thinking that there are two different stories at work in our lives. There is the story of our day to day cares and responsibilities. And there is the story of what's happening in the wider world - a story viewed through headlines and websites, a destiny to be shaped by forces beyond our control.
I am here today to ask you to reject this notion, and to invite you to take hold of the future of your country. Because your own story and the American story are not separate - they are shared. And they will both be enriched if we stand up together, and answer a new call to service to meet the challenges of our new century.
I say this to you as someone whose presence on this stage is unlikely. My father came from thousands of miles away, in Kenya, and went back there soon after I was born. I spent a childhood adrift. I was raised in Hawaii and Indonesia. I lived with my  single mom  and with my grandparents from Kansas. Growing up, I wasn't always sure who I was, or where I was going.
Then, when I was about your age, I decided to become a community organizer. I wrote letters to every organization in the country that I could think of. And for a while, I got no response. Finally, this small group of churches on the south side of Chicago wrote back and offered me a job to come help neighborhoods devastated by steel-plant closings. My mother and grandparents wanted me to go to  law school . My friends were applying to jobs on Wall Street. I didn't know a soul in Chicago, and the salary was about $12,000 a year, plus $2,000 to buy an old, beat-up car.
I still remember a conversation I had with an older man before I left. He looked and said, "Barack, I'll give you a bit of advice. Forget this community organizing business and do something that's gonna make you some money. You can't change the world, and people won't appreciate you trying. You've got a nice voice. What you should do is go into television broadcasting. I'm telling you, you've got a future." Now, he may have had a point about the TV thing. And to tell you the truth, I didn't have a clear answer about what I was doing. I wanted to step into the currents of history and help people fight for their dreams, but didn't know what my role would be. I was inspired by what people like Harris did in the  civil rights  movement, but when I got to Chicago, there were no marches, no soaring speeches. In the shadow of an empty  steel plant , there were just a lot of folks struggling. Day after day, I heard  no' a lot more than I heard  yes.' I saw plenty of empty chairs in those meetings we put together.
But even as I discovered that you can't bend history to your will, I found that you could do your part to see that - in the words of Dr. King - it "bends toward justice." In church basements and around  kitchen tables , block by block, we brought the community together, registered new voters, fought for new jobs, and helped people live lives with some measure of dignity.
Eventually, I realized I wasn't just helping other people. Through service, I found a community that embraced me; a church to belong to; citizenship that was meaningful; the direction I'd been seeking. Through service, I found that my own improbable story fit into a larger American story.
In America, each of us seeks our own dreams, but the sum of those dreams must be greater than ourselves. Because the America we inherited is the legacy of those who struggled, and those who served in so many ways, before us.
It's the legacy of a band of unlikely patriots who overthrew the tyranny of a King.
It's the legacy of abolitionists who stood up, and soldiers who fought for a more perfect union.
It's the legacy of those who started to teach in our schools and tend to the sick in our cities; who laid the rails and volunteered to uphold the law as America moved west.
It's the legacy of men who faced the Depression by putting on the uniform of the Civilian Conservation Corps; of women who worked on that Arsenal of Democracy and built the tanks and ships and  bomber aircraft  to fight fascism.
It's the legacy of those women's suffragists and freedom riders who stood up for justice; and  young people  who answered President Kennedy's call to go forth in a  Peace Corps .
The sacrifices made by previous generations have never been easy. But America is a great nation precisely because Americans have been willing to stand up when it was hard; to serve on stages both great and small; to rise above moments of great challenge and terrible trial.
One of those moments took place on September 11, 2001. Whether you lived in Manhattan or here in Mount Vernon, you felt the pain and loss of that day not just as an individual, but as an American. That's why we lined up to give blood. That's why we held vigils and flew flags. That's why we rallied behind our President. We had a chance to step into the currents of history. We were ready to answer a new call for our country. But the call never came. Instead, we were asked to go shopping, and to prove our patriotism by supporting a war in Iraq that should never have been authorized, and never been waged.
We have lost precious time. Our nation is less secure and less respected in the world. Our energy dependence has risen, and so has the specter of  climate change . More of our children have been left behind. Instead of a call to unity, we got a  political strategy  of division. The burden of service has fallen, more and more, on the brave men and women of our military who heroically serve tour after  tour of duty  in a war without end.
When I was thinking about whether or not to seek the presidency, there were some voices who counseled me to wait. You seem like a gifted young man, they said - why not wait around Washington a few more years? Or when I started talking about a politics of hope, some just rolled their eyes and echoed the words of that man from my younger days: you can't change the world, and people won't appreciate you trying.
Well I am running for President - right now - because I refuse to let this moment pass. The decisions we make today will shape the century that my daughters - and your children - grow up in. I have not served the cause of America for over two decades to stay on the sidelines at a time when that cause is being challenged at home and abroad. If we don't rise up to seize this moment, then we may not get another.
I have no doubt that in the face of impossible odds people who love their country can change it. But I hold no illusions that one man or woman can do this alone. That's why my campaign has called nearly 400,000 Americans to a common purpose. That's why I'm reaching out to Democrats, and also to Independents and Republicans. And that is why I won't just ask for your vote as a candidate; I will ask for your service and your active citizenship when I am President of the  United States . This will not be a call issued in one speech or program; this will be a cause of my presidency.
First, we will create new opportunities for all Americans to serve, and to direct that service to our most pressing national challenges.
Americans have shown they want to step up. I see it everywhere I go: the brave young men and women who have signed up to defend our country; the volunteers fighting poverty in rural America and to rebuild New Orleans; students getting their colleges to divest to stop the genocide in Darfur; the thousands of young Americans who have flooded the applicant pool for Teach for America; retirees who are devoting their time to serve.
But we're not keeping pace with the demand of those who want to serve, and we're not leveraging that commitment to meet national challenges. FDR not only enlisted Americans to create employment, he targeted that service to build our infrastructure and conserve our environment. JFK not only called on a new generation, he made their service a bridge to the developing world, and a  bright light  of American values in the darkest days of the  Cold War .
Today, AmeriCorps - our nation's network of local, state and  national service  programs - has 75,000 slots. As President, I will increase that to 250,000, and make that increased service a vehicle to meet national goals like providing  health care  and education, saving our planet and restoring our standing in the world, so that citizens see their efforts connected to a common purpose. People of all ages, stations, and skills will be asked to serve. Because when it comes to the challenges we face, the  American people  are not the problem - they are the answer.
To help every American receive a world-class education, we will create a new Classroom Corps. We'll have  college students , recent graduates and retirees mentor  young people ; engineers and scientists will help make sure the next generation of innovators is educated here in America; civic, business and faith leaders will develop new after school programs for our kids.
To free ourselves from energy dependence and to confront  climate change , we will create a new Energy Corps. We'll ask you to work on  renewable energy  projects, to teach folks about conservation, and to help clean up polluted areas. And we'll send talented American engineers and scientists abroad to help  developing countries  promote low-carbon energy development.
To restore America's standing, I will call on our greatest resource - not our bombs, guns, or dollars - I will call upon our people. We will grow the  Foreign Service  to renew our commitment to diplomacy. We will double the size of the  Peace Corps  by its 50th anniversary in 2011. And we'll reach out to other nations to engage their  young people  in similar programs, so that we work side by side to take on the common challenges that confront all humanity.
I will expand our military, while offering those who serve the promise that they will get the training, equipment, and care they deserve - and that they can trust we will never, ever, send them to fight in a misguided war. And we'll enlist veterans to help other veterans find jobs; to counsel vets who are confronting homelessness,  mental health  and  substance abuse  problems; and to pitch in at VA hospitals and  nursing homes .
Some of these programs will be full-time; some will be part time opportunities for those who are working. And we'll expand and improve Senior Corps programs to attract new retirees with substantive service opportunities, so that service becomes a core part of active retirement And we'll use technology to connect people to service more extensively and effectively. We turn to websites like craigslist to find apartments and jobs. So we'll expand USA Freedom Corps to create an online network where Americans can browse opportunities to volunteer. You'll be able to search by category, time commitment, and skill sets; you'll be able to rate service opportunities, build service networks, and create your own service pages to track your hours and activities. This will empower more Americans to craft their own service agenda, and make their own change from the bottom up.
The second thing I'll do is invest in ideas that can help us meet our common challenges, because more often than not the next great  social innovation  won't be generated by the government.
The non-profit sector employs 1 in 12 Americans and 115 nonprofits are launched every day. Yet while the  federal government  invests $7 billion in research and development for the  private sector , there is no similar effort to support non-profit innovation. Meanwhile, there are ideas across America - in our  inner cities  and small towns; from  college graduates  to folks making a career change - that could benefit millions of Americans if they're given the chance to grow.
As President, I will launch a new Social Investment Fund Network. It's time to get the  grass roots , the foundations, the  private sector  and the government at the table. We'll invest in ideas that work; leverage  private sector  dollars to encourage innovation; and expand successful programs to scale. Take a program like the Harlem Children's Zone, which helps thousands of kids in New York through after-school activities, mentoring, and family support. We need to make that model work in different cities around the country. And I'll start a new Social Entrepreneur Agency to make sure that small non-profits have the same kind of support that we give  small businesses .
The third part of my plan will be integrating service into education, so that young Americans are called upon and prepared to be  active citizens .
Just as we teach math and writing, arts and athletics, we need to teach young Americans to take citizenship seriously. Study after study shows that students who serve do better in school, are more likely to go to college, and more likely to maintain that service as adults. So when I'm President, I will set a goal for all American middle and  high school  students to perform 50 hours of service a year, and for all  college students  to perform 100 hours of service a year. This means that by the time you graduate college, you'll have done 17 weeks of service.
We'll reach this goal in several ways. At the middle and  high school  level, we'll make federal assistance conditional on  school districts  developing  service programs , and give schools resources to offer new service opportunities. At the  community level , we'll develop public-private partnerships so students can serve more outside the classroom.
For  college students , I have proposed an annual American Opportunity  Tax Credit  of $4,000 to make tuition affordable. To receive this credit, we'll require 100 hours of  public service . And we'll amend the Federal  Work-Study program , so that nearly $250 million will help more than 200,000  college students  work in  part-time   public service  jobs each year.
And we will not leave out the nearly 2 million young Americans who are out of school and out of work. Instead, we'll use service to tighten their bond to the American family, and to put them on a pathway to success. We'll enlist them in a Green Job Corps, so that disadvantaged  young people  can find useful work and gain skills in a growing industry. And we'll expand the YouthBuild Program, which puts young Americans to work building affordable housing in America's poorest communities, giving them valuable skills and a chance to complete a  high school  education. Today, there are 8,000 YouthBuild slots - we'll expand that to 50,000.
Now I know what the cynics will say. I've heard from them all  my life .
These are the voices that will tell you - not just what you can't do - but what you won't do. Americans won't come together - our allegiance doesn't go beyond our  political party , region, or congregation. Young Americans won't serve their country - they're too selfish, or too lazy. This is the  soft sell  of the  status quo , the voice that tells you to settle because settling isn't that bad.
Let me ask you to stop and consider this meeting that we're having. You go to the  first school  in the  United States  west of the Mississippi to grant women the same rights and privileges as men. You go to a school that resolved in 1870 that race would not be a factor in admission. These may be  small changes  on the vast canvas of history, but the America we live in is the  sum total  of that kind of courage, that spirit of progress. If it weren't for that kind of change, it wouldn't be possible for someone like me to stand here today to talk to you about the future of this country. You and I are at a place where somebody, at some point, decided that loving their community and their country meant doing something to change it.
Renewing that spirit starts with service. Make no mistake: our destiny as Americans is tied up with  one another . If we are less respected in the world, then you will be less safe. If we keep paying dictators to fill up our  gas tanks , then those oceans are going to rise. If we can't give our kids a world-class education, then our economy is going to fall behind.
And that's how it should be. It is time to recapture that sense of a common purpose: I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper. I'm tired of hearing about how America is on the wrong track - I want us to come together to put it on the right track. I'm tired of hearing about red America and blue America - I want to lead a  United States  of America. I'm tired of talking about what we can't do, or won't do, or won't even try - I want all of us to stand up and to start reaching for what is possible.
That's what history calls us to do. Because loving your country shouldn't just mean watching fireworks on the 4th of July; loving your country must mean accepting your responsibility to do your part to change it. And if you do stand up, I promise you that your life will be richer, and our country will be stronger.
We need your service, right now, in this moment - our moment - in history. I'm not going to tell you what your role should be; that's for you to discover. But I am going to ask you to play your part; ask you to stand up; ask you to put your foot firmly into the current of history. I am asking you to change history's course. And if I have the fortune to be your President, decades from now - when the memory of this or that policy has faded, and when the words that we will speak in the next few years are long forgotten - I hope you remember this as a moment when your own story and the American story came together, and history bent once more in the direction of justice.
 
 
 
Watch the Video.
This is a pivotal moment in our history. Our security is threatened. Our nation is at war. Our planet is in peril. The strength, standing and leadership in the world that so many generations of Americans have fought and worked for is at stake.
Iowans understand this. Everywhere I go  from Sioux City to Des Moines to Davenport  I'm asked about the changes we need to make in our  foreign policy . You understand that in a world of stateless terrorists and spreading technology, our own security and prosperity is tied to what happens around the world. You want to be proud of what America stands for, and you know that America is stronger - and safer - when our policies reflect our core values.
This came up in our recent debate here in Des Moines. I was asked how I plan to change our  foreign policy , even as I'm advised by members of previous Administrations. I'm thankful to be joined on this stage today by two of those advisors - Tony Lake and Susan Rice, as well as General Scott Gration and Senator Steve Warnstadt. And I look forward to drawing on all of the talent that I can get when I am President of the  United States  - because unlike George Bush, I'm not going to demand an ideological or loyalty test for my advisors.
But the answer to the question is simple. There are moments in history when it is not enough to fall back on conventional ways of doing things, because the threats we face are unconventional. There are moments when we're called to stand up for what is right even if it's not popular, because that's what makes us stronger and safer. There are moments when new challenges demand new American leadership.
This is one of those moments; I am running for President to offer that leadership; and I welcome the support of all who will help me chart this course.
I am running to do more than end a war in Iraq - I am running to change the mindset that got us into war. It's easy for us to lay all of the problems of the world at George Bush's doorstep. His judgments will be subject to the harsh light of history, and the verdict will not be kind. But the question is what comes next. Because we also have to change a conventional way of thinking about  foreign policy  that values time spent in Washington over timely judgments; posturing over pragmatism; and fear of looking weak over the conviction to get things right. Here, I ask you to look no further than my record.
George Bush did not take us to war alone. Congress gave him that authority when it voted for a Resolution with the simple title: "A Resolution to Authorize the Use of  United States   Armed Forces  Against Iraq." I opposed the war, and spoke out against it in 2002 when it was not politically popular. I said we needed to finish the job in Afghanistan, and that invading and occupying a country that had nothing to do with 9/11 was the wrong way to respond to the unconventional challenge posed by al Qaeda and Islamic extremism.
Today, we see the disastrous results of the decision to go to war. Still, we have not shown that we are learning the right lessons.
On Iraq, we hear that the surge is succeeding. Let me be clear: the surge is not the solution to Iraq's problems because it is not achieving the political benchmarks that were the stated purpose of our troop increase. You cannot end a  civil war  unless the warring parties resolve their differences, and only a removal of our combat brigades will put meaningful pressure on the Iraqis to do so.
And the surge continues to focus our resources on the wrong war. Just yesterday, we learned on the  front page  of the Washington Post that the U.S. military is pressing for a quicker drawdown from Iraq so we can salvage stability in Afghanistan. Six years after we took our eye off the ball in Afghanistan - the origin of the 9/11 attacks - we still don't have our priorities straight. That's why it's time to stop funding a failed policy, to remove our combat brigades from Iraq, and to increase our military, political, and economic commitment to Afghanistan. That's what I spoke out for in 2002, that's what I've called for in this campaign, and that's what I'll do as President.
In Iran, there is a conventional thinking that has prized bluster over  common sense . Earlier this year, while I was getting attacked for calling for direct diplomacy with Iran's leaders, others were talking tough and voting for an amendment that calls for George Bush to use our troops in Iraq to counter Iran. Then we learned in a National Intelligence Estimate that Iran suspended its  nuclear weapons program  in 2003 in response to  international pressure .
Now make no mistake - Iran continues to pose a threat through its support for terrorism, nuclear  know-how , and threats toward Israel. But the answer is not George Bush's saber-rattling - it's the diplomatic approach that I put forward when it was politically risky. As President, I will personally present Iran with a choice - stop your dangerous behavior and there will be political and economic incentives; continue doing what you're doing and you will face further isolation.
We need a President who is willing to talk to all nations - friend and foe. Not talking doesn't make us look tough, it makes us look arrogant. It also makes it harder to get international support when we do need to pressure countries like Iran, and opens the door to China and Russia to fill the vacuum left by the absence of American leadership. We have to stop giving countries the excuse that America will not come to the table. We have to lead, and that's what I intend to do.
When you elect our next President, you will choose someone to make those tough judgments on Iraq, on Iran, on how to restore America's standing. We know what we're going to get from the Republican nominee. More Bush-Cheney  foreign policy . More support for open-ended war in Iraq. More saber-rattling toward Iran. More refusing to talk to countries we don't like. More exceptions and excuses made for torture. They even had a debate earlier this year where they argued about how much to expand Guantanamo.
When I'm the Democratic nominee, I will offer a clear choice. My opponent won't be able to say that I ever supported the war in Iraq, or that I don't support a clear timetable to bring our troops home. He won't be able to say that I voted to use our troops in Iraq to counter Iran, or that I support the Bush-Cheney diplomacy of not talking to leaders we don't like. And he won't be able to say that I wavered on something as fundamental as whether or not it is ok for America to torture -because it is never ok.
This isn't about drawing contrasts - it's about a change in our  foreign policy  that you can believe in. So when you consider who to caucus for, I ask you to consider my judgment and vision for new American leadership. Leadership that brings our combat brigades out of Iraq in 16 months, renews American diplomacy, finishes the fight in Afghanistan, closes Guantanamo, and leads the world against the common threats of the 21st century -  nuclear weapons  and terrorism;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. Leadership that sends a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says, "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now." It's a vision informed by three years serving on the Senate  Foreign Relations  Committee, where I have worked across the aisle with Dick Lugar to keep the world's most dangerous weapons away from terrorists; and introduced legislation to stop the war in Iraq and the genocide in Darfur.
It's a vision informed by three years serving on the Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee, where I have seen firsthand the sacrifices of those who bear the burden of war, and fought to give them the care, benefits, and respect that they have earned.
It's a vision informed by official travel overseas to Africa; throughout the  Middle East ; and across the former  Soviet Union  - where I have seen firsthand the unconventional threats of a terrorized city and the terrible danger of a loose anthrax vial; but where I also saw the yearning in the eyes of those faces who need an America that speaks to their hopes, not just their fears.
It's a vision informed by my opposition to this war in Iraq, and by the counsel I have received from leading experts like the people on this stage today.
And it's a vision informed by knowing what it's like to live in the wider world, beyond the halls of power; of playing barefoot with children in Indonesia who couldn't dream the same dreams that I could because they weren't American; of having a grandmother living in Kenya without electricity or plumbing; of being born to a father who set out from a distant land in search of the light of hope offered by a dream called America.
That is the experience that I will bring to the office. Not the mindset of fear that we have been fed since 9/11 - fear of looking weak; fear of new challenges; fear of the unknown. But rather hope that this moment of challenge can become a dawn of new opportunity, and the conviction to seize this opportunity - to recapture our strength; to overcome new threats; to reach for what's possible.
To do this, we have to invite the  American people  into the discussion, and once more make our  foreign policy  a cause to unite us - not a wedge issue to divide us. That's why I have been clear and detailed in my proposals during this campaign. And that's why I'm pleased to join some of my advisors in an open discussion with Iowans today.
 
 
 
Ten months ago, I stood on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois, and began an unlikely journey to change America.
I did not run for the presidency to fulfill some long-held ambition or because I believed it was somehow owed to me. I chose to  run in  this election - at this moment - because of what Dr. King called "the fierce urgency of now." Because we are at a defining moment in our history. Our nation is at war. Our planet is in peril. Our  health care  system is broken, our economy is out of balance, our  education system  fails too many of our children, and our retirement system is in tatters.
At this defining moment, we cannot wait any longer for universal  health care . We cannot wait to fix our schools. We cannot wait for good jobs, and  living wages , and pensions we can count on. We cannot wait to halt  global warming , and we cannot wait to end this war in Iraq.
I chose to run because I believed that the size of these challenges had outgrown the capacity of our broken and divided politics to solve them; because I believed that Americans of every political stripe were hungry for a new kind of politics, a politics that focused not just on how to win but why we should, a politics that focused on those values and ideals that we held in common as Americans; a politics that favored  common sense  over ideology, straight talk over spin.
Most of all, I believed in the power of the  American people  to be the real agents of change in this country - because we are not as divided as our politics suggests; because we are a decent, generous people willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations ; and I was certain that if we could just mobilize our voices to challenge the  special interests  that dominate Washington and challenge ourselves to reach for something better, there was no problem we couldn't solve - no destiny we couldn't fulfill.
Ten months later, Iowa, you have vindicated that faith. You've come out in the blistering heat and the bitter cold not just to cheer, but to challenge - to ask the  tough questions ; to lift the hood and kick the tires; to serve as one place in America where someone who hasn't spent their life in the Washington spotlight can get a fair hearing.
You've earned the role you play in our democracy because no one takes it more seriously. And I believe that's true this year more than ever because, like me, you feel that same  sense of urgency .
All across this state, you've shared with me your stories. And all too often they've been stories of struggle and hardship.
I've heard from seniors who were betrayed by CEOs who dumped their pensions while pocketing bonuses, and from those who still can't afford their prescriptions because Congress refused to negotiate with the  drug companies  for the cheapest available price.
I've met Maytag workers who labored all their lives only to see their jobs shipped overseas; who now compete with their teenagers for $7-an-hour jobs at Wal-Mart.
I've spoken with teachers who are working at donut shops after school just to make ends meet; who are still digging into their own pockets to pay for school supplies.
Just two weeks ago, I heard a young woman in Cedar Rapids who told me she only gets three hours of sleep because she works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't afford  health care  for a sister with  cerebral palsy . She spoke not with  self-pity  but with determination, and wonders why the government isn't doing more to help her afford the education that will allow her to live out her dreams.
I've spoken to veterans who talk with pride about what they've accomplished in Afghanistan and Iraq, but who nevertheless think of those they've left behind and question the wisdom of our mission in Iraq; the mothers weeping in my arms over the memories of their sons; the disabled or homeless vets who wonder why their service has been forgotten.
And I've spoken to Americans in every corner of the state, patriots all, who wonder why we have allowed our standing in the world to decline so badly, so quickly. They know this has not made us safer. They know that we must never negotiate out of fear, but that we must never fear to negotiate with our enemies as well as our friends. They are ashamed of Abu Graib and Guantanamo and warrantless wiretaps and ambiguity on torture. They love their country and want its cherished values and ideals restored.
It is precisely because you've experience these frustrations, and seen the cost of inaction in your own lives, that you understand why we can't afford to settle for the same old politics. You know that we can't afford to allow the insurance lobbyists to kill  health care  reform one more time, and the oil lobbyists to keep us addicted to  fossil fuels  because no one stood up and took their power away when they had the chance.
You know that we can't afford four more years of the same divisive food fight in Washington that's about scoring political points instead of solving problems; that's about tearing your opponents down instead of lifting this country up.
We can't afford the same politics of fear that tells Democrats that the only way to look tough on  national security  is to talk, act, and vote like George Bush Republicans; that invokes 9/11 as a way to scare up votes instead of a challenge that should unite all Americans to defeat our real enemies.
We can't afford to be so worried about losing the next election that we lose the battles we owe to the next generation.
The real gamble in this election is playing the same Washington game with the same Washington players and expecting a different result. And that's a risk we can't take. Not this year. Not when the stakes are this high.
In this election, it is time to turn the page. In seven days, it is time to stand for change.
This has been our message since the beginning of this campaign. It was our message when we were down, and our message when we were up. And it must be catching on, because in these last few weeks, everyone is talking about change.
But you can't at once argue that you're the master of a broken system in Washington and offer yourself as the person to change it. You can't fall in line behind the conventional thinking on issues as profound as war and offer yourself as the leader who is best prepared to chart a new and better course for America.
The truth is, you can have the right kind of experience and the wrong kind of experience. Mine is rooted in the real lives of real people and it will bring real results if we have the courage to change. I believe deeply in those words. But they are not mine. They were Bill Clinton's in 1992, when Washington insiders questioned his readiness to lead.
My experience is rooted in the lives of the men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I fought for as an organizer when the local  steel plant  closed. It's rooted in the lives of the people I stood up for as a  civil rights  lawyer when they were denied opportunity on the job or justice at the  voting booth  because of what they looked like or where they came from. It's rooted in an understanding of how the world sees America that I gained from living, traveling, and having family beyond our shores - an understanding that led me to oppose this war in Iraq from the start. It's experience rooted in the real lives of real people, and it's the kind of experience Washington needs right now.
There are others in this race who say that this kind of change sounds good, but that I'm not angry or confrontational enough to get it done.
Well, let me tell you something, Iowa. I don't need any lectures on how to bring about change, because I haven't just talked about it on the  campaign trail . I've fought for change all  my life .
I walked away from a job on Wall Street to bring  job training  to the jobless and after school programs to kids on the streets of Chicago.
I turned down the  big money   law firms  to win justice for the powerless as a  civil rights  lawyer.
I took on the lobbyists in Illinois and brought Democrats and Republicans together to expand  health care  to 150,000 people and pass the first major campaign  finance reform  in twenty-five years; and I did the same thing in Washington when we passed the toughest lobbying reform since Watergate. I'm the only candidate in this race who hasn't just talked about taking power away from lobbyists, I've actually done it. So if you want to know what kind of choices we'll make as President, you should take a look at the choices we made when we had the chance to bring about change that wasn't easy or convenient.
That's the kind of change that's more than just rhetoric - that's change you can believe in.
It's change that won't just come from more anger at Washington or turning up the heat on Republicans. There's no shortage of anger and bluster and bitter partisanship out there. We don't need more heat. We need more light. I've learned in  my life  that you can stand firm in your principles while still reaching out to those who might not always agree with you. And although the Republican operatives in Washington might not be interested in hearing what we have to say, I think Republican and independent voters outside of Washington are. That's the once-in-a-generation opportunity we have in this election.
For the first time in a long time, we have the chance to build a new majority of not just Democrats, but Independents and Republicans who've lost faith in their Washington leaders but want to believe again - who desperately want something new.
We can change the electoral math that's been all about division and make it about addition - about building a coalition for change and progress that stretches through Blue States and Red States. That's how I won some of the reddest, most Republican counties in Illinois. That's why the polls show that I do best against the Republicans running for President - because we're attracting more support from Independents and Republicans than any other candidate. That's how we'll win in November and that's how we'll change this country over the next four years.
In the end, the argument we are having between the candidates in the last seven days is not just about the meaning of change. It's about the meaning of hope. Some of my opponents appear scornful of the word; they think it speaks of naivete, passivity, and  wishful thinking .
But that's not what hope is. Hope is not blind optimism. It's not ignoring the enormity of the task before us or the roadblocks that stand in our path. Yes, the lobbyists will fight us. Yes, the Republican attack dogs will go after us in the  general election . Yes, the problems of poverty and  climate change  and failing schools will resist easy repair. I know - I've been on the streets, I've been in the courts. I've watched legislation die because the powerful held sway and good intentions weren't fortified by  political will , and I've watched a nation get mislead into war because no one had the judgment or the courage to ask the hard questions before we sent our troops to fight.
But I also know this. I know that hope has been the guiding force behind the most improbable changes this country has ever made. In the face of tyranny, it's what led a band of colonists to rise up against an Empire. In the face of slavery, it's what fueled the resistance of the slave and the abolitionist, and what allowed a President to chart a treacherous course to ensure that the nation would not continue half slave and half free. In the face of war and Depression, it's what led the greatest of generations to free a continent and heal a nation. In the face of oppression, it's what led young men and women to sit at  lunch counters  and brave  fire hoses  and march through the streets of Selma and Montgomery for freedom's cause. That's the power of hope - to imagine, and then work for, what had seemed impossible before.
That's the change we seek. And that's the change you can stand for in seven days.
We've already beaten odds that the cynics said couldn't be beaten. When we started ten months ago, they said we couldn't run a different kind of campaign.
They said we couldn't compete without taking money from Washington lobbyists. But you proved them wrong when we raised more small donations from more Americans than any other campaign in history.
They said we couldn't be successful if we didn't have the full support of the establishment in Washington. But you proved them wrong when we built a grassroots movement that could forever change the face of American politics.
They said we wouldn't have a chance in this campaign unless we resorted to the same old negative attacks. But we resisted, even when we were written off, and ran a positive campaign that pointed out real differences and rejected the politics of slash and burn.
And now, in seven days, you have a chance once again to prove the cynics wrong. In seven days, what was improbable has the chance to beat what Washington said was inevitable. And that's why in these last weeks, Washington is fighting back with everything it has -- with attack ads and insults; with distractions and dishonesty; with millions of dollars from outside groups and undisclosed donors to try and block our path.
We've seen this script many times before. But I know that this time can be different.
Because I know that when the  American people  believe in something, it happens.
If you believe, then we can tell the lobbyists that their days of setting the agenda in Washington are over.
If you believe, then we can stop making promises to America's workers and start delivering - jobs that pay,  health care  that's affordable, pensions you can count on, and a  tax cut  for working Americans instead of the companies who send their jobs overseas .
If you believe, we can offer a world-class education to every child, and pay our teachers more, and make college dreams a reality for every American.
If you believe, we can save this planet and end our dependence on foreign oil.
If you believe, we can end this war, close Guantanamo, restore our standing, renew our diplomacy, and once again respect the Constitution of the  United States  of America .
That's the future within our reach. That's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting for us around the corner. But only if we're willing to work for it and fight for it. To shed our fears and our doubts and our cynicism. To glory in the task before us of remaking this country block by block, precinct by precinct, county by county, state by state.
There is a moment in the life of every generation when, if we are to make our mark on history, this spirit must break through This is the moment.
This is our time.
And if you will stand with me in seven days - if you will stand for change so that our children have the same chance that somebody gave us; if you'll stand to keep the  American dream  alive for those who still hunger for opportunity and thirst for justice; if you're ready to stop settling for what the cynics tell you you must accept, and finally reach for what you know is possible, then we will win this caucus, we will win this election, we will change the course of history, and the real journey - to heal a nation and repair the world - will have truly begun.
Thank you.
 
 
 
Thank you, Iowa.
You know, they said this day would never come.
They said our sights were set too high.
They said this country was too divided; too disillusioned to ever come together around a common purpose.
But on this January night - at this defining moment in history - you have done what the cynics said we couldn't do. You have done what the state of  New Hampshire  can do in five days. You have done what America can do in this  New Year , 2008. In lines that stretched around schools and churches; in small towns and  big cities ; you came together as Democrats, Republicans and Independents to stand up and say that we are one nation; we are one people; and our time for change has come.
You said the time has come to move beyond the bitterness and pettiness and anger that's consumed Washington; to end the  political strategy  that's been all about division and instead make it about addition - to build a coalition for change that stretches through Red States and Blue States. Because that's how we'll win in November, and that's how we'll finally meet the challenges that we face as a nation.
We are choosing hope over fear. We're choosing unity over division, and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.
You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don't own this government, we do; and we are here to take it back.
The time has come for a President who will be honest about the choices and the challenges we face; who will listen to you and learn from you even when we disagree; who won't just tell you what you want to hear, but what you need to know. And in  New Hampshire , if you give me the same chance that Iowa did tonight, I will be that president for America.
Thank you.
I'll be a President who finally makes  health care  affordable and available to every single American the same way I expanded  health care  in Illinois - by--by bringing Democrats and Republicans together to get the job done.
I'll be a President who ends the  tax breaks  for companies that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class  tax cut  into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.
I'll be a President who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers and scientists and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil once and for all.
And I'll be a President who ends this war in Iraq and finally brings our troops home; who restores our moral standing; who understands that 9/11 is not a way to scare up votes, but a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century; common threats of terrorism and  nuclear weapons ;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease.
Tonight, we are one step closer to that vision of America because of what you did here in Iowa. And so I'd especially like to thank the organizers and the precinct captains; the volunteers and the staff who made this all possible.
And while I'm at it, on "thank yous," I think it makes sense for me to thank the love of  my life , the rock of the Obama family, the closer on the  campaign trail ; give it up for Michelle Obama.
I know you didn't do this for me. You did this-you did this because you believed so deeply in the most American of ideas - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it.
I know this-I know this because while I may be standing here tonight, I'll never forget that my journey began on the streets of Chicago doing what so many of you have done for this campaign and all the campaigns here in Iowa - organizing, and working, and fighting to make people's lives just a  little bit  better.
I know how hard it is. It comes with little sleep, little pay, and a lot of sacrifice. There are days of disappointment, but sometimes, just sometimes, there are nights like this - a night-a night that, years from now, when we've made the changes we believe in; when more families can afford to see a doctor; when our children-when Malia and Sasha and your children-inherit a planet that's a little cleaner and safer; when the world sees America differently, and America sees itself as a nation less divided and more united; you'll be able to look back with pride and say that this was the moment when it all began.
This was the moment when the improbable beat what Washington always said was inevitable.
This was the moment when we tore down barriers that have divided us for too long - when we rallied people of all parties and ages to a common cause; when we finally gave Americans who'd never participated in politics a reason to stand up and to do so.
This was the moment when we finally beat back the politics of fear, and doubt, and cynicism; the politics where we tear each other down instead of lifting this country up. This was the moment.
Years from now, you'll look back and you'll say that this was the moment - this was the place - where America remembered what it means to hope.
For many months, we've been teased, even derided for talking about hope.
But we always knew that hope is not blind optimism. It's not ignoring the enormity of the task ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path. It's not sitting on the sidelines or shirking from a fight. Hope is that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us if we have the courage to reach for it, and to work for it, and to fight for it.
Hope is what I saw in the eyes of the young woman in Cedar Rapids who works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't afford  health care  for a sister who's ill; a young woman who still believes that this country will give her the chance to live out her dreams.
Hope is what I heard in the voice of the  New Hampshire  woman who told me that she hasn't been able to breathe since her nephew left for Iraq; who still goes to bed each night praying for his safe return.
Hope is what led a band of colonists to rise up against an empire; what led the greatest of generations to free a continent and heal a nation; what led young women and young men to sit at  lunch counters  and brave  fire hoses  and march through Selma and Montgomery for freedom's cause.
Hope-hope-is what led me here today - with a father from Kenya; a mother from Kansas; and a story that could only happen in the  United States  of America. Hope is the bedrock of this nation; the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is; who have the courage to remake the world as it should be.
That is what we started here in Iowa, and that is the message we can now carry to  New Hampshire  and beyond; the same message we had when we were up and when we were down; the one that can change this country brick by brick, block by block, calloused hand by calloused hand - that together,  ordinary people  can do extraordinary things; because we are not a collection of Red States and Blue States, we are the  United States  of America; and at this moment, in this election, we are ready to believe again. Thank you, Iowa.
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
The Scripture tells us that when Joshua and the Israelites arrived at the gates of Jericho, they could not enter. The walls of the city were too steep for any one person to climb; too strong to be taken down with  brute force . And so they sat for days, unable to pass on through.
But God had a plan for his people. He told them to stand together and march together around the city, and on the seventh day he told them that when they heard the sound of the  ram's horn , they should speak with one voice. And at the chosen hour, when the horn sounded and a chorus of voices cried out together, the mighty walls of Jericho came tumbling down.
There are many lessons to take from this passage, just as there are many lessons to take from this day, just as there are many memories that fill the space of this church. As I was thinking about which ones we need to remember at this hour, my mind went back to the very beginning of the modern  Civil Rights  Era.
Because before Memphis and the mountaintop; before the bridge in Selma and the march on Washington; before Birmingham and the beatings; the  fire hoses  and the loss of those four  little girls ; before there was King the icon and his magnificent dream, there was King the young preacher and a people who found themselves suffering under the yoke of oppression.
And on the eve of the  bus boycotts  in Montgomery, at a time when many were still doubtful about the possibilities of change, a time when those in the  black community  mistrusted themselves, and at times mistrusted each other, King inspired with words not of anger, but of an urgency that still speaks to us today: "Unity is the great need of the hour" is what King said. Unity is how we shall overcome.
What Dr. King understood is that if just one person chose to walk instead of ride the bus, those walls of oppression would not be moved. But maybe if a few more walked, the foundation might start to shake. If a few more women were willing to do what Rosa Parks had done, maybe the cracks would start to show. If teenagers took  freedom rides  from North to South, maybe a few bricks would come loose. Maybe if white folks marched because they had come to understand that their freedom too was at stake in the impending battle, the wall would begin to sway. And if enough Americans were awakened to the injustice; if they joined together, North and South, rich and poor, Christian and Jew, then perhaps that wall would come tumbling down, and justice would flow like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Unity is the great need of the hour - the great need of this hour. Not because it sounds pleasant or because it makes us feel good, but because it's the only way we can overcome the essential deficit that exists in this country.
I'm not talking about a  budget deficit . I'm not talking about a  trade deficit . I'm not talking about a deficit of good ideas or new plans.
I'm talking about a moral deficit. I'm talking about an empathy deficit. I'm taking about an inability to recognize ourselves in  one another ; to understand that we are our brother's keeper; we are our sister's keeper; that, in the words of Dr. King, we are all tied together in a single garment of destiny.
We have an empathy deficit when we're still sending our children down corridors of shame - schools in the forgotten corners of America where the color of your skin still affects the content of your education.
We have a deficit when CEOs are making more in ten minutes than some workers make in ten months; when families lose their homes so that lenders make a profit; when mothers can't afford a doctor when their children get sick.
We have a deficit in this country when there is Scooter Libby justice for some and Jena justice for others; when our children see nooses hanging from a schoolyard tree today, in the present, in the twenty-first century.
We have a deficit when homeless veterans sleep on the streets of our cities; when innocents are slaughtered in the deserts of Darfur; when young Americans serve tour after  tour of duty  in a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged.
And we have a deficit when it takes a breach in our levees to reveal a breach in our compassion; when it takes a terrible storm to reveal the hungry that God calls on us to feed; the sick He calls on us to care for; the least of these He commands that we treat as our own.
So we have a deficit to close. We have walls - barriers to justice and equality - that must come down. And to do this, we know that unity is the great need of this hour.
Unfortunately, all too often when we talk about unity in this country, we've come to believe that it can be purchased on the cheap. We've come to believe that racial reconciliation can come easily - that it's just a matter of a few ignorant people trapped in the prejudices of the past, and that if the demagogues and those who exploit our  racial divisions  will simply go away, then all our problems would be solved.
All too often, we seek to ignore the profound institutional barriers that stand in the way of ensuring opportunity for all children, or decent jobs for all people, or  health care  for those who are sick. We long for unity, but are unwilling to pay the price.
But of course, true unity cannot be so easily won. It starts with a change in attitudes - a broadening of our minds, and a broadening of our hearts.
It's not easy to stand in somebody else's shoes. It's not easy to see past our differences. We've all encountered this in our own lives. But what makes it even more difficult is that we have a politics in this country that seeks to drive us apart - that puts up walls between us.
We are told that those who differ from us on a few things are different from us on  all things ; that our problems are the fault of those who don't think like us or look like us or come from where we do. The welfare queen is taking our tax money. The immigrant is taking our jobs. The believer condemns the non-believer as immoral, and the non-believer chides the believer as intolerant.
For most of this country's history, we in the African-American community have been at the  receiving end  of man's inhumanity to man. And all of us understand intimately the insidious role that race still sometimes plays - on the job, in the schools, in our  health care  system, and in our  criminal justice system .
And yet, if we are honest with ourselves, we must admit that none of our hands are entirely clean. If we're honest with ourselves, we'll acknowledge that our own community has not always been true to King's vision of a beloved community.
We have scorned our gay brothers and sisters instead of embracing them. The scourge of  anti-Semitism  has, at times, revealed itself in our community. For too long, some of us have seen immigrants as competitors for jobs instead of companions in the fight for opportunity.
Every day, our politics fuels and exploits this kind of division across all races and regions; across gender and party. It is played out on television. It is sensationalized by the media. And last week, it even crept into the campaign for President, with charges and  counter-charges  that served to obscure the issues instead of illuminating the critical choices we face as a nation.
So let us say that on this day of all days, each of us carries with us the task of changing our hearts and minds. The division, the stereotypes, the scape-goating, the ease with which we blame our plight on others - all of this distracts us from the common challenges we face - war and poverty; injustice and inequality. We can no longer afford to build ourselves up by tearing someone else down. We can no longer afford to traffic in lies or fear or hate. It is the poison that we must purge from our politics; the wall that we must tear down before the hour grows too late.
Because if Dr. King could love his jailor; if he could call on the faithful who once sat where you do to forgive those who set dogs and  fire hoses  upon them, then surely we can look past what divides us in our time, and bind up our wounds, and erase the empathy deficit that exists in our hearts.
But if changing our hearts and minds is the first critical step, we cannot stop there. It is not enough to bemoan the plight of  poor children  in this country and remain unwilling to push our elected officials to provide the resources to fix our schools. It is not enough to decry the disparities of  health care  and yet allow the  insurance companies  and the  drug companies  to block much-needed reforms. It is not enough for us to abhor the costs of a misguided war, and yet allow ourselves to be driven by a politics of fear that sees the threat of attack as way to scare up votes instead of a call to come together around a common effort.
The Scripture tells us that we are judged not just by word, but by deed. And if we are to truly bring about the unity that is so crucial in this time, we must find it within ourselves to act on what we know; to understand that living up to this country's ideals and its possibilities will require great effort and resources; sacrifice and stamina.
And that is what is at stake in the great political debate we are having today. The changes that are needed are not just a matter of tinkering at the edges, and they will not come if politicians simply tell us what we want to hear. All of us will be called upon to make some sacrifice. None of us will be exempt from responsibility. We will have to fight to fix our schools, but we will also have to challenge ourselves to be better parents. We will have to confront the biases in our  criminal justice system , but we will also have to acknowledge the deep-seated violence that still resides in our own communities and marshal the will to break its grip.
That is how we will bring about the change we seek. That is how Dr. King led this country through the wilderness. He did it with words - words that he spoke not just to the children of slaves, but the children of slave owners. Words that inspired not just black but also white; not just the Christian but the Jew; not just the Southerner but also the Northerner.
He led with words, but he also led with deeds. He also led by example. He led by marching and going to jail and suffering threats and being away from his family. He led by taking a stand against a war, knowing full well that it would diminish his popularity. He led by challenging our  economic structures , understanding that it would cause discomfort. Dr. King understood that unity cannot be won on the cheap; that we would have to earn it through great effort and determination.
That is the unity - the hard-earned unity - that we need right now. It is that effort, and that determination, that can transform blind optimism into hope - the hope to imagine, and work for, and fight for what seemed impossible before.
The stories that give me such hope don't happen in the spotlight. They don't happen on the presidential stage. They happen in the quiet corners of our lives. They happen in the moments we least expect. Let me give you an example of one of those stories.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organizes for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She's been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and the other day she was at a  roundtable discussion  where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her  health care .
They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
So Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many  bring up  a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly  black man  who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not  bring up  a specific issue. He does not say  health care  or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old  black man  is not enough. It is not enough to give  health care  to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we begin. It is why the walls in that room began to crack and shake.
And if they can shake in that room, they can shake in Atlanta.
And if they can shake in Atlanta, they can shake in Georgia.
And if they can shake in Georgia, they can shake all across America. And if enough of our voices join together; we can bring those walls tumbling down. The walls of Jericho can finally come tumbling down. That is our hope - but only if we pray together, and work together, and march together.
Brothers and sisters, we cannot walk alone.
In the struggle for peace and justice, we cannot walk alone.
In the struggle for opportunity and equality, we cannot walk alone.
In the struggle to heal this nation and repair this world, we cannot walk alone.
So I ask you to walk with me, and march with me, and join your voice with mine, and together we will sing the song that tears down the walls that divide us, and lift up an America that is truly indivisible, with liberty, and justice, for all. May God bless the memory of the great pastor of this church, and may God bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
This morning, we woke up to  bad news  from Wall Street. For the second day in a row, the global  stock market  has continued to plunge as the world continues to fear that the  United States  government won't do enough to prevent a recession. We hope that the  rate cut  announced this morning will restore some confidence and stop the damage, but the fear remains.
It's a fear that hasn't just confined itself to those who nervously watch the tickers or scan the headlines of the financial section, but one that I have seen on the faces of working Americans in every corner of this country long before anxiety ever hit Wall Street.
I've seen it in the faces of families who are being forced to foreclose on their dream because an unscrupulous lender tricked them into buying a home they couldn't afford just to pocket a profit.
I've seen it in the faces of Maytag workers who labored all their lives only to see their jobs shipped overseas; who now compete with their teenagers for $7-an-hour jobs at Wal-Mart.
And I've seen it in the face of a young woman who told me she only gets three hours of sleep because she works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't afford  health care  for a sister who's ill.
In the last several months, their fears have grown worse and are now shared by more and more Americans. What started as a crisis in the housing market has now spilled over to the rest of the economy. Banks are facing a  credit crunch , leaving businesses with less money to invest and more Americans unable to get loans. Joblessness rose more last month than at any time since just after 9/11, and oil reached $100 a barrel. People have less money to spend, higher bills to pay, and fewer opportunities for work.
For years, we were warned this might happen. But Washington did what Washington does - it looked the other way. It rewarded lenders and lobbyists with whatever they asked for while ignoring the voices of working people who needed help most. And all the while, we've been led by George W. Bush - a President who's done more to contribute to this country's widening inequality than anyone since Herbert Hoover; a President whose  tax breaks  for wealthy Americans who didn't need them and didn't ask for them have only encouraged the mindset in Washington and on Wall Street that  what's good for me is good enough. � That's why it's no surprise that after months and months of watching families struggle to get by in this economy, George Bush finally offered a stimulus plan last week that neglects 50 million workers and seniors who need our help the most; the very people who are most likely to spend and give our economy the boost it needs right now.
Well George Bush's economic plans haven't worked before and they're not going to start working now. More importantly, they don't reflect who we are as Americans. We haven't come this far because we practice  survival of the fittest . America is America because we strive for survival of the nation - a nation where no one is left behind and everyone has a chance to achieve their dreams. That's who we are. And that's who we can be again at this defining moment.
This isn't an issue I found along the  campaign trail . I introduced legislation to stop mortgage fraud and predatory lending almost two years ago. I called for a middle-class  tax cut  back in September that would put money into the pockets of over 90% of working Americans; that would eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making less than $50,000; that would give a  tax credit  to struggling homeowners. And that's why when I announced my economic stimulus package the other week, I called for immediate  tax relief  for working families and seniors - because they shouldn't have to wait another day for Washington to act. They need our help right now.
We should send each working family a $500  tax cut  and each senior a $250 supplement to their  Social Security check . And if the economy continues to decline in the coming weeks, we should do it again. This is the quickest way to help people pay their bills and get them to start spending.
We should also immediately make  unemployment insurance  available for a longer period of time and for more people who are facing  job losses , and we should make sure it benefits  part-time  and non-traditional workers, something that will particularly help women, African-Americans and Latinos. We should help those facing foreclosure refinance their mortgages and stay in their homes, and we should provide direct relief to victims of mortgage fraud. And we should provide assistance to state and  local governments  so that they don't slash critical services like  health care  or education.
Of course, it's easy to propose plans and policies when you're on the  campaign trail . You can make all sorts of promises and tell people what they want to hear when they want to hear it.
But in this time of economic anxiety and uncertainty, what this country needs most is a President who says what he means and means what he says; a President who won't just do what's right when the politics are easy, but when the politics are hard; a President who's not just in it to win it; but in it for you.
In the debate last night, we spent some time talking about the economy. And one of the things I brought up that concerned me was that when Senator Clinton first released her economic stimulus plan, she didn't think that workers or seniors needed immediate  tax relief . She thought it could wait until things got worse. Five days later, the economy didn't really change, but the politics apparently did, because she changed her plan to look just like mine.
It reminds me of what happened when we started debating the  credit card  industry's bankruptcy bill - a bill that would make it much harder for working families to climb out of debt. Believe it or not, Senator Clinton said again last night that even though she voted for the bill, she was glad it didn't pass. I know you can get away with this in Washington, but most of us know that if you don't want to see a bill pass, there's a pretty  easy option  available - you can vote against it.
And we've heard her say the same  kind of thing  about NAFTA and China trade -agreements that sent millions of American jobs - thousands from this very state - overseas. Because only in Washington could Senator Clinton say that NAFTA led to economic improvement up until she started running for President. Now she says we need a  time-out  on trade. No one knows when this  time-out  will end. Maybe after the election.
The point is - this is exactly the kind of politics we can't afford right now. Not when the stakes are this high. Not when the economy is this fragile. Not when so many banks are foreclosing on people's dreams. We can't afford a President whose positions change with the politics of the moment, we need a President who knows that being ready on  day one  means getting it right from  day one . And South Carolina, if you give me the chance, that's the kind of President I'll be.
In my twenty-five years of  public service , my positions haven't changed when the politics got hard, and neither will the policies I pursue as President.
I started my career as a community organizer on the streets of Chicago, fighting joblessness and poverty when the local  steel plant  closed. I provided  tax relief  for working families as a state Senator in Illinois. And when I am President, I'll take away the breaks that Washington gives to companies who ship our jobs overseas, and give them to companies who create the jobs of the future right here in America.
I won't wait to raise the minimum wage every ten years - I will raise it to keep pace every year so that workers don't fall behind. I'll take on the  credit card  companies who are profiting by driving working families into debt. And I'll make sure that CEOs can't dump your pension with one hand while they collect a bonus with the other. That's an outrage, and it's time we had a President who knows it's an outrage.
On  health care , I know what it takes to expand coverage to the uninsured. In Illinois, I brought Democrats and Republicans together to expand  health care  to 150,000 children and parents. And when I'm President, I'll do more to cut costs for families and businesses than anyone in this race, and I'll pass universal  health care  not twenty years from now, not ten years from now, but by the end of my first term in office.
And when it comes to taking away the power of lobbyists and  special interests , I'm the only candidate in this race who's actually done it. In Illinois I passed the first major ethics reform in twenty-five years. In Washington I helped pass the strongest lobbying reform in a generation - we banned gifts from lobbyists, meals with lobbyists, subsidized travel on fancy jets, and for the first time in history, we forced lobbyists to tell the American public who they're raising money from and who in Congress they're funneling it to. Last night Senator Clinton defended lobbyists again, who she has said represent real Americans. Well let me tell you - if you really believe that lobbyists represent real Americans, then you don't. Washington lobbyists haven't funded my campaign, they won't run my  White House , and they will not drown out the voices of working Americans when I am President.
We know the road ahead will be difficult. None of the problems we face will be easy to solve and change will not happen overnight. It will take a new spirit of cooperation and sacrifice. It will require each of us to remind ourselves that we  rise and fall  as one nation; and that a country in which only a few prosper is antithetical to our ideals and our democracy. And it will take a President who can rally Americans of different views and backgrounds to this common cause.
I'm reminded every day that I am not a perfect man. And I will not be a perfect President. But I can promise you this - I will always say what I mean and mean what I say. I will be honest about the challenges we face. And most importantly, I will wake up every single day ready to listen to you, and work for you, and fight for you not just when it's easy, but when it's hard. That's what I did for those men and women on the streets of Chicago. That's what I've done over the last decade for the working families of Illinois. And that's what I will do for the  American people  if you give me the chance to lead this country. Thank you.
 
 
 
Over two weeks ago, we saw the people of Iowa proclaim that our time for change has come. But there were those who doubted this country's desire for something new - who said Iowa was a fluke not to be repeated again.
Well, tonight, the cynics who believed that what began in the snows of Iowa was just an illusion were told a different story by the good people of South Carolina.
After four great contests in every corner of this country, we have the most votes, the most delegates, and the most diverse coalition of Americans we've seen in a long, long time.
They are young and old; rich and poor. They are black and white; Latino and Asian. They are Democrats from Des Moines and Independents from Concord; Republicans from rural Nevada and  young people  across this country who've never had a reason to participate until now. And in nine days, nearly half the nation will have the chance to join us in saying that we are tired of business-as-usual in Washington, we are hungry for change, and we are ready to believe again But if there's anything we've been reminded of since Iowa, it's that the kind of change we seek will not come easy. Partly because we have fine candidates in the field - fierce competitors, worthy of respect. And as contentious as this campaign may get, we have to remember that this is a contest for the Democratic nomination, and that all of us share an abiding desire to end the disastrous policies of the current administration.
But there are real differences between the candidates. We are looking for more than just a change of party in the  White House . We're looking to fundamentally change the  status quo  in Washington - a  status quo  that extends beyond any particular party. And right now, that  status quo  is fighting back with everything it's got; with the same old tactics that divide and distract us from solving the problems people face, whether those problems are  health care  they can't afford or a mortgage they cannot pay.
So this will not be easy. Make no mistake about what we're up against.
We are up against the belief that it's ok for lobbyists to dominate our government - that they are just part of the system in Washington. But we know that the undue influence of lobbyists is part of the problem, and this election is our chance to say that we're not going to let them stand in our way anymore.
We are up against the conventional thinking that says your ability to lead as President comes from longevity in Washington or proximity to the  White House . But we know that real leadership is about candor, and judgment, and the ability to rally Americans from all  walks of life  around a common purpose - a higher purpose.
We are up against decades of bitter partisanship that cause politicians to demonize their opponents instead of coming together to make college affordable or energy cleaner; it's the kind of partisanship where you're not even allowed to say that a Republican had an idea - even if it's one you never agreed with. That kind of politics is bad for our party, it's bad for our country, and this is our chance to end it once and for all.
We are up against the idea that it's acceptable to say anything and do anything to win an election. We know that this is exactly what's wrong with our politics; this is why people don't believe what their leaders say anymore; this is why they tune out. And this election is our chance to give the  American people  a reason to believe again.
And what we've seen in these last weeks is that we're also up against forces that are not the fault of any one campaign, but feed the habits that prevent us from being who we want to be as a nation. It's the politics that uses religion as a wedge, and patriotism as a bludgeon. A politics that tells us that we have to think, act, and even vote within the confines of the categories that supposedly define us. The assumption that  young people  are apathetic. The assumption that Republicans won't cross over. The assumption that the wealthy care nothing for the poor, and that the poor don't vote. The assumption that African-Americans can't support the white candidate; whites can't support the African-American candidate; blacks and Latinos can't come together.
But we are here tonight to say that this is not the America we believe in. I did not travel around this state over the last year and see a white South Carolina or a black South Carolina. I saw South Carolina. I saw crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children. I saw shuttered mills and homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from all  walks of life , and men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. I saw what America is, and I believe in what this country can be.
That is the country I see. That is the country you see. But now it is up to us to help the entire nation embrace this vision. Because in the end, we are not just up against the ingrained and destructive habits of Washington, we are also struggling against our own doubts, our own fears, and our own cynicism. The change we seek has always required great struggle and sacrifice. And so this is a battle in our own hearts and minds about what kind of country we want and how hard we're willing to work for it.
So let me remind you tonight that change will not be easy. That change will take time. There will be setbacks, and  false starts , and sometimes we will make mistakes. But as hard as it may seem, we cannot lose hope. Because there are people all across this country who are counting us; who can't afford another four years without  health care  or good schools or decent wages because our leaders couldn't come together and get it done.
Theirs are the stories and voices we carry on from South Carolina.
The mother who can't get Medicaid to cover all the needs of her sick child - she needs us to pass a  health care  plan that cuts costs and makes  health care  available and affordable for every single American.
The teacher who works another shift at Dunkin Donuts after school just to make ends meet - she needs us to reform our  education system  so that she gets better pay, and more support, and her students get the resources they need to achieve their dreams.
The Maytag worker who is now competing with his own teenager for a $7-an-hour job at Wal-Mart because the factory he gave his life to shut its doors - he needs us to stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship our jobs overseas and start putting them in the pockets of working Americans who deserve it. And struggling homeowners. And seniors who should retire with dignity and respect.
The woman who told me that she hasn't been able to breathe since the day her nephew left for Iraq, or the soldier who doesn't know his child because he's on his third or fourth  tour of duty  - they need us to come together and put an end to a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged.
The choice in this election is not between regions or religions or genders. It's not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white.
It's about the past versus the future.
It's about whether we settle for the same divisions and distractions and drama that passes for politics today, or whether we reach for a politics of  common sense , and innovation - a shared sacrifice and shared prosperity.
There are those who will continue to tell us we cannot do this. That we cannot have what we long for. That we are peddling false hopes.
But here's what I know. I know that when people say we can't overcome all the  big money  and influence in Washington, I think of the elderly woman who sent me a contribution the other day - an envelope that had a  money order  for $3.01 along with a verse of scripture tucked inside. So don't tell us change isn't possible.
When I hear the cynical talk that blacks and whites and Latinos can't join together and work together, I'm reminded of the Latino brothers and sisters I organized with, and stood with, and fought with side by side for jobs and justice on the streets of Chicago. So don't tell us change can't happen.
When I hear that we'll never overcome the racial divide in our politics, I think about that Republican woman who used to work for Strom Thurmond, who's now devoted to educating inner-city children and who went out onto the streets of South Carolina and knocked on doors for this campaign. Don't tell me we can't change.
Yes we can change.
Yes we can heal this nation.
Yes we can seize our future.
And as we leave this state with a new wind at our backs, and take this journey across the country we love with the message we've carried from the plains of Iowa to the hills of  New Hampshire ; from the Nevada desert to the South Carolina coast; the same message we had when we were up and when we were down - that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope; and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people in three simple words: Yes. We. Can.
 
 
 
Tonight, for the seventh long year, the  American people  heard a State of the Union that didn't reflect the America we see, and didn't address the challenges we face. But what it did do was give us an urgent reminder of why it's so important to turn the page on the failed politics and policies of the past, and change the  status quo  in Washington so we can finally start making progress for ordinary Americans.
Tonight's State of the Union was full of the same  empty rhetoric  the  American people  have come to expect from this President. We heard President Bush say he'd do something to cut down on special interest earmarks, but we know these earmarks have skyrocketed under his administration.
We heard the President say he wants to make  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans permanent, when we know that at a time of war and economic hardship, the last thing we need is a permanent  tax cut  for Americans who don't need them and weren't even asking for them. What we need is a  middle class   tax cut , and that's exactly what I will provide as President.
We heard the President say he has a stimulus plan to boost our economy, but we know his plan leaves out seniors and fails to expand  unemployment insurance , and we know it was George Bush's Washington that let the banks and  financial institutions  run amok, and take our economy down this dangerous road. What we need to do now is put more money in the pockets of workers and seniors, and expand  unemployment insurance  for more people and more time. And I have a plan that to do just that.
And finally, tonight we heard President Bush say that the surge in Iraq is working, when we know that's just not true. Yes, our valiant soldiers have helped reduce the violence. Five soldiers gave their lives today in this cause, and we mourn their loss and pray for their families.
But let there be no doubt - the Iraqi government has failed to seize the moment to reach the compromises necessary for an enduring peace. That was what we were told the surge was all about. So the only way we're finally going to pressure the Iraqis to reconcile and take responsibility for their future is to immediately begin the responsible withdrawal of our combat brigades so that we can bring all of our  combat troops  home.
But another reason we need to begin this withdrawal immediately is because this war has not made us safer. I opposed this war from the start in part because I was concerned that it would take our eye off al Qaeda and distract us from finishing the job in Afghanistan. Sadly, that's what happened. It's time to heed our military commanders by increasing our commitment to Afghanistan, and it's time to protect the  American people  by taking the fight to al Qaeda.
Tonight was President Bush's last State of the Union, and I do not believe history will judge his administration kindly. But I also believe the failures of the last seven years stem not just from any single policy, but from a broken politics in Washington. A politics that says it's ok to demonize your political opponents when we should be coming together to solve problems. A politics that puts Wall Street ahead of  Main Street , ignoring the reality that our fates are intertwined; a politics that accepts lobbyists as part of the system in Washington, instead of recognizing how much they're a part of the problem. And a politics of fear and ideology instead of hope and  common sense .
I believe a new kind of politics is possible, and I believe it is necessary. Because the  American people  can't afford another four years without  health care , decent wages, or an end to this war. The woman who's going to college and working the  night shift  to pay her sister's  medical bills  can't afford to wait. The Maytag workers who are now competing with their teenagers for $7 an hour jobs at Wall Mart can't afford to wait. And the woman who told me she hasn't been able to breathe since her nephew left for Iraq can't afford to wait.
Each year, as we watch the State of the Union, we see half the chamber rise to applaud the President and half the chamber stay in their seats. We see half the country tune in to watch, but know that much of the country has stopped even listening. Imagine if next year was different. Imagine if next year, the entire nation had a president they could believe in. A president who rallied all Americans around a common purpose. That's the kind of President we need in this country. And with your help in the coming days and weeks, that's the kind of President I will be.
 
 
 
I want to thank Governor Sebelius for her support in this campaign, for the leadership she's provided the state of Kansas, and for the example she's set for Democrats all across America.
In her two terms as Governor, Kathleen Sebelius has proved that new jobs and good schools; affordable  health care  and  clean energy  are not Democratic ideas or Republican ideas, they are American ideas. And she has shown America that the  Democratic Party  is a party that can run anywhere and win anywhere and lead anywhere as long as we're the party of change - the party of the future. Governor Sebelius is a bright part of that future, and we are grateful to have her with us here today.
You know, we have been told for many years that we are becoming more divided as a nation.
We have been made to believe that differences of race and region; wealth and gender; party and religion have separated us into warring factions; into Red States and Blue states made up of individuals with opposing wants and needs; with conflicting hopes and dreams.
It is a vision of America that's been exploited and encouraged by pundits and politicians who need this division to score points and win elections. But it is a vision of America that I am running for President to fundamentally reject - not because of a blind optimism I hold, but because of a story I've lived.
It's a story that began here, in El Dorado, when a young man fell in love with a young woman who grew up down the road in Augusta. They came of age in the midst of the Depression, where he found  odd jobs  on small farms and  oil rigs , always dodging the  bank failures  and foreclosures that were sweeping the nation.
They married just after war broke out in Europe, and he enlisted in Patton's army after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. She gave birth to their daughter on the base at Fort Leavenworth, and worked on a bomber  assembly line  when he left for war.
In a time of great uncertainty and anxiety, my grandparents held on to a simple dream - that they could raise my mother in a land of boundless opportunity; that their generation's struggle and sacrifice could give her the freedom to be what she wanted to be; to live how she wanted to live.
I am standing here today because that dream was realized - because my grandfather got the chance to go to school on the  GI Bill , buy a house through the Federal Housing Authority, and move his family west - all the way to Hawaii - where my mother would go to college and one day fall in love with a young student from Kenya.
I am here because that dream made my parents' love possible, even then; because it meant that after my father left, when my mother struggled as a  single parent , and even turned to  food stamps  for a time, she was still able to send my sister and me to the best schools in the country.
And I'm here because years later, when I found my own love in a place far away called Chicago, she told me of a similar dream. Michelle grew up in a working-class family on the South Side during the 1960s. Her father had been diagnosed with  multiple sclerosis  at just thirty years old. And yet, every day of his life, even when he had to rely on a walker to get him there, Fraser Robinson went to work at the local water filtration plant while his wife stayed home with the children. And on that single salary, he was able to send Michelle and her brother to Princeton.
Our family's story is one that spans miles and generations; races and realities. It's the story of farmers and soldiers;  city workers  and  single moms . It takes place in small towns and good schools; in Kansas and Kenya; on the shores of Hawaii and the streets of Chicago. It's a varied and unlikely journey, but one that's held together by the same simple dream.
And that is why it's American.
That's why I can stand here and talk about how this country is more than a collection of Red States and Blue States - because my story could only happen in the  United States .
That's why I believe that we are not as divided as our politics suggests; that the dream we share is more powerful than the differences we have - because I am living proof of that ideal.
And that is what I have seen all across this country over the course of this campaign.
I've seen crumbling schools in South Carolina that are stealing the future of black children and white children.
I've been told of the injustice in the growing divide between  Main Street  and Wall Street by the lowest-paid workers and the wealthiest billionaires.
I've met autoworkers in Iowa and teachers in  New Hampshire  and dishwashers in Nevada who are all fighting the same fight for better wages and good benefits and a retirement they can count on.
And I've talked to  young people  and  old people ; Democrats, Independents, and Republicans who love their country, support their troops, and believe it is time to bring them home from Iraq.
We are not as divided as our politics suggest. Yes, we disagree. Yes, we have interests and ideologies that don't always align. Yes, we have real differences.
But the biggest divide in America today is not between its people, it is between its people and their leaders in Washington, DC. That is where our collective dream has been deferred. That's where the money and influence of lobbyists kill our plans to make  health care  more affordable or energy cleaner year after year after year. That's where  campaign promises  to keep jobs in America or put  tax cuts  in the pockets of working families are cast aside to make room for the politics of the moment. And that's where politicians would rather demonize each other to score points than come together to solve our common challenges.
That is where the real division lies - in a politics that echoes through the media and seeps into our culture - the kind that seeks to drive us apart and put up walls where none exist.
It's the politics that tells us that those who differ from us on a few things are different from us on  all things ; that our problems are the fault of those who don't think like us or look like us or come from where we do. The welfare queen is taking our tax money. The immigrant is taking our jobs. The gay person must be immoral, and the believer must be intolerant.
Well we are here to say that this is not the America we believe in and this is not the politics we have to accept anymore. Not this time. Not now.
This will not be easy. Because the change we seek will not just come from overcoming the ingrained and destructive habits of Washington, it will require overcoming our own fears and our own doubts. It will require each of us to do our part in closing the moral deficit - the empathy deficit - that exists in this nation. It will take standing in  one another 's shoes and remembering that we are our brother's keeper; we are our sister's keeper.
This will not be easy, but America's story tells me it's possible. My story tells me it's possible. What began here in Kansas all those years ago tells me it's possible.
Because as we face another time of anxiety and uncertainty - a time where foreclosures sweep the nation and families struggle to stay afloat; where  loved ones  leave for war and parents wonder what kind of world their children will inherit - I believe that this nation can rally around the simple dream that my grandparents held on to even in the darkest of days.
It's a dream that we can find a job with wages that support a family. That we can have  health care  that's affordable for when we get sick. That we can retire with dignity and security. And that we can provide our children with education and opportunity - so that they can be what they want to be and live how they want to live. They are the common dreams that can finally unite a nation around a common purpose.
There are those who will continue to tell us we cannot do this. That we cannot come together. That the divisions in our politics run too deep. That we are offering the  American people  false hopes.
But here's what I know.
I know that when I hear people say that we can't come together to lift up working families who are struggling in this economy, I think back to the streets of Chicago, where I began my career as a community organizer twenty-five years ago. In the shadow of a closed steel mill, we brought white people and black people and Latinos together to provide  job training  to the jobless and after school programs for children. Block by block, we restored hope and opportunity to those neighborhoods, and I can believe we can do the same thing for the working families of America.
Right now, there's an economic stimulus package moving through Congress that will provide a boost to the economy and to working families. It's similar to the one I proposed a few weeks ago, and would provide immediate  tax relief  for working families. I hope that when it's final, it will also provide relief to seniors and extend  unemployment insurance  to those who've lost their jobs.
But we need to do even more to restore fairness and balance to our economy. Last night, we heard the President say that he wanted to make his  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans permanent - again. Well we can't afford more George Bush  tax cuts  for those who don't need them and weren't even asking for them. It's time to give  tax relief  to the middle-class families who need it right now.
When I am President, we'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies who ship our jobs overseas, and I'll put a middle-class  tax cut  into the pockets of working families. This  tax cut  will be worth up to $1000 for a working family. We'll provide struggling homeowners some relief by giving them a  tax credit  that would cover ten percent of a family's  mortgage interest  payment every year. And we're also going to give seniors a break by eliminating  income taxes  for any retiree making less than $50,000 a year, because every single American should be able to retire with dignity and respect.
That also means helping Americans save for retirement when they're still working. When I'm President, employers will be required to enroll every worker in a direct deposit  retirement account  that places a small percentage of each paycheck into savings. You can keep this account even if you change jobs, and the  federal government  will match the savings for lower-income, working families.
It's also time we had a President who won't wait another ten years to raise the minimum wage. I will raise it to keep pace every year so that workers don't fall behind. I'll institute a  Credit Card   Bill of Rights  that will ban  credit card  companies from changing the agreement you signed up for, changing the  interest rate  on debt you've already incurred, or charging interest on late fees. Americans should pay what they owe, but they should also pay what's fair, not just what's profitable for some  credit card  company.
The same principle should apply to our bankruptcy laws. I opposed the  credit card  industry's bankruptcy bill that made it harder for working families to climb out of debt, and when I'm President, I'll make sure that CEOs can't dump your pension with one hand while they collect a bonus with the other. That's an outrage, and it's time we had a President who knows it's an outrage.
It's also time we had a President who stopped talking about the outrage of 47 million uninsured Americans and started doing something about it. When I hear that we can't come together and expand  health care  to the uninsured, I think back to how I was able to bring Democrats and Republicans together in Illinois to provide  health insurance  to 150,000 children and parents. And when I'm President, we'll finally pass a universal  health care  plan that will make sure every single American can get the same kind of  health care  that  members of Congress  get for themselves. My plan does more to cut costs than any other plan in this race - up to $2500 for a  typical family . And we won't pass it twenty years from now, not ten years from now - we'll pass  health care  by the end of my first term in office.
When I hear that there's no way we can overcome the power of lobbyists and  special interests , I think about how I was able to pass the first major ethics reform in Illinois twenty-five years. I think about how in Washington, I was able to bring Democrats and Republicans together to pass the strongest lobbying reform in a generation - we banned gifts from lobbyists, meals with lobbyists, subsidized travel on fancy jets, and for the first time in history, we forced lobbyists to tell the American public who they're raising money from and who in Congress they're funneling it to. Washington lobbyists haven't funded my campaign, they won't run my  White House , and they will not drown out the voices of working Americans when I am President.
And when I hear that some of our kids just can't learn; that we can't do anything about crumbling schools and rising tuition, I think back to the chances that somebody, somewhere gave my family. The ticket my father got to come study in America. The opportunity my mother had to put herself through  graduate school . The chance I had to go to the best schools in the country, even though we didn't have much.
It is time to give every child in America that kind of chance - no matter what they look like or where they come from. When I am President, we will provide all our children with a world-class education, from the day they're born until the day they graduate college. That means  early childhood  education to give them the best possible start. That means not just talking about how great teachers are, but rewarding them for their greatness, with better pay, and more support. And it means providing every American with a $4,000 a year  tax credit  that will finally help make a  college education  affordable and available for all.
This election is our chance - our moment - to restore the simple dream of those who came before us for another generation of Americans. But only if we can come together and like previous generations did and close that divide between a people and its leaders in Washington.
Because in the end, the choice in this election is not between regions or religions or genders. It's not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white.
It's about the past versus the future.
It's about whether we settle for the same divisions and distractions and drama that passes for politics today, or whether we reach for a politics of  common sense  and innovation; of shared sacrifice and shared prosperity.
In the face of war and depression; through great struggle and tremendous sacrifice, that is the future that my grandparents' generation forged for their children. It is why that  little girl  who was born at Fort Leavenworth could dream as big as the Kansas sky. And it is why I stand before you today - because there are two  little girls  I tuck in at night who deserve a world in which they can dream those same big dreams; in which they can have the same chances as any other child living any other place. It is a dream I share for your children and all of our children, and that is why it's American - always hoping, always reaching, always striving for that better day ahead. I hope you'll join me on that journey, and I thank you for welcoming me back to the place my family called home.
 
 
 
Thank you Caroline for your introduction, your support, and your lifetime of service to a grateful nation. You continue to inspire Americans of all ages and  walks of life .
Let me also say a few words about another American who has called us to a common purpose. John Edwards has spent a lifetime fighting to give voice to the voiceless and hope to the struggling. At a time when our politics is too focused on who's up and who's down, he made us focus on who matters the New Orleans child without a home, the West Virginia miner without a job, the families who live in that other America that is not seen or heard or talked about in Washington. John and Elizabeth Edwards believe deeply that two Americans can become one. Their campaign may have ended, but this cause lives on for all of us who believe that we can achieve one America.
Seven months from now, the  Democratic Party  will gather here in Denver to nominate our candidate for President of the  United States .
We will come together after a long and hard fought primary campaign and that's a  good thing . Because it is through campaigns that we hear directly from the  American people , set our common goals, and debate our differences. It is through campaigns that we bring new people into the process; build new coalitions; and renew who we are and what we stand for as a Party.
It is fitting that the journey leads to Denver a city that is younger than the  Democratic Party  itself, but filled with the promise that our Party has always fought for. This city, built at the base of the  Rocky Mountains , stands as a monument to a uniquely American belief in things unseen. Here, in Denver, fur trappers and traders; gold rushers and ranchers; came in search of opportunity, and made the future their own.
The story of America leads west. It is a story of ideals that know no boundaries. It is a story of immigrants who set out from distant shores; pioneers who persevered; and people of all races, religions, and  ethnic groups  who put aside their doubts to seek a new frontier.
My own family's journey moved west from Kansas, where my grandparents met and married, and my mother was born; to the Pacific Coast after  World War II ; and then across an ocean to Hawaii. Their journey like so many others speaks to a simple truth written into the story of America. It's a truth at the foundation of the  Democratic Party 's purpose, Denver's progress, and our nation's promise: in America, the future is what we decide it's going to be.
As candidates, we must give new meaning to that promise. And seven months from now, one of us will stand before that convention hall, and give voice to the hopes, and dreams, and determination of Americans all across our country. In six days, you get to choose who will be that voice. You get to choose who will be able to build a new majority of not just Democrats but Independents and Republicans to win in November, and transform our country. And if you put your trust in me, I will stand up at that convention and say that our divisions are past, our hope is the future, and our time for change has come.
Now there is one thing we know for certain about the election in November: the name George Bush will not be on the ballot. The name of my cousin Dick Cheney will not be on the ballot. But the choice before you is about what comes next. Because we need to do more than turn the page on the failed Bush Cheney policies; we have to turn the page on the politics that helped make those policies possible.
Lobbyists setting an agenda in Washington that feeds the inequality, insecurity, and instability in our economy.
Division and distraction that keeps us from coming together to deal with challenges like  health care , and  clean energy , and crumbling schools year after year after year.
Cronyism that gave us Katrina instead of competent government. And secrecy that made torture permissible and illegal wiretaps possible.
It's a politics that uses 9/11 to scare up votes; and fear and falsehoods to lead us into a war in Iraq that should've never been authorized and should've never been waged.
Each candidate running for the Democratic nomination shares an abiding desire to end the disastrous policies of the current administration. But we must decide in the debate that leads to Denver just what kind of Party we want to be, and what lessons we've learned from the bitter partisanship of the last two decades. We can be a Party that tries to beat the other side by practicing the same do anything, say anything, divisive politics that has stood in the way of progress; or we can be a Party that puts an end to it.
I am running for President because I believe that we need fundamental change in America. Not just a change of Party in the  White House , but change in Washington that the  American people  can believe in unity instead of division; hope instead of fear; a politics that leaves behind the fights of the past so that we can finally take hold of our future.
We began this campaign one year ago on the steps of the old statehouse in Springfield. At the time, we made a bet on the  American people . That bet was simple we weren't going to change anything by relying on the same Washington games; instead, we were betting on the  American people 's hunger for change, and your ability to make change happen from the bottom up.
And we are showing America what change looks like. From the snows of Iowa to the sunshine of South Carolina, we have built a movement of young and old; rich and poor; black and white; Latino, Asian and  Native American . We've reached Americans of all political stripes who are more interested in turning the page than turning up the heat on our opponents. That's how Democrats will win in November and build a majority in Congress. Not by nominating a candidate who will unite the other party against us, but by choosing one who can unite this country around a movement for change.
If you choose change, you will have a nominee who doesn't take a dime from Washington lobbyists and PACs. We don't need a candidate who agrees with Republicans that lobbyists are part of the system in Washington. They're part of the problem. And when I'm President, their days of setting the agenda in Washington will be over.
If you choose change, you will have a nominee who doesn't just tell people what they want to hear. Poll tested positions and calculated answers might be how Washington confronts challenges, but it's not how you overcome them; it's not how you inspire our nation to come together behind a common purpose; and it's not what America needs right now.
If you choose change, you will have a nominee who isn't just playing on the same electoral map where half the country starts out against us, because you will have a nominee who has already brought in more Independents and Republicans;  young people  and new voters; than we have seen in a generation.
I know it is tempting after another presidency by a man named George Bush to simply turn back the clock, and to build a bridge back to the 20th Century. There are those will tell us that our Party should nominate someone who is more practiced in the art of pursuing power; that's it's not yet our turn or our time. There was also a time when Caroline Kennedy's father was counseled by a former President to  be patient, � and to step aside for  someone with greater experience. � But John F. Kennedy responded by saying,  The world is changing. The old ways will not do ¦It is time for a new generation of leadership. � It is time for a new generation of leadership, because the old politics just won't do. I am running for President right now because I have met Americans all across this country who cannot afford to wait another day for change. That is why the real choice in this campaign is not between regions or religions or genders. It's not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white.
It is about the past versus the future. And when I am the nominee, the Republicans won't be able to make this election about the past because you will have already chosen the future.
It's time for new leadership for an economy where families are being forced to foreclose on their dreams, and workers have seen their pensions disappear.
In the  short term , we need what I have consistently called for a stimulus plan that gives the  American people  a  tax rebate , and that also extends relief to seniors and expands  unemployment insurance . And in the  long term , we need to put the  American Dream  on a firmer foundation. We're not going to offer the  American people  the choice they need by nominating a candidate who voted to put the banks and  big business  ahead of hard working Americans. I've been fighting for working people my entire public life. And when I am President, I'll make sure that CEOs can't dump your pension with one hand while they collect a bonus with the other. I'll pass bankruptcy laws that protect workers instead of banks. And I'll crack down on fraudulent  mortgage lenders , and  credit card  companies that change your rates to push you further into debt.
It's time for new leadership for the Maytag worker who is now competing with his own teenage son for a $7 an hour job at Walmart because the factory he gave his life to shut its doors.
We're not going to offer the  American people  the choice they need by nominating a candidate who argues year after year for trade that isn't fair, but calls for a time out on trade when they run for President. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship our jobs overseas and start putting them in the pockets of working Americans. I will stop giving the wealthiest Americans  tax cuts  that they don't need and didn't ask for, and restore fairness to our economy. I'll give a  tax cut  to working people; provide relief to homeowners; and eliminate the  income tax  for seniors making under $50,000 so they can retire with the dignity and security they have earned.
It's time for new leadership for the woman I met who can't get Medicaid to cover the needs of her sick child.
She can't afford to wait another four years or another fifteen years to get  health care  because we've put forward a nominee who can't bring Democrats and Republicans together to get things done. I know that the reason Americans don't have  health care  isn't because no one is forcing them to buy it it's because they can't afford it. That's why my plan cuts costs by up to $2500 for a  typical family , and makes  health care  available and affordable for every single American. That's the plan that I'll pass in my first term as President.
It is time for new leadership for children going to overcrowded schools in East L.A.; for the teacher I met who is working at Dunkin Donuts to make ends meet; for the  young people  who are ready to go to college but can't afford it.
When I'm President, we'll rally this country to the cause of world class education. That means putting our kids on a pathway to success with universal, quality, affordable  early childhood  education. That means paying our teachers more, and making sure they're not just teaching to the test but teaching art and music and literature. That means giving our  young people  an annual $4,000  tax credit  for  college tuition  if they serve their community; and that means expanding AmeriCorps to 250,000 slots, and issuing a call to service for a new generation. But that also means calling on parents to do their part to get off the couch, turn off the television, and read to our children. Because responsibility for education starts at home.
It's time for new leadership so that my daughters and your children don't grow up in a century where our economy is weighed down by our addiction to oil; our  foreign policy  is held hostage to the whims of dictators; and our planet passes a moment of no return.
When I'm President, we won't wait any longer to reduce emissions. When I called for higher fuel efficiency standards, I didn't do it in front of an  environmental group  in California or in Boulder that would have been the easy thing to do. I did it in front of the automakers in Detroit. Now it was pretty quiet I didn't get a lot of applause. But we need leadership that tells the  American people  not just what they want to hear, but what we need to know. That's what I'll do. We cannot wait to invest in the next generation of biofuels, and wind and solar. If President Kennedy could send us to the moon in less than a decade then we can meet this great challenge our generation. We can set the goal of an 80% reduction in global emissions by 2050, and we can lead the world to confront the climate crisis.
And it's time for new leadership for the woman who told me that she hasn't been able to breathe since the day her nephew left for Iraq, and the soldier who doesn't know his own child because he's on his third or fourth  tour of duty .
I will end the mentality that says the only way for Democrats to look tough on  national security  is by talking, acting and voting like George Bush Republicans. It's time to reject the counsel that says the  American people  would rather have someone who is strong and wrong than someone who is weak and right it's time to say that we are the Party that is going to be strong and right.
It's time for new leadership that understands that the way to win a debate with John McCain is not by nominating someone who agreed with him on voting for the war in Iraq; who agreed with him by voting to give George Bush the benefit of the doubt on Iran; who agrees with him in embracing the Bush Cheney policy of not talking to leaders we don't like; and who actually differed with him by arguing for exceptions for torture before changing positions when the politics of the moment changed.
We need to offer the  American people  a clear contrast on  national security , and when I am the nominee of the  Democratic Party , that's exactly what I will do. Talking tough and tallying up your years in Washington is no substitute for judgment, and courage, and clear plans. It's not enough to say you'll be ready from  Day One  you have to be right from  Day One .
I opposed this war in Iraq from the start, and I have never, ever wavered in that opposition. I warned about taking our eye off of Osama bin Laden, and overstretching our troops and their families as we have seen in communities across this country like Fort Carson. And when I am President, I will immediately begin to remove our troops, I will finally put meaningful pressure on Iraq's leaders to reconcile, and I will end this war. And I will do what we should have done back in 2002: increase our commitment to Afghanistan, press Pakistan to take action against terror, and finish the fight with al Qaeda.
I will challenge the conventional thinking that says we can't conduct diplomacy with leaders we don't like. Strong countries and strong Presidents talk to their adversaries as well as their friends, and that's what I'll do. And when I am President, we will keep  nuclear weapons  from terrorists by securing all loose  nuclear materials  around the world during my first term in office. We will set a goal of a world without  nuclear weapons , and we will pursue it.
It's time for new leadership that reaches out, as President Kennedy did to my own father, to people  in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery. � It's time to restore our moral leadership by rejecting torture without equivocation; by closing Guantanamo; by restoring  habeas corpus ; and by again being that light of justice to dissidents in  prison camps  around the globe. It's time for America to lead the world against the common threats of the 21st century terrorism and  nuclear weapons , but also  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. I will send once more a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says,  You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now. � This is what the moment demands of us to cast off our doubts; to reach once more for what America can be if we have the courage to make the future our own.
We've been warned, in these last few weeks, that this kind of change isn't possible. That we're peddling false hopes. That we need a reality check.
And we've faced forces that are not the fault of any one campaign forces that open American wounds. The politics that uses religion as a wedge, and patriotism as a bludgeon. A politics that tells us what we have to think and even vote within the confines of the categories that supposedly define us. The assumption that  young people  are apathetic. The assumption that Republicans won't cross over. The assumption that the wealthy care nothing for the poor, and that the poor don't vote. The assumption that  African Americans  can't support the white candidate; whites can't support the  African American  candidate; and blacks and Latinos can't come together.
But our Party the  Democratic Party  has always been at its best when we rose above these divisions; when we called all Americans to a common purpose, a higher purpose; when we stood up and said that we will write our own future, and the future will be what we want it to be.
We followed a King to the mountaintop, and a Kennedy who called on us to reject the mindless menace of violence.
We're the party of a young President who asked what we could do for our country, and who put us on a path to the moon.
We're the party of a man who overcame his own disability; who told us that the only thing we had to fear was fear itself; and who faced down fascism and liberated a continent from tyranny.
We're the party of Jackson, who took back the  White House  for the people of this country.
And we're the party of Jefferson, who wrote the words that we are still trying to heed that all of us are created equal and who sent us West to blaze new trails, to make new discoveries, and to realize the promise of our highest ideals.
That is who we are. That is the Party that we need to be, and can be, if we cast off our doubts, and leave behind our fears, and choose the America that we know is possible. Because there is a moment in the life of every generation, if it is to make its mark on history, when its spirit has to come through, when it must choose the future over the past, when it must make its own change from the bottom up.
This is our moment. This is our message the same message we had when we were up, and when we were down. The same message that we will carry all the way to the convention. And in seven months time right here in Denver we can realize this promise; we can claim this legacy; we can choose new leadership for America. Because there is nothing we cannot do if the  American people  decide it is time.
 
 
 
Before I begin, I just want to send my condolences to the victims of the storms that hit Tennessee and Arkansas. They are in our thoughts and in our prayers.
Well, the polls are just closing in California and the votes are still being counted in cities and towns across the country. But there is one thing on this February night that we do not need the final results to know - our time has come, our movement is real, and change is coming to America.
Only a few hundred miles from here, almost one year ago to the day, we stood on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  to reaffirm a truth that was spoken there so many generations ago - that a house divided cannot stand; that we are more than a collection of Red States and Blue States; we are, and always will be, the  United States  of America.
What began as a whisper in Springfield soon carried across the  corn fields  of Iowa, where farmers and  factory workers ; students and seniors stood up in numbers we've never seen. They stood up to say that maybe this year, we don't have to settle for a politics where scoring points is more important than solving problems. This time we can finally do something about  health care  we can't afford or mortgages we can't pay. This time can be different.
Their voices echoed from the hills of  New Hampshire  to the deserts of Nevada, where teachers and cooks and kitchen workers stood up to say that maybe Washington doesn't have to be run by lobbyists anymore. They reached the coast of South Carolina when people said that maybe we don't have to be divided by race and region and gender; that crumbling schools are stealing the future of black children and white children; that we can come together and build an America that gives every child, everywhere the opportunity to live their dreams. This time can be different.
And today, on this Tuesday in February, in states North and South, East and West, what began as a whisper in Springfield has swelled to a chorus of millions calling for change. A chorus that cannot be ignored. That cannot be deterred. This time can be different because this campaign for the presidency is different.
It's different not because of me, but because of you. Because you are tired of being disappointed and tired of being let down. You're tired of hearing promises made and plans proposed in the heat of a campaign only to have nothing change when everyone goes back to Washington. Because the lobbyists just write another check. Or because politicians start worrying about how they'll win the next election instead of why they should. Or because they focus on who's up and who's down instead of who matters.
And while Washington is consumed with the same drama and division and distraction, another family puts up a For Sale sign in the  front yard . Another factory shuts its doors. Another soldier waves goodbye as he leaves on another  tour of duty  in a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. It goes on and on and on.
But in this election - at this moment - you are standing up all across this country to say, not this time. Not this year. The stakes are too high and the challenges too great to play the same Washington game with the same Washington players and expect a different result. This time must be different.
Now, this isn't about me and it's not about Senator Clinton. As I've said before, she was a friend before this campaign and she'll be a friend after it's over. I respect her as a colleague, and I congratulate her on her victories tonight.
But this fall we owe the  American people  a real choice. It's change versus more of the same. It's the future versus the past.
It's a choice between going into this election with Republicans and Independents already united against us, or going against their nominee with a campaign that has united Americans of all parties around a common purpose.
It's a choice between having a debate with the other party about who has the most experience in Washington, or having one about who's most likely to change Washington. Because that's a debate we can win.
It's a choice between a candidate who's taken more money from Washington lobbyists than either Republican in this race, and a campaign that hasn't taken a dime of their money because we've been funded by you.
And if I am your nominee, my opponent will not be able to say that I voted for the war in Iraq; or that I gave George Bush the benefit of the doubt on Iran; or that I support the Bush-Cheney policy of not talking to leaders we don't like. And he will not be able to say that I wavered on something as fundamental as whether or not it's ok for America to use torture - because it is never ok. That is the choice in this election.
The Republicans running for President have already tied themselves to the past. They speak of a hundred  year war  in Iraq and billions more on  tax breaks  for the wealthiest few who don't need them and didn't ask for them -  tax breaks  that mortgage our children's future on a mountain of debt at a time when there are families who can't pay their  medical bills  and students who can't pay their tuition.
They are running on the politics of yesterday, and that is why our party must be the party of tomorrow. And that is the party I will lead as President.
I'll be the President who ends the  tax breaks  to companies that ship our jobs overseas and start putting them in the pockets of working Americans who deserve it. And struggling homeowners. And seniors who should retire with dignity and respect.
I'll be the President who finally brings Democrats and Republicans together to make  health care  affordable and available for every single American. We will put a  college education  within reach of anyone who wants to go, and instead of just talking about how great our teachers are, we will reward them for their greatness, with more pay and better support. And we will harnesses the ingenuity of farmers and scientists and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil once and for all.
And when I am President, we will put an end to a politics that uses 9/11 as a way to scare up votes, and start seeing it as a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century: terrorism and  nuclear weapons ;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease.
We can do this. It will not be easy. It will require struggle and sacrifice. There will setbacks and we will make mistakes. And that is why we need all the help we can get. So tonight I want to speak directly to all those Americans who have yet to join this movement but still hunger for change - we need you. We need you to stand with us, and work with us, and help us prove that together,  ordinary people  can still do extraordinary things.
I am blessed to be standing in the city where my own extraordinary journey began. A few miles from here, in the shadow of a shuttered  steel plant , is where I learned what it takes to make change happen.
I was a young organizer then, intent on fighting joblessness and poverty on the South Side, and I still remember one of the very first meetings I put together. We had worked on it for days, but no one showed up. Our volunteers felt so defeated, they wanted to quit. And to be honest, so did I.
But at that moment, I looked outside and saw some young boys tossing stones at a boarded-up  apartment building  across the street. They were like boys in so many cities across the country - boys without prospects, without guidance, without hope. And I turned to the volunteers, and I asked them, "Before you quit, I want you to answer one question. What will happen to those boys?" And the volunteers looked out that window, and they decided that night to keep going - to keep organizing, keep fighting for better schools, and better jobs, and better  health care . And so did I. And slowly, but surely, in the weeks and months to come, the community began to change.
You see, the challenges we face will not be solved with one meeting in one night. Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time.
We are the ones we've been waiting for. We are the change that we seek. We are the hope of those boys who have little; who've been told that they cannot have what they dream; that they cannot be what they imagine.
Yes they can.
We are the hope of the father who goes to work before dawn and lies awake with doubts that tell him he cannot give his children the same opportunities that someone gave him.
Yes he can.
We are the hope of the woman who hears that her city will not be rebuilt; that she cannot reclaim the life that was swept away in a terrible storm.
Yes she can.
We are the hope of the future; the answer to the cynics who tell us our house must stand divided; that we cannot come together; that we cannot remake this world as it should be.
Because we know what we have seen and what we believe - that what began as a whisper has now swelled to a chorus that cannot be ignored; that will not be deterred; that will ring out across this land as a hymn that will heal this nation, repair this world, and make this time different than all the rest - Yes. We. Can.
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
It has now been one year since we began this campaign for the presidency on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois - just me and 15,000 of my closest friends.
At the time, there weren't too many who imagined we'd be standing where we are today. I knew I wouldn't be Washington's favorite candidate. I knew we wouldn't get all the big donors or endorsements right off the bat. I knew I'd be the underdog in every contest from January to June. I knew it wouldn't be easy.
But then something started happening. As we met people in their  living rooms  and on their farms; in churches and  town hall  meetings, they all started telling a similar story about the state of our politics today. Whether they're young or old; black or white; Latino or Asian; Democrat, Independent or even Republican, the message is the same: We are tired of being disappointed by our politics. We are tired of being let down. We're tired of hearing promises made and ten-point plans proposed in the heat of a campaign only to have nothing change when everyone goes back to Washington. Because the lobbyists just write another check. Or because politicians start worrying about how they'll win the next election instead of why they should. Or because they focus on who's up and who's down instead of who matters.
And while Washington is consumed with the same drama and division and distraction, another family puts up a For Sale sign in the  front yard . Another factory shuts its doors forever. Another mother declares bankruptcy because she cannot pay her child's  medical bills .
And another soldier waves goodbye as he leaves on another  tour of duty  in a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. It goes on and on and on, year after year after year.
But in this election - at this moment - Americans are standing up all across the country to say, not this time. Not this year. The stakes are too high and the challenges too great to play the same Washington game with the same Washington players and expect a different result. And today, voters from the West Coast to the Gulf Coast to the heart of America stood up to say that it is time to turn the page. We won Louisiana, and Nebraska, and the state of Washington, and I believe that we can win in Virginia on Tuesday if you're ready to stand for change.
Each of us running for the Democratic nomination agrees on one thing that the other party does not - the next President must end the disastrous policies of George W. Bush. And both Senator Clinton and I have put forth detailed plans and good ideas that would do just that.
But I am running for President because I believe that to actually make change happen - to make this time different than all the rest - we need a leader who can finally move beyond the divisive politics of Washington and bring Democrats, Independents, and Republicans together to get things done. That's how we'll win this election, and that's how we'll change this country when I am President of the  United States .
This week we found out that the presumptive nominee of the Republican Party is Senator John McCain. Now, John McCain is a good man, an American hero, and we honor his  half century  of service to this nation. But in this campaign, he has made the decision to embrace the failed policies George Bush's Washington.
He speaks of a hundred  year war  in Iraq and sees another on the horizon with Iran. He once opposed George Bush's  tax cuts  for the wealthiest few who don't need them and didn't ask for them. He said they were too expensive and unwise. And he was absolutely right.
But somewhere along the line, the wheels came off the Straight Talk Express because he now he supports the very same  tax cuts  he voted against. This is what happens when you spend too long in Washington. Politicians don't say what they mean and they don't mean what they say. And that is why in this election, our party cannot stand for business-as-usual in Washington. The  Democratic Party  must stand for change.
This fall, we owe the  American people  a real choice.
It's a choice between debating John McCain about who has the most experience in Washington, or debating him about who's most likely to change Washington.
Because that's a debate we can win.
It's a choice between debating John McCain about lobbying reform with a nominee who's taken more money from lobbyists than he has, or doing it with a campaign that hasn't taken a dime of their money because we've been funded by you - the  American people .
And it's a choice between taking on John McCain with Republicans and Independents already united against us, or running against him with a campaign that's united Americans of all parties around a common purpose.
There is a reason why the last six polls in a row have shown that I'm the strongest candidate against John McCain. It's because we've done better with Independents in almost every single contest we've had. It's because we've won in more Red States and swing states that the next Democratic nominee needs to win in November.
Virginia Democrats know how important this is. That's how Mark Warner won in this state. That's how Tim Kaine won in this state. That's how Jim Webb won in this state. And if I am your nominee, this is one Democrat who plans to campaign in Virginia and win in Virginia this fall.
We are here to make clear that this election is not between regions or religions or genders. It's not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white.
It is about the past versus the future. The Republicans in Washington are already running on the politics of yesterday, which is why our party must be the party of tomorrow. And that is the party I will lead as President of the  United States .
I know what it takes to pass  health care  reform because I've done it -- not by demonizing anyone who disagrees with me, but by bringing Democrats and Republicans together to provide  health insurance  to 150,000 children and parents in Illinois.
And when I am President, we'll pass universal  health care  not in twenty years, not in ten years, but by the end of my first term in office. But you don't have to take my word for it. Senator Ted Kennedy recently said that he wouldn't have endorsed me if he didn't believe passionately that I will fight for universal  health care  as President. And if there's someone who knows something about  health care , it's Ted Kennedy.
My plan would bring down premiums for the  typical family  by $2500 a year. We'd ban  insurance companies  from denying you coverage because of a pre-existing condition. We'd allow every American to get the same kind of  health care  that  members of Congress  get for themselves. And the one difference between my plan and Senator Clinton's plan is that she said she'd  go after' your wages if you don't buy  health care . Well I believe the reason people don't have  health care  isn't because no one's forced them to buy it, it's because no one's made it affordable - and that's why we bring down the cost of  health care  more than any other plan in this race.
It's also time to bring the  cost of living  down for working families who are struggling in this economy like never before. They're facing rising costs and falling wages, and we owe it to them to end the Bush-McCain  tax cuts  for the wealthiest 2% and put a  tax cut  into the pockets of the families who need it.
That's what I did in Illinois when I brought Democrats and Republicans together to provide $100 million in  tax relief  to working families and the working poor, and that's the kind of  tax relief  I'll provide as President.
I will end the  tax breaks  for companies who ship our jobs overseas and give a middle-class  tax break  to 95% of working Americans. And homeowners who are struggling. And seniors who deserve to retire with dignity and respect. And I won't wait another ten years to raise the minimum wage in this country - I will raise it to keep pace with inflation every single year.
It's also time to give every child, everywhere, a world-class education, from the day they're born to the day they graduate college. I am only here today because somebody, somewhere, gave my father a ticket to come study in America. Because my mother got the opportunity to put herself through  graduate school .
Because even though we didn't have much growing up, I got scholarships to go to some of the best schools in the country. That's the chance I believe every child should have.
When I am President, we will give our children the best possible start by investing in  early childhood  education. We'll stop talking about how great our teachers are, and start rewarding them for their greatness, with better pay and more support. And we will provide every American with a $4,000 a year  tax credit  that will finally help make a  college education  affordable and available for all.
And when I am President, this party will be the party that finally makes sure our sons and daughters don't grow up in a century where our economy is weighed down by our addiction to oil; our  foreign policy  is held hostage to the whims of dictators; and our planet passes a moment of no return.
When I called for higher fuel efficiency standards, I didn't do it in front of an  environmental group  in California - I did it in front of the automakers in Detroit. Now it was pretty quiet - I didn't get a lot of applause. But we need leadership that tells the  American people  not just what they want to hear, but what we need to know. That's why I will set the goal of an 80% reduction in  carbon emissions  by 2050, and we will meet it - with higher fuel standards and new investments in renewable fuels that will create millions of new jobs and entire new industries right here in America.
Finally, it is time to turn the page on eight years of a  foreign policy  that has made us less safe and less respected in the world. If I am the nominee of this party, John McCain will not be able to say that I agreed with him on voting for the war in Iraq; agreed with him on giving George Bush the benefit of the doubt on Iran; and agree with him in embracing the Bush-Cheney policy of not talking to leaders we don't like. Because that doesn't make us look strong, it makes us look arrogant. John F. Kennedy said that you should never negotiate out of fear, but you should never fear to negotiate. And that's what I will do as President. I don't just want to end this war in Iraq, I want to end the mindset that got us into war. It is time to turn the page.
This is our moment. This is our time for change. Our party - the  Democratic Party  - has always been at its best when we've led not by polls, but by principle; not by calculation, but by conviction; when we've called all Americans to a common purpose - a higher purpose.
We are the party of Jefferson, who wrote the words that we are still trying to heed - that all of us are created equal - that all of us deserve the chance to pursue our happiness.
We're the party of Jackson, who took back the  White House  for the people of this country.
We're the party of a man who overcame his own disability to tell us that the only thing we had to fear was fear itself; who faced down fascism and liberated a continent from tyranny.
And we're the party of a young President who asked what we could do for our country, and the challenged us to do it.
That is who we are. That is the Party that we need to be, and can be, if we cast off our doubts, and leave behind our fears, and choose the America that we know is possible. Because there is a moment in the life of every generation, if it is to make its mark on history, when its spirit has to come through, when it must choose the future over the past, when it must make its own change from the bottom up.
This is our moment. This is our message - the same message we had when we were up, and when we were down. The same message that we will carry all the way to the convention. And in seven months time we can realize this promise; we can claim this legacy; we can choose new leadership for America. Because there is nothing we cannot do if the  American people  decide it is time.
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
Today, the change we seek swept through the Chesapeake and over the Potomac.
We won the state of Maryland. We won the Commonwealth of Virginia. And though we won in Washington D.C., this movement won't stop until there's change in Washington. And tonight, we're on our way.
But we know how much farther we have to go.
We know it takes more than one night  or even one election  to overcome decades of money and the influence; bitter partisanship and petty bickering that's shut you out, let you down and told you to settle.
We know our road will not be easy.
But we also know that at this moment the cynics can no longer say our hope is false.
We have now won east and west, north and south, and across the heartland of this country we love. We have given  young people  a reason to believe, and brought folks back to the polls who want to believe again. And we are bringing together Democrats and Independents and Republicans; blacks and whites; Latinos and Asians; small states and big states; Red States and Blue States into a  United States  of America.
This is the new American majority. This is what change looks like when it happens from the bottom up. And in this election, your voices will be heard.
Because at a time when so many people are struggling to keep up with soaring costs in a sluggish economy, we know that the  status quo  in Washington just won't do. Not this time. Not this year. We can't keep playing the same Washington game with the same Washington players and expect a different result  because it's a game that ordinary Americans are losing.
It's a game where lobbyists write check after check and Exxon turns record profits, while you pay the price at the pump, and our planet is put at risk.
That's what happens when lobbyists set the agenda, and that's why they won't drown out your voices anymore when I am President of the  United States  of America.
It's a game where trade deals like NAFTA ship jobs overseas and force parents to compete with their teenagers to work for minimum wage at Wal-Mart. That's what happens when the American worker doesn't have a voice at the  negotiating table , when leaders change their positions on trade with the politics of the moment, and that's why we need a President who will listen to  Main Street   not just Wall Street; a President who will stand with workers not just when it's easy, but when it's hard.
It's a game where Democrats and Republicans fail to come together year after year after year, while another mother goes without  health care  for her sick child. That's why we have to put an end to the division and distraction in Washington, so that we can unite this nation around a common purpose, a higher purpose.
It's a game where the only way for Democrats to look tough on  national security  is by talking, and acting and voting like Bush-McCain Republicans, while our troops are sent to fight tour after  tour of duty  in a war that should've never been authorized and should've never been waged. That's what happens when we use 9/11 to scare up votes, and that's why we need to do more than end a war  we need to end the mindset that got us into war.
That's the choice in this primary. It's about whether we choose to play the game, or whether we choose to end it; it's change that polls well, or change we can believe in; it's the past versus the future. And when I'm the Democratic nominee for President  that will be the choice in November.
John McCain is an American hero. We honor his service to our nation. But his priorities don't address the real problems of the  American people , because they are bound to the failed policies of the past.
George Bush won't be on the ballot this November, but his war and his  tax cuts  for the wealthy will.
When I am the nominee, I will offer a clear choice. John McCain won't be able to say that I ever supported this war in Iraq, because I opposed it from the beginning. Senator McCain said the other day that we might be mired for a hundred years in Iraq, which is reason enough to not give him four years in the  White House .
If we had chosen a different path, the right path, we could have finished the job in Afghanistan, and put more resources into the fight against bin Laden; and instead of spending hundreds of billions of dollars in Baghdad, we could have put that money into our schools and hospitals, our road and bridges  and that's what the  American people  need us to do right now.
And I admired Senator McCain when he stood up and said that it offended his "conscience" to support the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy in a time of war; that he couldn't support a  tax cut  where "so many of the benefits go to the most fortunate." But somewhere along the road to the Republican nomination, the Straight Talk Express lost its wheels, because now he's all for them.
Well I'm not. We can't keep  spending money  that we don't have in a war that we shouldn't have fought. We can't keep mortgaging our children's future on a mountain of debt. We can't keep driving a wider and wider gap between the few who are rich and the rest who struggle to keep pace. It's time to turn the page.
We need a new direction in this country. Everywhere I go, I meet Americans who can't wait another day for change. They're not just showing up to hear a speech  they need to know that politics can make a difference in their lives, that it's not too late to reclaim the  American Dream .
It's a dream shared in  big cities  and small towns; across races, regions and religions  that if you work hard, you can support a family; that if you get sick, there will be  health care  you can afford; that you can retire with the dignity and security and respect that you have earned; that your kids can get a good education, and  young people  can go to college even if they're not rich. That is our common hope. That is the  American Dream .
It's the dream of the father who goes to work before dawn and lies awake at night wondering how he's going to pay the bills. He needs us to restore fairness to our economy by putting a  tax cut  into the pockets of working people, and seniors, and struggling homeowners.
It's the dream of the woman who told me she works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't afford  health care  for a sister who's ill. She needs us to finally come together to make  health care  affordable and available for every American.
It's the dream of the senior I met who lost his pension when the company he gave his life to went bankrupt. He doesn't need bankruptcy laws that protect banks and big lenders. He needs us to protect pensions, not CEO bonuses; and to do what it takes to make sure that the  American people  can count on  Social Security  today, tomorrow and forever.
It's the dream of the teacher who works at Dunkin Donuts after school just to make ends meet. She needs better pay, and more support, and the freedom to do more than just teach to the test. And if her students want to go on to college, they shouldn't fear decades of debt. That's why I'll make college affordable with an annual $4,000  tax credit  if you're willing to do  community service , or  national service . We will invest in you, but we'll ask you to invest in your country.
That is our calling in this campaign. To reaffirm that fundamental belief  I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper  that makes us one people, and one nation. It's time to stand up and reach for what's possible, because together, people who love their country can change it.
Now when I start talking like this, some folks tell me that I've got my head in the clouds. That I need a reality check. That we're still offering false hope. But my own story tells me that in the  United States  of America, there has never been anything false about hope.
I should not be here today. I was not born into money or status. I was born to a teenage mom in Hawaii, and my dad left us when I was two. But my family gave me love, they gave me education, and most of all they gave me hope  hope that in America, no dream is beyond our grasp if we reach for it, and fight for it, and work for it.
Because hope is not blind optimism. I know how hard it will be to make these changes. I know this because I fought on the streets of Chicago as a community organizer to bring jobs to the jobless in the shadow of a shuttered  steel plant . I've fought in the courts as a  civil rights  lawyer to make sure people weren't denied their rights because of what they looked like or where they came from. I've fought in the legislature to take power away from lobbyists. I've won some of those fights, but I've lost some of them too. I've seen good legislation die because good intentions weren't backed by a mandate for change.
The politics of hope does not mean hoping things come easy. Because nothing worthwhile in this country has ever happened unless somebody, somewhere stood up when it was hard; stood up when they were told  no you can't, and said yes we can.
And where better to affirm our ideals than here in Wisconsin, where a century ago the progressive movement was born. It was rooted in the principle that the voices of the people can speak louder than  special interests ; that citizens can be connected to their government and to  one another ; and that all of us share a common destiny, an  American Dream .
Yes we can reclaim that dream.
Yes we can heal this nation.
The voices of the  American people  have carried us a great distance on this improbable journey, but we have much further to go. Now we carry our message to farms and factories across this state, and to the cities and small towns of Ohio, to the open plains deep in the heart of Texas, and all the way to Democratic National Convention in Denver; it's the same message we had when we were up, and when were down; that out of many, we are one; that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; and that we can cast off our doubts and fears and cynicism because our dream will not be deferred; our future will not be denied; and our time for change has come.
 
 
 
It was nearly a century ago that the first tractor rolled off the  assembly line  at this plant. The achievement didn't just create a product to sell or profits for General Motors. It led to a shared prosperity enjoyed by all of Janesville. Homes and businesses began to sprout up along Milwaukee and  Main Streets . Jobs were plentiful, with wages that could raise a family and benefits you could count on.
Prosperity hasn't always come easily. The plant shut down for a period during the height of the Depression, and major shifts in production have been required to meet the changing times. Tractors became automobiles. Automobiles became  artillery shells . SUVs are becoming hybrids as we speak, and the cost of transition has always been greatest for the workers and their families.
But through  hard times  and good, great challenge and great change, the promise of Janesville has been the promise of America - that our prosperity can and must be the tide that lifts every boat; that we rise or fall as one nation; that our economy is strongest when our middle-class grows and opportunity is spread as widely as possible. And when it's not - when opportunity is uneven or unequal - it is our responsibility to restore balance, and fairness, and keep that promise alive for the next generation. That is the responsibility we face right now, and that is the responsibility I intend to meet as President of the  United States .
We are not standing on the brink of recession due to forces beyond our control. The fallout from the  housing crisis  that's cost jobs and wiped out savings was not an inevitable part of the  business cycle . It was a failure of leadership and imagination in Washington - the culmination of decades of decisions that were made or put off without regard to the realities of a  global economy  and the growing inequality it's produced.
It's a Washington where George Bush hands out billions in  tax cuts  year after year to the biggest corporations and the wealthiest few who don't need them and don't ask for them -  tax breaks  that are mortgaging our children's future on a mountain of debt;  tax breaks  that could've gone into the pockets of the working families who needed them most.
It's a Washington where decades of trade deals like NAFTA and China have been signed with plenty of protections for corporations and their profits, but none for our environment or our workers who've seen factories shut their doors and millions of jobs disappear; workers whose right to organize and unionize has been under assault for the last eight years.
It's a Washington where politicians like John McCain and Hillary Clinton voted for a war in Iraq that should've never been authorized and never been waged - a war that is costing us thousands of precious lives and billions of dollars a week that could've been used to rebuild crumbling schools and bridges; roads and buildings; that could've been invested in  job training  and  child care ; in making  health care  affordable or putting college within reach.
And it's a Washington that has thrown open its doors to lobbyists and  special interests  who've riddled our  tax code  with loopholes that let corporations avoid paying their taxes while you're paying more. They've been allowed to write an  energy policy  that's keeping us addicted to oil when there are families choosing between gas and groceries. They've used money and influence to kill  health care  reform at a time when half of all bankruptcies are caused by  medical bills , and then they've rigged our bankruptcy laws to make it harder to climb out of debt. They don't represent ordinary Americans, they don't fund my campaign, and they won't drown out the voices of working families when I am President.
This is what's been happening in Washington at a time when we have greater income disparity in this country than we've seen since the  first year  of the  Great Depression . At a time when some CEOs are making more in a day than the average workers makes in a year. When the  typical family  income has dropped by $1,000 over the last seven years. When wages are flat, jobs are moving overseas, and we've never paid more for  health care , or energy, or college. It's a time when we've never saved less - barely $400 for the  average family  last year - and never owed more - an average of $8,000 per family. And it's a time when one in eight Americans now lives in  abject poverty  right here in the richest nation on Earth.
At a time like this, it's no wonder that the mortgage crisis was the straw that broke the camel's back. The equity that people own in their homes is often their largest source of savings, and as millions upon millions have seen those savings and their  home equity  decline or disappear altogether, so have their dreams for a  better future .
I realize that politicians come before you every election saying that they'll change all this. They lay out big plans and hold events with workers just like this one, because it's popular to do and it's easy to make promises in the heat of a campaign.
But how many times have you been disappointed when everyone goes back to Washington and nothing changes? Because the lobbyists just write another check. Or because politicians start worrying about how they'll win the next election instead of why they should. Because they're focused on who's up and who's down instead of who matters - the worker who just lost his pension; the family that just put up the For Sale sign; the young woman who gets three hours of sleep a night because she works the late shift after a full day of college and still can't afford her sister's medicine.
These are the Americans who need real change - the kind of change that's about more than switching the party in the  White House . They need a change in our politics - a leader who can end the division in Washington so we can stop talking about our challenges and start solving them; who doesn't defend lobbyists as part of the system, but sees them as part of the problem; who will carry your voices and your hopes into the  White House  every single day for the next four years. And that is the kind of President I want to be.
I didn't spend my career in the halls of Washington, I began it in the shadow of a closed steel mill on the South Side of Chicago. We organized churches and  community leaders ; African-Americans, whites, and Hispanics to lift neighborhoods out of poverty; provide  job training  to the jobless; and set up after school programs so that kids had a  safe place  to go while their parents worked.
Those are the voices I carried with me to the Illinois state Senate, where I brought Democrats and Republicans together to expand  health insurance  to 150,000 children and parents; where I led the fight to provide $100 million in  tax relief  for working families and the working poor.
They're the voices I carried with me to Washington, where the first bill I introduced was to make college more affordable; where I fought against a bankruptcy bill that made it harder for families to climb out of debt; and where I passed the most sweeping lobbying reform in a generation - reform that forced lobbyists to tell the  American people  who they're raising money from and who in Congress they're funneling it to.
So when I talk about real change that will make a real difference in the lives of working families - change that will restore balance in our economy and put us on a path to prosperity - it's not just the poll-tested rhetoric of a political campaign. It's the cause of  my life . And you can be sure that it will be the cause of my presidency from the very first day I take office.
Now we know that we cannot put up walls around our economy. We know that we cannot reverse the tide of technology that's allowed businesses to send jobs wherever there's an internet connection. We know that government cannot solve all our problems, and we don't expect it to.
But that doesn't mean we have to accept an America of lost opportunity and diminished dreams. Not when we still have the most productive, highly-educated, best- skilled workers  in the world. Not when we still stand on the  cutting edge  of innovation, and science, and discovery. Not when we have the resources and the will of a decent, generous people who are ready to share in the burdens and benefits of a  global economy . I am certain that we can keep America's promise - for this generation and the next.
So today, I'm laying out a comprehensive agenda to reclaim our dream and restore our prosperity. It's an agenda that focuses on three broad economic challenges that the next President must address - the current  housing crisis ; the cost crisis facing the middle-class and those struggling to join it; and the need to create millions of good jobs right here in America- jobs that can't be outsourced and won't disappear.
The first challenge is to stem the fallout from the  housing crisis  and put in place  rules of the road  to prevent it from happening again.
A few weeks ago I offered an economic stimulus package based on a simple principle - we should get immediate relief into the hands of people who need it the most and will spend it the quickest. I proposed sending each working family a $500  tax cut  and each senior a $250 supplement to their  Social Security check . And if the economy gets worse, we should double those amounts.
Neither George Bush nor Hillary Clinton had that kind of immediate, broad-based relief in their original stimulus proposals, but I'm glad that the stimulus package that was recently passed by Congress does. We still need to go further, though, and make  unemployment insurance  available for a longer period of time and for more Americans who find themselves out of work. We should also provide assistance to state and  local governments  so that they don't slash critical services like  health care  or education.
For those Americans who are facing the brunt of the  housing crisis , I've proposed a fund that would provide direct relief to victims of mortgage fraud. We'd also help those who are facing closure refinance their mortgages so they can stay in their homes. And I'd provide struggling homeowners relief by offering a  tax credit  to low- and middle-income Americans that would cover ten percent of their  mortgage interest  payment every year.
To make sure that folks aren't tricked into purchasing loans they can't afford, I've proposed tough new penalties for those who commit mortgage fraud, and a Home Score system that would allow consumers to compare various mortgage products so that they can find out whether or not they'll be able to afford the payments ahead of time.
The second major economic challenge we have to address is the cost crisis facing the middle-class and the working poor. As the  housing crisis  spills over into other parts of the economy, we've seen people's  entire life  savings wiped out in an instant. It's the result of skyrocketing costs, stagnant wages, and disappearing benefits that are pushing more and more Americans towards a debt spiral from which they can't escape. We have to give them a  way out  by cutting costs, putting more money in their pockets, and rebuilding a  safety net  that's become badly frayed over the last decades.
One of the principles that John Edwards has passionately advanced is that this country should be rewarding work, not wealth. That starts with our  tax code , which has been rigged by lobbyists with page after page of loopholes that benefit big corporations and the wealthiest few. For example, we should not be giving  tax breaks  to corporations that make their profits in some other country with some other workers. Before she started running for President, Senator Clinton actually voted for this loophole.
I'll change our  tax code  so that it's simple, fair, and advances opportunity, not the agenda of some lobbyist. I am the only candidate in this race who's proposed a genuine middle-class  tax cut  that will provide relief to 95% of working Americans. This is a  tax cut  -paid for in part by closing corporate loopholes and shutting down  tax havens  - that will offset the payroll tax that working Americans are already paying, and it'll be worth up to $1000 for a working family. We'll also eliminate  income taxes  for any retiree making less than $50,000 per year, because our seniors are struggling enough with rising costs, and should be able to retire in dignity and respect. Since the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  lifts nearly 5 million Americans out of poverty each year, I'll double the number of workers who receive it and triple the benefit for minimum  wage workers . And I won't wait another ten years to raise the minimum wage - I'll guarantee that it keeps pace with inflation every single year so that it's not just a minimum wage, but a  living wage . Because that's the change that working Americans need.
My universal  health care  plan brings down the cost of  health care  more than any other candidate in this race, and will save the  typical family  up to $2500 a year on their premiums. Every American would be able to get the same kind of  health care  that  members of Congress  get for themselves, and we'd ban  insurance companies  from denying you coverage because of a pre-existing condition. And the main difference between my plan and Senator Clinton's plan is that she'd require the government to force you to buy  health insurance  and she said she'd  go after' your wages if you don't. Well I believe the reason people don't have  health care  isn't because no one's forced them to buy it, it's because no one's made it affordable - and that's what we'll do when I am President.
If we want to train our workforce for a knowledge economy, it's also time that we brought down the cost of a  college education  and put it within reach of every American. I know how expense this is. At the beginning of our marriage, Michelle and I were spending more to payoff our college loans than we were on our mortgage. So I'll create a new and fully refundable  tax credit  worth $4,000 for tuition and fees every year, a benefit that students will get in exchange for community or  national service , which will cover two-thirds of the tuition at the average public college or university. And I'll also simplify the  financial aid   application process  so that we don't have a million students who aren't applying for aid because it's too difficult.
With so many mothers and fathers juggling work and parenting, the next cost we have to bring down is the  cost of living  in a two-income family. I'll expand the  child care   tax credit  for people earning less than $50,000 a year, and I'll double spending on quality afterschool programs. We'll also expand the Family Medical Leave Act to include more businesses and millions more workers; and we'll change a system that's stacked against  working women  by requiring every employer to provide seven paid sick days a year, so that you can be home with your child if they're sick.
In addition to cutting costs for working families, we also need to help them save more - especially for retirement. That's why we'll require employers to enroll every worker in a direct deposit  retirement account  that places a small percentage of each paycheck into savings. You can keep this account even if you change jobs, and the  federal government  will match the savings for lower-income, working families.
Finally, we need to help families who find themselves in a debt spiral climb out. Since so many who are struggling to keep up with their mortgages are now shifting their debt to  credit cards , we have to make sure that  credit cards  don't become the next stage in the  housing crisis . To make sure that Americans know what they're signing up for, I'll institute a five-star  rating system  to inform consumers about the level of risk involved in every  credit card . And we'll establish a  Credit Card   Bill of Rights  that will ban unilateral changes to a  credit card  agreement; ban rate changes to debt that's already incurred; and ban interest on late fees. Americans need to pay what they owe, but they should pay what's fair, not what fattens profits for some  credit card  company.
The same principle should apply to our bankruptcy laws. When I first arrived in the Senate, I opposed the  credit card  industry's bankruptcy bill that made it harder for working families to climb out of debt. Five years earlier, Senator Clinton had supported a nearly identical bill. And during a debate a few weeks back, she said that even though she voted for it, she was glad it didn't pass. Now, I know those kind of antics might make sense in Washington, but they don't make much sense anywhere else, and they certainly don't make sense for working families who are struggling under the weight of their debt.
When I'm President, we'll reform our bankruptcy laws so that we give Americans who find themselves in debt a second chance. I'll close the loophole that allows investors with multiple homes to renegotiate their mortgage in  bankruptcy court , but not victims of predatory lending. We'll make sure that if you can demonstrate that you went bankrupt because of medical expenses, then you can relieve that debt and get back on your feet. And I'll make sure that CEOs can't dump your pension with one hand while they collect a bonus with the other. That's an outrage, and it's time we had a President who knows it's an outrage.
Those are the steps we can take to ease the cost crisis facing working families. But we still need to make sure that families are working. We need to maintain our  competitive edge  in a global by ensuring that plants like this one stay open for another hundred years, and shuttered factories re-open as new industries that promise new jobs. And we need to put more Americans to work doing jobs that need to be done right here in America.
For years, we have stood by while our national infrastructure has crumbled and decayed. In 2005, the American Society of  Civil Engineers  gave it a D, citing problems with our airports, dams, schools, highways, and waterways. One out of three urban bridges were classified as structurally deficient, and we all saw the tragic results of what that could mean in Minnesota last year. Right here in Wisconsin, we know that $500 million of freight will come through this state by 2020, and if we do not have the infrastructure to handle it, we will not get the business.
For our economy, our safety, and our workers, we have to rebuild America. I'm proposing a National Infrastructure Reinvestment Bank that will invest $60 billion over ten years. This investment will multiply into almost half a trillion dollars of additional infrastructure spending and generate nearly two million new jobs - many of them in the  construction industry  that's been hard hit by this  housing crisis . The repairs will be determined not by politics, but by what will maximize our safety and homeland security; what will keep our environment clean and our economy strong. And we'll fund this bank by ending this war in Iraq. It's time to stop spending billions of dollars a week trying to put Iraq back together and start spending the money on putting America back together instead.
It's also time to look to the future and figure out how to make trade work for American workers. I won't stand here and tell you that we can - or should - stop  free trade . We can't stop every job from going overseas. But I also won't stand here and accept an America where we do nothing to help American workers who have lost jobs and opportunities because of these  trade agreements . And that's a position of mine that doesn't change based on who I'm talking to or the election I'm running in.
You know, in the years after her husband signed NAFTA, Senator Clinton would go around talking about how great it was and how many benefits it would bring. Now that she's running for President, she says we need a  time-out  on trade. No one knows when this  time-out  will end. Maybe after the election.
I don't know about a  time-out , but I do know this - when I am President, I will not sign another  trade agreement  unless it has protections for our environment and protections for American workers. And I'll pass the Patriot Employer Act that I've been fighting for ever since I ran for the Senate - we will end the  tax breaks  for companies who ship our jobs overseas, and we will give those breaks to companies who create good jobs with decent wages right here in America.
I believe that we can create millions of those jobs around a clean,  renewable energy  future. A few hours northeast of here is the city of Manitowoc. For over a century, it was the home of Mirro manufacturing - a company that provided thousands of jobs and plenty of business. In 2003, Mirro closed its doors for good after losing thousands of jobs to Mexico.
But in the last few years, something extraordinary has happened. Thanks to the leadership of Governor Doyle and Mayor Kevin Crawford, Manitowoc has re-trained its workers and attracted new businesses and new jobs. Orion Energy Systems works with companies to reduce their electricity use and  carbon emissions . And Tower Tech is now making  wind turbines  that are being sold all over the world. Hundreds of people have found new work, and unemployment has been cut in half.
This can be America's future. I know that General Motors received some  bad news  yesterday, and I know how hard your Governor has fought to keep jobs in this plant. But I also know how much progress you've made - how many hybrids and fuel-efficient vehicles you're churning out. And I believe that if our government is there to support you, and give you the assistance you need to re-tool and make this transition, that this plant will be here for another hundred years. The question is not whether a  clean energy  economy is in our future, it's where it will thrive. I want it to thrive right here in the  United States  of America; right here in Wisconsin; and that's the future I'll fight for as your President.
My energy plan will invest $150 billion over ten years to establish a green energy sector that will create up to 5 million new jobs over the next two decades - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. We'll also provide funding to help manufacturers convert to green technology and help workers learn the skills they need for these jobs.
We know that all of this must be done in a responsible way, without adding to the already obscene debt that has grown by four trillion dollars under George Bush. We know that we cannot build our future on a  credit card  issued by the bank of China. And that is why I've paid for every element of this economic agenda - by ending a war that's costing us billions, closing  tax loopholes  for corporations, putting a price on carbon pollution, and ending George Bush's  tax cuts  for the wealthiest 2% of Americans.
In the end, this economic agenda won't just require new money. It will require a new spirit of cooperation and innovation on behalf of the  American people . We will have to learn more, and study more, and work harder. We'll be called upon to take part in shared sacrifice and shared prosperity. And we'll have to remind ourselves that we  rise and fall  as one nation; that a country in which only a few prosper is antithetical to our ideals and our democracy; and that those of us who have benefited greatly from the blessings of this country have a solemn obligation to open the doors of opportunity, not just for our children, but to all of America's children.
That is the spirit that's thrived in Janesville from the moment that first tractor came off the  assembly line  so many years ago. It's the spirit that led my grandmother to her own  assembly line  during  World War II , and my grandfather to march in Patton's Army. When that war ended, they were given the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill , to buy a house from the Federal Housing Authority, and to give my mother the chance to go to the best schools and dream as big as the Kansas sky. Even though she was a  single mom  who didn't have much, it's the same chance she gave me, and why I'm standing here today.
It's a promise that's been passed down through the ages; one that each generation of Americans is called to keep - that we can raise our children in a land of boundless opportunity, broad prosperity, and unyielding possibility. That is the promise we must keep in our time, and I look forward to working and fighting to make it real as President of the  United States . Thank you.
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
Well, we are in the middle of a very close race right now in Texas, and we may not even know the final results until morning. We do know that Senator Clinton has won Rhode Island, and while there are a lot of votes to be counted in Ohio, it looks like she did well there too, and so we congratulate her on those states. We also know that we have won the state of Vermont. And we know this - no matter what happens tonight, we have nearly the same delegate lead as we did this morning, and we are on our way to winning this nomination.
You know, decades ago, as a community organizer, I learned that the real work of democracy begins far from the closed doors and marbled halls of Washington.
It begins on  street corners  and front porches; in  living rooms  and  meeting halls  with ordinary Americans who see the world as it is and realize that we have it within our power to remake the world as it should be.
It is with that hope that we began this unlikely journey - the hope that if we could go block by block, city by city, state by state and build a movement that spanned race and region; party and gender; if we could give  young people  a reason to vote and the young at heart a reason to believe again; if we could inspire a nation to come together again, then we could turn the page on the politics that's shut us out, let us down, and told us to settle. We could write a  new chapter  in the American story.
We were told this wasn't possible. We were told the climb was too steep. We were told our country was too cynical - that we were just being naïve; that we couldn't really change the world as it is.
But then a few people in Iowa stood up to say, "Yes we can." And then a few more of you stood up from the hills of  New Hampshire  to the coast of South Carolina. And then a few million of you stood up from Savannah to Seattle; from Boise to Baton Rouge. And tonight, because of you - because of a movement you built that stretches from Vermont's Green Mountains to the streets of San Antonio, we can stand up with confidence and clarity to say that we are turning the page, and we are ready to write the next great chapter in America's story.
In the coming weeks, we will begin a great debate about the future of this country with a man who has served it bravely and loves it dearly. And tonight, I called John McCain and congratulated him on winning the Republican nomination.
But in this election, we will offer two very different visions of the America we see in the twenty-first century. Because John McCain may claim long history of straight talk and independent-thinking, and I respect that. But in this campaign, he's fallen in line behind the very same policies that have ill-served America. He has seen where George Bush has taken our country, and he promises to keep us on the very same course.
It's the same course that threatens a century of war in Iraq - a third and fourth and fifth  tour of duty  for brave troops who've done all we've asked them to, even while we ask little and expect nothing of the Iraqi government whose job it is to put their country back together. A course where we spend billions of dollars a week that could be used to rebuild our roads and our schools; to care for our veterans and send our children to college.
It's the same course that continues to divide and isolate America from the world by substituting bluster and bullying for direct diplomacy - by ignoring our allies and refusing to talk to our enemies even though Presidents from Kennedy to Reagan have done just that; because strong countries and strong leaders aren't afraid to tell hard truths to petty dictators.
And it's the same course that offers the same tired answer to workers without  health care  and families without homes; to students in debt and children who go to bed hungry in the richest nation on Earth - four more years of  tax breaks  for the biggest corporations and the wealthiest few who don't need them and aren't even asking for them. It's a course that further divides Wall Street from  Main Street ; where struggling families are told to pull themselves up by their bootstraps because there's nothing government can do or should do - and so we should give more to those with the most and let the chips fall where they may.
Well we are here tonight to say that this is not the America we believe in and this is not the future we want. We want a new course for this country. We want new leadership in Washington. We want change in America.
John McCain and Senator Clinton echo each other in dismissing this call for change. They say it is eloquent but empty; speeches and not solutions. And yet, they should know that it's a call that did not begin with my words. It began with words that were spoken on the floors of factories in Ohio and across the deep plains of Texas; words that came from classrooms in South Carolina and  living rooms  in the state of Iowa; from first-time voters and life-long cynics; from Democrats and Republicans alike.
They should know that there's nothing empty about the call for affordable  health care  that came from the young student who told me she gets three hours of sleep because she works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't pay her sister's  medical bills .
There's nothing empty about the call for help that came from the mother in San Antonio who saw her mortgage double in two weeks and didn't know where her two-year olds would sleep at night when they were kicked out of their home.
There's nothing empty about the call for change that came from the elderly woman who wants it so badly that she sent me an envelope with a  money order  for $3.01 and a simple verse of scripture tucked inside.
These Americans know that government cannot solve all of our problems, and they don't expect it to. Americans know that we have to work harder and study more to compete in a  global economy . We know that we need to take responsibility for ourselves and our children - that we need to spend more time with them, and teach them well, and put a book in their hands instead of a  video game  once in awhile. We know this.
But we also believe that there is a larger responsibility we have to  one another  as Americans.
We believe that we rise or fall as one nation - as one people. That we are our brother's keeper. That we are our sister's keeper.
We believe that a child born tonight should have the same chances whether she arrives in the barrios of San Antonio or the suburbs of St. Louis; on the streets of Chicago or the hills of Appalachia.
We believe that when she goes to school for the first time, it should be in a place where the rats don't outnumber the computers; that when she applies to college, cost is no barrier to a degree that will allow her to compete with children in China or India for the jobs of the twenty-first century.
We believe that these jobs should provide wages that can raise her family,  health care  for when she gets sick and a pension for when she retires.
We believe that when she tucks her own children into bed, she should feel safe knowing that they are protected from the threats we face by the bravest, best-equipped, military in the world, led by a Commander-in-Chief who has the judgment to know when to send them into battle and which battlefield to fight on.
And if that child should ever get the chance to travel the world, and someone should ask her where she is from, we believe that she should always be able to hold her head high with pride in her voice when she answers "I am an American."
That is the course we seek. That is the change we are calling for. You can call it many things, but you cannot call it empty.
If I am the nominee of this party, I will not allow us to be distracted by the same politics that seeks to divide us with false charges and meaningless labels. In this campaign, we will not stand for the politics that uses religion as a wedge, and patriotism as a bludgeon.
I owe what I am to this country I love, and I will never forget it. Where else could a young man who grew up herding goats in Kenya get the chance to fulfill his dream of a  college education ? Where else could he marry a white girl from Kansas whose parents survived war and depression to find opportunity out west? Where else could they have a child who would one day have the chance to run for the highest office in the greatest nation the world has ever known? Where else, but in the  United States  of America?
It is now my hope and our task to set this country on a course that will keep this promise alive in the twenty-first century. And the eyes of the world are watching to see if we can.
There is a young man on my campaign whose grandfather lives in Uganda. He is 81 years old and has never experienced true democracy in his lifetime. During the reign of Idi Amin, he was literally hunted and the only reason he escaped was thanks to the kindness of others and a few good-sized trunks. And on the night of the Iowa caucuses, that 81-year- old man  stayed up until five in the morning, huddled by his television, waiting for the results.
The world is watching what we do here. The world is paying attention to how we conduct ourselves. What will we they see? What will we tell them? What will we show them?
Can we come together across party and region; race and religion to restore prosperity and opportunity as the birthright of every American?
Can we lead the community of nations in taking on the common threats of the 21st century - terrorism and  climate change ; genocide and disease?
Can we send a message to all those weary travelers beyond our shores who long to be free from fear and want that the  United States  of America is, and always will be,  the last best, hope of Earth? ' We say; we hope; we believe - yes we can.
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
It is my privilege to be joined by some of the distinguished generals and admirals supporting my campaign. They have defended the  American people  and stood up for American values with honor and distinction. Between them they have served nine Commanders-in-Chief, and I look forward to continuing to draw on their counsel throughout my campaign and beyond.
As as a candidate for the presidency, I know that I am running to be Commander-in-Chief  to safeguard this nation's security, and to keep our sacred trust with the men and women who serve. There is no responsibility that I take more seriously.
This is something that I've talked about throughout this campaign. Because I believe that any candidate for President must present the  American people  with a  clear vision  of how we will lead. There are real differences between the candidates, and  important issues  to debate  from ending the war in Iraq, to combating terrorism, to devising new strategies and new capabilities to confront 21st century threats.
But recently, we've seen a different kind of approach. Instead of a serious, substantive debate, we've heard vague allusions to a "Commander-in-Chief threshold" that seems to be about nothing more than the number of years you've spent in Washington.
This is exactly what's wrong with the  national security  debate in Washington.
After years of a divisive politics that uses  national security  as a wedge to drive us apart, how much longer do we have to wait to bring this country together to confront our common enemies? After years of being told that Democrats have to talk, act and vote like John McCain to pass some Commander-in-Chief test, how many times do we have to learn that tough talk is not a substitute for sound judgment? After years of a war in Iraq that should've never been authorized, how many more politicians will appeal to the American peoples' fears instead of their hopes? This moment  in this election  is our chance to put an end to a divisive politics that has done nothing to keep America safe, or to serve our men and women in uniform as well as they are serving us. Because the real Commander-in-Chief threshold doesn't have to do with years tallied up in Washington, it has to do with the judgment and vision that you will bring to the  Oval Office .
On the most important  national security  question since the  Cold War , I am the only candidate who opposed the war in Iraq from the beginning. This judgment was not about speeches, it was about whether or not the  United States  of America would go to war in Iraq. Because we did, we took our eye off al Qaeda; we have lost thousands of lives and spent hundreds of billions of dollars; our military is overstretched; and our security and standing has been set back. So don't tell me that the decision to go to war was just a speech, because it was far more than that to the men and women who have served  and continue to serve heroically in Iraq.
When I spoke out against the war, I said that I was not opposed to all wars. In fact, one of the central reasons why I opposed going to war in Iraq is that we had yet to finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban. That remains true today. That is why I have consistently called for an increased commitment to Afghanistan, and why I called last August for at least two additional combat brigades to support our mission there. And that is why I will end the war in Iraq when I am President, and focus on finishing the job in Afghanistan.
I will never hesitate to defend this country and our critical interests. That is why I am the only candidate who has made it clear that we cannot tolerate any safe-haven for terrorists who threaten America. But we must also use all elements of national power to combat the threats of the 21st century, and that means deploying the power of American diplomacy before we deploy our troops. That is why we must be willing to talk to the leaders of all nations  friend and foe.
The threats we face are increasingly unconventional, and they call for new approaches. I have worked on the Senate  Foreign Relations  Committee to combat the challenges of the 21st Century  securing loose weapons and  nuclear materials  from terrorists; working to stop ethnic killing and genocide in Africa; and investing in our ability to combat epidemic diseases like avian flu that can be deadly at home and sew instability abroad.
And one theme that I hear in talking to  military officers   whether generals and admirals, or the mid-level officers who will lead tomorrow's military  is that we need new capabilities to respond to this century's new threats.
We must maintain our overwhelming conventional advantage  and I will. We also need to increase the size of our  ground forces  by 65,000 soldiers and 27,000 marines to relieve the strain on our troops, and to increase our capacity to put boots on the ground. We need to invest in capabilities like civil affairs,  foreign languages , and training foreign militaries, so that we can confront nimble enemies. We need to give our civilian agencies the ability to operate alongside our military in post-conflict zones and on humanitarian missions. And we must inspire a new generation of Americans to serve their country, in the military and in a civilian capacity.
And let me be very clear: when I am Commander-in-Chief, I will seek out, listen to, and respect the views of military commanders. Under this Administration, too often we have seen civilian control turned into an expectation that the uniformed military will be punished if they tell the President what he needs to know, rather than what he wants to hear. When I am President, the buck will stop with me, but we will restore trust and open dialogue between the military and civilian leadership.
Finally, it is the sacred obligation of any  Commander in Chief  to give the men and women who have served the care and support they have earned. That is what I have tried to do on the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee  working to improve care and benefits for wounded warriors and their families, and to enhance screening and treatment for PTSD and Traumatic  Brain Injury , the signature wounds of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
As President, I will ask myself every day whether I am serving our troops and veterans as well as they have served America. That means only sending them into harm's way when we absolutely must; providing them with a clear mission and the equipment they need to do the job; standing by them when they come home; and helping them live their dreams after they leave the service.
Like the men who have joined me on this stage today, my story is only possible in America. It is the story of my grandfather, who marched in Patton's Army; and my father, who crossed the globe to be a part of the dream that my grandfather defended. An America that secures its people, and stands as a light of hope for the world.
That is the America that I will defend as Commander-in-Chief, drawing on the counsel of military commanders and the courage and conviction of the  American people . An America where we meet the challenges of the 21st century with sound judgment, clear plans, and a common purpose.
 
 
 
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union." Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's  original sin  of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the  slave trade  to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to  future generations .
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the  United States . What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a  civil war  and  civil disobedience  and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the  long march  of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a  better future  for our children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the  American people . But it also comes from my own American story.
I am the son of a  black man  from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during  World War II  and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber  assembly line  at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.
Throughout the  first year  of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the  American people  were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of  African Americans  and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw  racial tensions  bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every  exit poll  for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.
On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in  affirmative action ; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some,  nagging questions  remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and  foreign policy ? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a  religious leader 's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the  Middle East  as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic  health care  crisis and potentially devastating  climate change ; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have  run in  an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love  one another ; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity: "People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard  something else ; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the  lion's den , Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into  future generations  and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild." That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the  black community  in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any  ethnic group  in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.
I can no more disown him than I can disown the  black community . I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of  black men  who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated  racial bias .
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like  health care , or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.
Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and  Jim Crow .
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v.  Board of Education , and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American  business owners , or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the  police force , or  fire departments  - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to  future generations . That history helps explain the wealth and  income gap  between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and  rural communities .
A lack of  economic opportunity  among  black men , and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban  black neighborhoods  - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage  pick-up  and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a  way out  of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the  American Dream , there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to  future generations  - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on  street corners  or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white  co-workers  or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the  kitchen table . At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the  white community . Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and  global competition , opportunity comes to be seen as a  zero sum  game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an  African American  is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the  black community , these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the  political landscape  for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and  affirmative action  helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends.  Talk show  hosts and conservative commentators built  entire careers  unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere  political correctness  or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the  middle class  squeeze - a  corporate culture  rife with inside dealing, questionable  accounting practices , and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and  special interests ;  economic policies  that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our  racial divisions  in a single  election cycle , or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my  faith in God  and my faith in the  American people  - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better  health care , and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the  white man  whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of  self-help  found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of  self-help  also requires a belief that society can change.
The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
In the  white community , the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our  civil rights  laws and ensuring fairness in our  criminal justice system ; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's  great religions  demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in  one another , and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the  American people  think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the  race card , or we can speculate on whether  white men  will all flock to John McCain in the  general election  regardless of his policies.
We can do that.
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and  Native American  children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the  Emergency Room  are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have  health care ; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the  special interests  in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every  walk of life . This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the  vast majority  of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the  young people  whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr.  King's birthday  at his  home church , Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a  roundtable discussion  where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her  health care . They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many  bring up  a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly  black man  who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not  bring up  a specific issue. He does not say  health care  or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley." "I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old  black man  is not enough. It is not enough to give  health care  to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.
 
 
 
I want to thank Mayor Bloomberg for his extraordinary leadership. At a time when Washington is divided in old ideological battles, he shows us what can be achieved when we bring people together to seek pragmatic solutions. Not only has he been a remarkable leader for New York -he has established himself as a major voice in our national debate on issues like renewing our economy, educating our children, and seeking energy independence. Mr. Mayor, I share your determination to bring this country together to finally make progress for the  American people .
In a city of landmarks, we meet at Cooper Union, just uptown from Federal Hall, where George Washington took the oath of office as the first President of the  United States . With all the history that has passed through the narrow canyons of lower Manhattan, it is worth taking a moment to reflect on the role that the market has played in the development of the American story.
The great task before our Founders that day was putting into practice the ideal that government could simultaneously serve liberty and advance the common good. For Alexander Hamilton, the young Secretary of the Treasury, that task was bound to the vigor of the American economy.
Hamilton had a strong belief in the power of the market. But he balanced that belief with the conviction that human enterprise "may be beneficially stimulated by prudent aids and encouragements on the part of the government." Government, he believed, had an  important role  to play in advancing our common prosperity. So he nationalized the state Revolutionary War debts, weaving together the economies of the states and creating an  American system  of credit and  capital markets . And he encouraged manufacturing and infrastructure, so products could be moved to market.
Hamilton met fierce opposition from Thomas Jefferson, who worried that this brand of capitalism would favor the interests of the few over the many. Jefferson preferred an agrarian economy because he believed that it would give individual landowners freedom, and that this freedom would nurture our  democratic institutions . But despite their differences, there was one thing that Jefferson and Hamilton agreed on - that  economic growth  depended upon the talent and ingenuity of the  American people ; that in order to harness that talent, opportunity had to remain open to all; and that through education in particular, every American could climb the ladder of social and economic mobility, and achieve the  American Dream .
In the more than two centuries since then, we have struggled to balance the same forces that confronted Hamilton and Jefferson -  self-interest  and community; markets and democracy; the concentration of wealth and power, and the necessity of transparency and opportunity for each and every citizen. Throughout this saga, Americans have pursued their dreams within a  free market  that has been the engine of America's progress. It's a market that has created a prosperity that is the envy of the world, and opportunity for generations of Americans. A market that has provided great rewards to the innovators and  risk-takers  who have made America a beacon for science, and technology, and discovery.
But the American experiment has worked in large part because we have guided the market's invisible hand with a higher principle. Our  free market  was never meant to be a free license to take whatever you can get, however you can get it. That is why we have put in place  rules of the road  to make competition fair, and open, and honest. We have done this not to stifle - but rather to advance prosperity and liberty. As I said at NASDAQ last September: the core of our economic success is the fundamental truth that each American does better when all Americans do better; that the  well being  of American business, its  capital markets , and the  American people  are aligned.
I think all of us here today would acknowledge that we've lost that sense of shared prosperity.
This loss has not happened by accident. It's because of decisions made in boardrooms, on  trading floors  and in Washington. Under Republican and Democratic Administrations, we failed to guard against practices that all too often rewarded  financial manipulation  instead of productivity and sound  business practices . We let the  special interests  put their thumbs on the economic scales. The result has been a distorted market that creates bubbles instead of steady, sustainable growth; a market that favors Wall Street over  Main Street , but ends up hurting both.
Nor is this trend new. The concentrations of economic power - and the failures of our  political system  to protect the American economy from its worst excesses - have been a staple of our past, most famously in the 1920s, when with success we ended up plunging the country into the  Great Depression . That is when government stepped in to create a series of regulatory structures - from the FDIC to the Glass-Steagall Act - to serve as a corrective to protect the  American people  and American business.
Ironically, it was in reaction to the high taxes and some of the outmoded structures of the  New Deal  that both individuals and institutions began pushing for changes to this regulatory structure. But instead of sensible reform that rewarded success and freed the creative forces of the market, too often we've excused and even embraced an ethic of greed, corner cutting and inside dealing that has always threatened the long-term stability of our  economic system . Too often, we've lost that common stake in each other's prosperity.
Let me be clear: the American economy does not stand still, and neither should the rules that govern it. The evolution of industries often warrants regulatory reform - to foster competition, lower prices, or replace outdated oversight structures. Old institutions cannot adequately oversee new practices. Old rules may not fit the roads where our economy is leading. There were good arguments for changing the  rules of the road  in the 1990s. Our economy was undergoing a fundamental shift, carried along by the swift currents of technological change and globalization. For the sake of our common prosperity, we needed to adapt to keep markets competitive and fair.
Unfortunately, instead of establishing a 21st century regulatory framework, we simply dismantled the old one - aided by a legal but corrupt bargain in which  campaign money  all too often shaped policy and watered down oversight. In doing so, we encouraged a winner take all, anything goes environment that helped foster devastating dislocations in our economy.
Deregulation of the telecommunications sector, for example, fostered competition but also contributed to massive over-investment. Partial deregulation of the electricity sector enabled  market manipulation . Companies like Enron and WorldCom took advantage of the new regulatory environment to push the envelope, pump up earnings, disguise losses and otherwise engage in accounting fraud to make their profits look better - a practice that led investors to question the  balance sheet  of all companies, and severely damaged public trust in  capital markets . This was not the invisible hand at work. Instead, it was the hand of industry lobbyists tilting the  playing field  in Washington, an accounting industry that had developed powerful  conflicts of interest , and a financial sector that fueled over-investment.
A decade later, we have deregulated the  financial services  sector, and we face another crisis. A regulatory structure set up for banks in the 1930s needed to change because the nature of business has changed. But by the time the Glass-Steagall Act was repealed in 1999, the $300 million lobbying effort that drove deregulation was more about facilitating mergers than creating an efficient regulatory framework.
Since then, we have overseen 21st century innovation - including the aggressive introduction of new and complex  financial instruments  like  hedge funds  and non-bank financial companies - with outdated 20th century regulatory tools. New  conflicts of interest  recalled the worst excesses of the past - like the outrageous news that we learned just yesterday of KPMG allowing a lender to report profits instead of losses, so that both parties could make a  quick buck . Not surprisingly, the regulatory environment failed to keep pace. When subprime mortgage lending took a reckless and unsustainable turn, a patchwork of regulators were unable or unwilling to protect the  American people .
The policies of the Bush Administration threw the economy further out of balance.  Tax cuts  without end for the wealthiest Americans. A trillion dollar war in Iraq that didn't need to be fought, paid for with  deficit spending  and borrowing from  foreign creditors  like China. A complete disdain for pay-as-you-go budgeting - coupled with a generally scornful attitude towards oversight and enforcement - allowed far too many to put short-term gain ahead of  long term  consequences. The American economy was bound to suffer a painful correction, and policymakers found themselves with fewer resources to deal with the consequences.
Today, those consequences are clear. I see them in every corner of our great country, as families face foreclosure and rising costs. I seem them in towns across America, where a credit crisis threatens the ability of students to get loans, and states can't finance  infrastructure projects . I see them here in Manhattan, where one of our biggest  investment banks  had to be bailed out, and the Fed opened its discount window to a host of new institutions with unprecedented implications we have yet to appreciate. When all is said and done, losses will be in the many hundreds of billions. What was bad for  Main Street  was bad for Wall Street. Pain trickled up.
That is why the principle that I spoke about at NASDAQ is even more urgently true today: in our 21st century economy, there is no  dividing line  between  Main Street  and Wall Street. The decisions made in New York's high-rises have consequences for Americans across the country. And whether those Americans can make their house payments; whether they keep their jobs; or spend confidently without falling into debt - that has consequences for the  entire market . The future cannot be shaped by the best-connected lobbyists with the best record of raising money for campaigns. This thinking is wrong for the financial sector and it's wrong for our country.
I do not believe that government should stand in the way of innovation, or turn back the clock to an older era of regulation. But I do believe that government has a role to play in advancing our common prosperity: by providing stable macroeconomic and financial conditions for  sustained growth ; by demanding transparency; and by ensuring fair competition in the marketplace.
Our history should give us confidence that we don't have to choose between an oppressive government-run economy and a chaotic and unforgiving capitalism. It tells us we can emerge from great  economic upheavals  stronger, not weaker. But we can do so only if we restore confidence in our markets. Only if we rebuild trust between investors and lenders. And only if we renew that  common interest  between Wall Street and  Main Street  that is the key to our success.
Now, as most experts agree, our economy is in a recession. To renew our economy - and to ensure that we are not doomed to repeat a cycle of bubble and bust again and again - we need to address not only the immediate crisis in the housing market; we also need to create a 21st century regulatory framework, and pursue a bold opportunity agenda for the  American people .
Most urgently, we must confront the  housing crisis .
After months of inaction, the President spoke here in New York and warned against doing too much. His main proposal - extending  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans - is completely divorced from the reality that people are facing around the country. John McCain recently announced his own plan, and it amounts to little more than watching this crisis happen. While this is consistent with Senator McCain's determination to run for George Bush's third term, it won't help families who are suffering, and it won't help lift our economy out of recession.
Over two million households are at risk of foreclosure and millions more have seen their home values plunge. Many Americans are walking away from their homes, which hurts property values for  entire neighborhoods  and aggravates the credit crisis. To stabilize the housing market and help bring the foreclosure crisis to an end, I have sponsored Senator Chris Dodd's legislation creating a new FHA Housing Security Program, which will provide meaningful incentives for lenders to buy or refinance existing mortgages. This will allow Americans facing foreclosure to keep their homes at rates they can afford.
Senator McCain argues that government should do nothing to protect borrowers and lenders who've made bad decisions, or taken on excessive risk. On this point, I agree. But the Dodd-Frank package is not a bailout for lenders or investors who gambled recklessly, as they will take losses. It is not a windfall for borrowers, as they will have to share any  capital gain . Instead, it offers a responsible and fair way to help bring an end to the foreclosure crisis. It asks both sides to sacrifice, while preventing a long-term collapse that could have enormous ramifications for the most responsible lenders and borrowers, as well as the  American people  as a whole. That is what Senator McCain ignores.
For homeowners who were victims of fraud, I've also proposed a $10 billion Foreclosure Prevention Fund that would help them sell a home that is beyond their means, or modify their loan to avoid foreclosure or bankruptcy. It's also time to amend our bankruptcy laws, so families aren't forced to stick to the terms of a  home loan  that was predatory or unfair.
To prevent fraud in the future, I've proposed tough new penalties on fraudulent lenders, and a Home Score system that will allow consumers to find out more about mortgage offers and whether they'll be able to make payments. To help low- and middle-income families, I've proposed a 10 percent  mortgage interest   tax credit  that will allow homeowners who don't itemize their taxes to access incentives for  home ownership . And to expand  home ownership , we must do more to help communities turn abandoned properties into affordable housing.
The government can't do this alone, nor should it. As I said last September, lenders must get ahead of the curve rather than just reacting to crisis. They should actively look at all borrowers, offer workouts, and reduce the principal on mortgages in trouble. Not only can this prevent the larger losses associated with foreclosure and resale, but it can reduce the extent of  government intervention  and taxpayer exposure.
Beyond dealing with the immediate  housing crisis , it is time for the  federal government  to revamp the regulatory framework dealing with our  financial markets .
Our  capital markets  have helped us build the strongest economy in the world. They are a source of  competitive advantage  for our country. But they cannot succeed without the public's trust. The details of regulatory reform should be developed through sound analysis and  public debate . But there are several core principles for reform that I will pursue as President.
First, if you can borrow from the government, you should be subject to government oversight and supervision. Secretary Paulson admitted this in his remarks yesterday. The Federal Reserve should have basic supervisory authority over any institution to which it may make credit available as a lender of  last resort . When the Fed steps in, it is providing lenders an  insurance policy  underwritten by the American taxpayer. In return, taxpayers have every right to expect that these institutions are not taking excessive risks. The nature of regulation should depend on the degree and extent of the Fed's exposure. But at the very least, these new regulations should include liquidity and capital requirements.
Second, there needs to be general reform of the requirements to which all regulated  financial institutions  are subjected. Capital requirements should be strengthened, particularly for complex  financial instruments  like some of the mortgage securities that led to our current crisis. We must develop and rigorously manage liquidity risk. We must investigate rating agencies and potential  conflicts of interest  with the people they are rating. And transparency requirements must demand full disclosure by  financial institutions  to shareholders and counterparties.
As we reform our regulatory system at home, we must work with international arrangements like the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, the International  Accounting Standards  Board, and the  Financial Stability  Forum to address the same problems abroad. The goal must be ensuring that  financial institutions  around the world are subject to similar  rules of the road  - both to make the system stable, and to keep our  financial institutions  competitive.
Third, we need to streamline a framework of overlapping and competing  regulatory agencies . Reshuffling bureaucracies should not be an end in itself. But the large, complex institutions that dominate the financial landscape do not fit into categories created decades ago. Different institutions compete in multiple markets - our regulatory system should not pretend otherwise. A streamlined system will provide better oversight, and be less costly for regulated institutions.
Fourth, we need to regulate institutions for what they do, not what they are. Over the last few years,  commercial banks  and  thrift institutions  were subject to guidelines on subprime mortgages that did not apply to mortgage brokers and companies. It makes no sense for the Fed to tighten mortgage guidelines for banks when two-thirds of subprime mortgages don't originate from banks. This regulatory framework has failed to protect homeowners, and it is now clear that it made no sense for our  financial system . When it comes to protecting the  American people , it should make no difference what kind of institution they are dealing with.
Fifth, we must remain vigilant and crack down on trading activity that crosses the line to  market manipulation . Reports have circulated in recent days that some traders may have intentionally spread rumors that Bear Stearns was in financial distress while making market bets against the company. The SEC should investigate and punish this kind of  market manipulation , and report its conclusions to Congress.
Sixth, we need a process that identifies systemic risks to the  financial system . Too often, we deal with threats to the  financial system  that weren't anticipated by regulators. That's why we should create a  financial market  oversight commission, which would meet regularly and provide advice to the President, Congress, and regulators on the state of our  financial markets  and the risks that face them. These expert views could help anticipate risks before they erupt into a crisis.
These six principles should guide the legal reforms needed to establish a 21st century regulatory system. But the change we need goes beyond laws and regulation - we need a shift in the cultures of our  financial institutions  and our  regulatory agencies .
 Financial institutions  must do a better job at managing risks. There is something wrong when  boards of directors  or  senior managers  don't understand the implications of the risks assumed by their own institutions. It's time to realign incentives and compensation packages, so that both high level executives and employees better serve the interests of shareholders. And it's time to confront the risks that come with excessive complexity. Even the best  government regulation  cannot fully substitute for internal  risk management .
For supervisory agencies, oversight must keep pace with innovation. As the subprime crisis unfolded,  tough questions  about new and complex  financial instruments  were not asked. As a result, the  public interest  was not protected. We do American business - and the  American people  - no favors when we turn a blind eye to excessive leverage and dangerous risks.
Finally, the  American people  must be able to trust that their government is looking out for all of us - not just those who donate to political campaigns. I fought in the Senate for the most extensive ethics reform since Watergate. I have refused contributions from federal lobbyists and PACs. And I have laid out far-reaching plans that I intend to sign into law as President to bring transparency to government, and to end the  revolving door  between industries and the  federal agencies  that oversee them.
Once we deal with the immediate crisis in housing and strengthen the regulatory system governing our  financial markets , our final task is to restore a sense of opportunity for all Americans.
The bedrock of our economic success is the  American Dream . It's a dream shared in  big cities  and small towns; across races, regions and religions - that if you work hard, you can support a family; that if you get sick, there will be  health care  you can afford; that you can retire with the dignity and security and respect that you have earned; that your kids can get a good education, and  young people  can go to college even if they're not rich. That is our common hope across this country. That is the  American Dream .
But today, for far too many Americans, this dream is slipping away. Wall Street has been gripped by increasing gloom over the last nine months. But for many American families, the economy has effectively been in recession for the past seven years. We have just come through the first sustained period of  economic growth  since  World War II  that was not accompanied by a growth in incomes for  typical families . Americans are working harder for less. Costs are rising, and it's not clear that we'll leave a legacy of opportunity to our children and grandchildren.
That's why, throughout this campaign, I've put forward a series of proposals that will foster  economic growth  from the bottom up, and not just from the top down. That's why the last time I spoke on the economy here in New York, I talked about the need to put the policies of George W. Bush behind us - policies that have essentially said to the  American people : "you are on your own"; because we need to pursue policies that once again recognize that we are in this together.
This starts with providing a stimulus that will reach the most vulnerable Americans, including immediate relief to areas hardest hit by the  housing crisis , and a significant extension of  unemployment insurance  for those who are out of work. If we can extend a hand to banks on Wall Street, we can extend a hand to Americans who are struggling.
Beyond these  short term  measures, as President I will be committed to putting the  American Dream  on a firmer footing. To reward work and make retirement secure, we'll provide an  income tax  cut of up to $1000 for a working family, and eliminate  income taxes  altogether for any retiree making less than $50,000 per year. To make  health care  affordable for all Americans, we'll cut costs and provide coverage to all who need it. To put more Americans to work, we'll create millions of new Green Jobs and invest in rebuilding our nation's infrastructure. To extend opportunity, we'll invest in our schools and our teachers, and make college affordable for every American. And to ensure that America stays on the  cutting edge , we'll expand broadband access, expand funding for basic scientific research, and pass comprehensive immigration reform so that we continue to attract the best and the brightest to our shores.
I know that making these changes won't be easy. I will not pretend that this will come without cost, though I have presented ways we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly advance opportunity and prosperity for all Americans.
But I would not be running for President if I didn't think that this was a defining moment in our history. If we fail to overcome our divisions and continue to let special interest set the agenda, then America will fall behind. Short-term gains will continue to yield long-term costs. Opportunity will slip away on  Main Street  and prosperity will suffer here on Wall Street. But if we unite this country around a common purpose, if we act on the responsibilities that we have to each other and to our country, then we can launch a  new era  of opportunity and prosperity.
I know we can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've recognized that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's how people as different as Hamilton and Jefferson came together to launch the world's greatest experiment in democracy. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth creator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generations of Americans.
Now it falls to us. We have as our inheritance the greatest economy the world has ever known. We have the responsibility to continue the work that began on that spring day over two centuries ago right here in Manhattan - to renew our common purpose for a new century, and to write the next chapter in the story of America's success. We can do this. And we can begin this  work today .
 
 
 
Just before America's entry into  World War I , President Woodrow Wilson addressed Congress: "It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war," he said. "...But the right is more precious than peace." Wilson's words captured two awesome responsibilities that test any Commander-in-Chief - to never hesitate to defend America, but to never go to war unless you must. War is sometimes necessary, but it has grave consequences, and the judgment to go to war can never be undone.
Five years ago today, President George W. Bush addressed the nation. Bombs had started to rain down on Baghdad. War was necessary, the President said, because the  United States  could not, "live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of  mass murder ." Recalling the pain of 9/11, he said the price of inaction in Iraq was to meet the threat with "armies of  fire fighters  and police and doctors on the streets of our cities." At the time the President uttered those words, there was no  hard evidence  that Iraq had those stockpiles of  weapons of mass destruction . There was not any evidence that Iraq was responsible for the attacks of September 11, or that Iraq had operational ties to the al Qaeda terrorists who carried them out. By launching a war based on faulty premises and bad intelligence, President Bush failed Wilson's test. So did Congress when it voted to give him the authority to wage war.
Five years have gone by since that fateful decision. This war has now lasted longer than  World War I ,  World War II , or the  Civil War . Nearly four thousand Americans have given their lives. Thousands more have been wounded. Even under the best case scenarios, this war will cost American taxpayers well over a trillion dollars. And where are we for all of this sacrifice? We are less safe and less able to shape events abroad. We are divided at home, and our alliances around the world have been strained. The threats of a new century have roiled the waters of peace and stability, and yet America remains anchored in Iraq.
History will catalog the reasons why we waged a war that didn't need to be fought, but two stand out. In 2002, when the fateful decisions about Iraq were made, there was a President for whom ideology overrode pragmatism, and there were too many politicians in Washington who spent too little time reading the intelligence reports, and too much time reading  public opinion . The lesson of Iraq is that when we are making decisions about matters as grave as war, we need a policy rooted in reason and facts, not ideology and politics.
Now we are debating who should be our next  Commander in Chief . And I am running for President because it's time to turn the page on a failed ideology and a fundamentally flawed  political strategy , so that we can make pragmatic judgments to keep our country safe. That's what I did when I stood up and opposed this war from the start, and said that we needed to finish the fight against al Qaeda. And that's what I'll do as President of the  United States .
Senator Clinton says that she and Senator McCain have passed a " Commander in Chief  test" - not because of the judgments they've made, but because of the years they've spent in Washington. She made a similar argument when she said her vote for war was based on her experience at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. But here is the  stark reality : there is a security gap in this country - a gap between the rhetoric of those who claim to be tough on  national security , and the reality of growing insecurity caused by their decisions. A gap between Washington experience, and the wisdom of Washington's judgments. A gap between the rhetoric of those who tout their support for our troops, and the overburdened state of our military.
It is time to have a debate with John McCain about the future of our  national security . And the way to win that debate is not to compete with John McCain over who has more experience in Washington, because that's a contest that he'll win. The way to win a debate with John McCain is not to talk, and act, and vote like him on  national security , because then we all lose. The way to win that debate and to keep America safe is to offer a clear contrast, and that's what I will do when I am the nominee of the  Democratic Party  - because since before this war in Iraq began, I have made different judgments, I have a different vision, and I will offer a clean break from the failed policies and politics of the past.
Nowhere is that break more badly needed than in Iraq.
In the year since President Bush announced the surge - the bloodiest year of the war for America - the  level of violence  in Iraq has been reduced. Our troops - including so many from Fort Bragg and Pope  Air Force Base  - have done a brilliant job under difficult circumstances. Yet while we have a General who has used improved tactics to reduce violence, we still have the wrong strategy. As General Petraeus has himself acknowledged, the Iraqis are not achieving the political progress needed to end their  civil war . Beyond Iraq, our military is badly overstretched, and we have neither the strategy nor resources to deal with nearly every other  national security  challenge we face.
This is why the judgment that matters most on Iraq - and on any decision to deploy military force - is the judgment made first. If you believe we are fighting the right war, then the problems we face are purely tactical in nature. That is what Senator McCain wants to discuss - tactics. What he and the Administration have failed to present is an overarching strategy: how the war in Iraq enhances our long-term security, or will in the future. That's why this Administration cannot answer the  simple question  posed by Senator John Warner in hearings last year: Are we safer because of this war? And that is why Senator McCain can argue - as he did last year - that we couldn't leave Iraq because violence was up, and then argue this year that we can't leave Iraq because violence is down.
When you have no overarching strategy, there is no clear definition of success. Success comes to be defined as the ability to maintain a flawed policy indefinitely. Here is the truth: fighting a war without end will not force the Iraqis to take responsibility for their own future. And fighting in a war without end will not make the  American people  safer.
So when I am Commander-in-Chief, I will set a new goal on  Day One : I will end this war. Not because politics compels it. Not because our troops cannot bear the burden- as heavy as it is. But because it is the right thing to do for our  national security , and it will ultimately make us safer.
In order to end this war responsibly, I will immediately begin to remove our troops from Iraq. We can responsibly remove 1 to 2 combat brigades each month. If we start with the number of brigades we have in Iraq today, we can remove all of them 16 months. After this redeployment, we will leave enough troops in Iraq to guard our embassy and diplomats, and a  counter-terrorism  force to strike al Qaeda if it forms a base that the Iraqis cannot destroy. What I propose is not - and never has been - a precipitous drawdown. It is instead a detailed and prudent plan that will end a war nearly seven years after it started.
My plan to end this war will finally put pressure on Iraq's leaders to take responsibility for their future. Because we've learned that when we tell Iraq's leaders that we'll stay as long as it takes, they take as long as they want. We need to send a different message. We will help Iraq reach a meaningful accord on national reconciliation. We will engage with every country in the region - and the UN - to support the stability and territorial integrity of Iraq. And we will launch a major humanitarian initiative to support Iraq's refugees and people. But Iraqis must take responsibility for their country. It is precisely this kind of approach - an approach that puts the onus on the Iraqis, and that relies on more than just  military power  - that is needed to stabilize Iraq.
Let me be clear: ending this war is not going to be easy. There will be dangers involved. We will have to make tactical adjustments, listening to our commanders on the ground, to ensure that our interests in a stable Iraq are met, and to make sure that our troops are secure. Senator Clinton has tried to use my position to score political points, suggesting that I am somehow less committed to ending the war. She makes this argument despite the fact that she has taken the same position in the past. So ask yourself: who do you trust to end a war - someone who opposed the war from the beginning, or someone who started opposing it when they started preparing a run for President? Now we know what we'll hear from those like John McCain who support open-ended war. They will argue that leaving Iraq is surrender. That we are emboldening the enemy. These are the mistaken and misleading arguments we hear from those who have failed to demonstrate how the war in Iraq has made us safer. Just yesterday, we heard Senator McCain confuse Sunni and Shiite, Iran and al Qaeda. Maybe that is why he voted to go to war with a country that had no al Qaeda ties. Maybe that is why he completely fails to understand that the war in Iraq has done more to embolden America's enemies than any strategic choice that we have made in decades.
The war in Iraq has emboldened Iran, which poses the greatest challenge to American interests in the  Middle East  in a generation, continuing its  nuclear program  and threatening our ally, Israel. Instead of the new  Middle East  we were promised, Hamas runs Gaza, Hizbollah flags fly from the rooftops in Sadr City, and Iran is handing out money left and right in southern Lebanon.
The war in Iraq has emboldened North Korea, which built new  nuclear weapons  and even tested one before the Administration finally went against its own rhetoric, and pursued diplomacy.
The war in Iraq has emboldened the Taliban, which has rebuilt its strength since we took our eye off of Afghanistan.
Above all, the war in Iraq has emboldened al Qaeda, whose recruitment has jumped and whose leadership enjoys a safe-haven in Pakistan - a thousand miles from Iraq.
The central front in the war against terror is not Iraq, and it never was. What more could America's enemies ask for than an endless war where they recruit new followers and try out new tactics on a battlefield so far from their base of operations? That is why my presidency will shift our focus. Rather than fight a war that does not need to be fought, we need to start fighting the battles that need to be won on the central front of the war against al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
This is the area where the 9/11 attacks were planned. This is where Osama bin Laden and his top lieutenants still hide. This is where extremism poses its greatest threat. Yet in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, we have pursued flawed strategies that are too distant from the needs of the people, and too timid in pursuit of our common enemies.
It may not dominate the  evening news , but in Afghanistan, last year was the most deadly since 2001.  Suicide attacks  are up. Casualties are up. Corruption and  drug trafficking  are rampant. Neither the government nor the legal economy can meet the needs of the Afghan people.
It is not too late to prevail in Afghanistan. But we cannot prevail until we reduce our commitment in Iraq, which will allow us to do what I called for last August - providing at least two additional combat brigades to support our efforts in Afghanistan. This increased commitment in turn can be used to leverage greater assistance - with fewer restrictions - from our NATO allies. It will also allow us to invest more in training Afghan  security forces , including more joint NATO operations with the Afghan Army, and a national police  training plan  that is effectively coordinated and resourced.
A stepped up military commitment must be backed by a long-term investment in the Afghan people. We will start with an additional $1 billion in non  military assistance  each year - aid that is focused on reaching ordinary Afghans. We need to improve daily life by supporting education, basic infrastructure and human services. We have to counter the  opium trade  by supporting alternative livelihoods for Afghan farmers. And we must call on more support from friends and allies, and better coordination under a strong international coordinator.
To succeed in Afghanistan, we also need to fundamentally rethink our Pakistan policy. For years, we have supported stability over democracy in Pakistan, and gotten neither. The core leadership of al Qaeda has a safe-haven in Pakistan. The Taliban are able to strike inside Afghanistan and then return to the mountains of the Pakistani border. Throughout Pakistan, domestic unrest has been rising. The full democratic aspirations of the Pakistani people have been too long denied. A child growing up in Pakistan, more often than not, is taught to see America as a source of hate - not hope.
This is why I stood up last summer and said we cannot base our entire Pakistan policy on President Musharraf. Pakistan is our ally, but we do our own security and our ally no favors by supporting its President while we are seen to be ignoring the interests of the people. Our  counter-terrorism  assistance must be conditioned on Pakistani action to root out the al Qaeda sanctuary. And any U.S. aid not directly needed for the fight against al Qaeda or to invest in the Pakistani people should be conditioned on the full restoration of Pakistan's democracy and  rule of law .
The choice is not between Musharraf and Islamic extremists. As the recent legislative elections showed, there is a moderate majority of Pakistanis, and they are the people we need on our side to win the war against al Qaeda. That is why we should dramatically increase our support for the Pakistani people - for education,  economic development , and  democratic institutions . That child in Pakistan must know that we want a better life for him, that America is on his side, and that his interest in opportunity is our interest as well. That's the promise that America must stand for.
And for his sake and ours, we cannot tolerate a sanctuary for terrorists who threaten America's homeland and Pakistan's stability. If we have actionable intelligence about high-level al Qaeda targets in Pakistan's  border region , we must act if Pakistan will not or cannot. Senator Clinton, Senator McCain, and President Bush have all distorted and derided this position, suggesting that I would invade or bomb Pakistan. This is politics, pure and simple. My position, in fact, is the same pragmatic policy that all three of them have belatedly - if tacitly - acknowledged is one we should pursue. Indeed, it was months after I called for this policy that a top al Qaeda leader was taken out in Pakistan by an American aircraft. And remember that the same three individuals who now criticize me for supporting a targeted strike on the terrorists who carried out the 9/11 attacks, are the same three individuals that supported an invasion of Iraq - a country that had nothing to do with 9/11.
It is precisely this kind of political point-scoring that has opened up the security gap in this country. We have a security gap when candidates say they will follow Osama bin Laden to the gates of hell, but refuse to follow him where he actually goes. What we need in our next  Commander in Chief  is not a stubborn refusal to acknowledge reality or  empty rhetoric  about 3AM  phone calls . What we need is a pragmatic strategy that focuses on fighting our real enemies, rebuilding alliances, and renewing our engagement with the world's people.
In addition to freeing up resources to take the fight to al Qaeda, ending the war in Iraq will allow us to more effectively confront other threats in the world - threats that cannot be conquered with an occupying army or dispatched with a single decision in the middle of the night. What lies in the heart of a child in Pakistan matters as much as the airplanes we sell her government. What's in the head of a scientist from Russia can be as lethal as a plutonium reactor in Yongbyon. What's whispered in  refugee camps  in Chad can be as dangerous as a dictator's bluster. These are the neglected landscapes of the 21st century, where technology and extremism empower individuals just as they give governments the ability to repress them; where the ancient divides of region and religion wash into the swift currents of globalization.
Without American leadership, these threats will fester. With strong American leadership, we can shape them into opportunities to protect our common security and advance our common humanity - for it has always been the genius of American leadership to find opportunity embedded in adversity; to focus on a source of fear, and confront it with hope.
Here are just five ways in which a shift in strategy away from Iraq will help us address the critical challenges of the 21st century.
First, in addressing global terror and violent extremism, we need the kind of comprehensive  counter-terrorism  strategy I called for last August. We need to strengthen  security partnerships  to take out  terrorist networks , while investing in education and opportunity. We need to give our  national security  agencies the tools they need, while restoring the adherence to  rule of law  that helps us win the battle for hearts and minds. This means closing Guantanamo, restoring  habeas corpus , and respecting  civil liberties . And we need to support the forces of moderation in the Islamic world, so that alliances of convenience mature into friendships of conviction.
Second, the threat of nuclear proliferation must serve as a call to action. I have worked across the aisle with Richard Lugar and Chuck Hagel in the Senate to secure dangerous weapons and loose  nuclear materials . And as President, I will secure all loose  nuclear materials  around the world in my first term, seek deep cuts in global  nuclear arsenals , strengthen the Nuclear  Non-Proliferation  Treaty, and once more seek a world without  nuclear weapons .
Third, the danger of weak and failed states risks spreading poverty and refugees; genocide and disease. Now is the time to meet the goal of cutting extreme poverty in half, in part by doubling our  foreign assistance  while demanding more from those who receive it. And now is the time to build the capacity of regional partners in conflict prevention, peacekeeping, and the reconstruction of ravaged societies.
Fourth, the catastrophic consequences of the  global climate  crisis are matched by the promise of collective action. Now is the time for America to lead, because if we take action, others will act as well. Through our own cap and trade system and investments in new  sources of energy , we can end our dependence on foreign oil and gas, and free ourselves from the tyranny of oil-rich states from  Saudi Arabia  to Russia to Venezuela. We can create millions of new jobs here in America. And we can secure our planet for our children and grandchildren.
And fifth, America's sluggish economy risks ceding our economic prominence to a rising China. Competition has always been a catalyst for American innovation, and now should be no different. We must invest in the education of our children, renew our leadership in science, and advance trade that is not just free, but fair for our workers. We must ensure that America is the  economic engine  in the 21st century just as we were in the 20th.
I have no illusions that any of this will be easy. But I do know that we can only begin to make these changes when we end the mindset that focuses on Iraq and ignores the rest of the world.
I also know that meeting these new threats will require a President who deploys the power of tough, principled diplomacy. It is time to present a country like Iran with a clear choice. If it abandons its  nuclear program , support for terror, and threats to Israel, then Iran can rejoin the community of nations - with all the benefits that entails. If not, Iran will face deeper isolation and steeper sanctions. When we engage directly, we will be in a stronger position to rally real international support for increased pressure. We will also engender more goodwill from the Iranian people. And make no mistake - if and when we ever have to use military force against any country, we must exert the power of American diplomacy first.
Once again, Senator Clinton, Senator McCain, and President Bush have made the same arguments against my position on diplomacy, as if reading from the same political playbook. They say I'll be penciling the world's dictators on to my  social calendar . But just as they are misrepresenting my position, they are mistaken in standing up for a policy of not talking that is not working. What I've said is that we cannot seize opportunities to resolve our problems unless we create them. That is what Kennedy did with Khrushchev; what Nixon did with Mao; what Reagan did with Gorbachev. And that is what I will do as President of the  United States .
What I have talked about today is a new strategy, a new set of priorities for pursuing our interests in the 21st century. And as President, I will provide the tools required to implement this strategy. When President Truman put the policy of containment in place, he also invested in and organized our government to carry it out -creating the  National Security  Council and the CIA, and founding NATO. Now, we must upgrade our tools of power to fit a new strategy.
That starts with enhancing the finest military in the history of the world. As  Commander in Chief , I will begin by giving a military overstretched by Iraq the support it needs. It is time to reduce the strain on our troops by completing the effort to increase our  ground forces  by 65,000 soldiers and 27,000 Marines, while ensuring the quality of our troops. In an age marked by technology, it is the people of our military - our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen - who bear the responsibility for complex missions. That is why we need to ensure adequate training and  time home  between deployments. That is why we need to expand our  Special Forces . And that is why we must increase investments in capabilities like civil affairs and training foreign militaries.
But we cannot place the burden of a new  national security  strategy on our military alone. We must integrate our diplomatic, information, economic and  military power . That is why, as soon as I take office, I will call for a National Strategy and Security Review, to help determine a 21st Century inter-agency structure to integrate the elements of our national power.
In addition, I will invest in our civilian capacity to operate alongside our troops in post-conflict zones and on humanitarian and stabilization missions. Instead of shuttering consulates in tough corners of the world, it's time to grow our  Foreign Service  and to expand USAID. Instead of giving up on the determination of  young people  to serve, it's time to double the size of our  Peace Corps . Instead of letting people learn about America from enemy propaganda, it's time to recruit, train, and send out into the world an America's Voice Corps.
And while we strengthen our own capacity, we must strengthen the capability of the  international community . We honor NATO's sacrifice in Afghanistan, but we must strive to make it a larger and more nimble alliance. We must work with powers like Russia and China, but we must also speak up for  human rights  and democracy - and we can start now by speaking out for the  human rights  and  religious freedom  of the people of Tibet. And while we are frustrated by the UN, we must invest in its capability to keep the peace, resolve disputes, monitor disarmament, and support good governance around the world - and that depends on a more engaged  United States .
We are at a defining moment in our history.
We can choose the path of unending war and  unilateral action , and sap our strength and standing. We can choose the path of disengagement, and cede our leadership. Or, we can meet fear and danger head-on with hope and strength; with common purpose as a united America; and with common cause with old allies and new partners.
What we've seen these last few years is what happens when the rigid ideology and dysfunctional politics of Washington is projected abroad. An ideology that does not fit the shape of the times cannot shape events in  foreign countries . A politics that is based on fear and division does not allow us to call on the world to hope, and keeps us from coming together as one people, as one nation, to write the next great chapter in the American story.
We also know that there is another face of America that we have seen these last five years. From down the road at Fort Bragg, our soldiers have gone abroad with a greater sense of common purpose than their leaders in Washington. They have learned the lessons of the 21st century's wars. And they have shown a sense of service and selflessness that represents the very best of the American character.
This must be the election when we stand up and say that we will serve them as well as they have served us. This must be the election when America comes together behind a common purpose on behalf of our security and our values. That is what we do as Americans. It's how we founded a republic based on freedom, and faced down fascism. It's how we defended democracy through a  Cold War , and shined a light of hope bright enough to be seen in the darkest corners of the world.
When America leads with principle and pragmatism, hope can triumph over fear. It is time, once again, for America to lead.
 
 
 
I want to thank Senator Rockefeller, not only for that generous introduction, but for his friendship and support in this campaign. I want to thank Secretary Richard Danzig, Admiral John Natham, and General Jim Smith for being here with us today and for their distinguished record of service to our country.
And I want to thank the people of West Virginia - particularly those who have worn the uniform of our country. More of you are veterans here than in almost any other state in the nation. So many Guard members from this very armory have been deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan on tour after tour, year after year. And that means there are more West Virginians who've had to say goodbye to these heroes; who've borne the burdens of their absence in ways that are often immeasurable - an empty chair at the dinner table or another Mother's Day where mom is some place far away. Your sacrifice and the sacrifice of your  loved ones  is immense, and it must never be forgotten.
There is an election here tomorrow. I'm honored that some of you will support me, and I understand that many more here in West Virginia will probably support Senator Clinton. But when it's over, what will unify as Democrats - what must unify us as Americans - is an unyielding commitment to the men and women who've served this nation and an unshakable fidelity to the ideals for which they've risked their lives.
Without that commitment, many of us wouldn't be here today. I am one of those people. My grandfather - Stanley Dunham - enlisted after Pearl Harbor and went on to march in Patton's Army. My grandmother worked on a bomber  assembly line  while he was gone, and my mother was born at Fort Leavenworth. When he returned, it was to a country that gave him the chance to college on the  GI Bill ; to buy his first home with a loan from the FHA; to move his family west, all the way to Hawaii, where he and my grandmother helped raise me. Today, my grandfather is buried in the Punchbowl, the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific, where 776 victims of Pearl Harbor are laid to rest.
I knew him when he was older. But whenever I meet young men and women along the  campaign trail  who are serving in the military today, I think about what my grandfather was like when he enlisted - a fresh-faced man of twenty-three, with a heart laugh and an easy smile.
These sons and daughters of America are the best and the bravest among us. They are a part of an unbroken line of heroes who overthrew a King for the sake of an ideal; who freed the slaves and faced down fascism; who fought for freedom in Korea and Vietnam, from Kuwait to the Balkans - who still wake up every day to face down the gravest dangers in Iraq, Afghanistan, and all over the world.
When our troops go into battle, they serve no faction or party; they represent no race or region. They are simply Americans. They serve and fight and bleed together out of loyalty not just to a place on a map or a certain kind of people, but to a set of ideals that we have been striving for since the first shots rang out at Lexington and Concord - the idea that America could be governed not by men, but by laws; that we could be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we could be free to say what we want and write what want and worship as we please; that we could have the right to pursue our individual dreams but the obligation to help our  fellow citizens  pursue theirs.
Allegiance to these ideals has always been at the core of American patriotism - it's what unites a country of so many different opinions and beliefs. It's why some of us may disagree on our decision to start this war in Iraq, but all of us stand united in our support for the brave men and women who wage it. That's how it should be. But it's not how it's always been.
One of the saddest episodes in our history was the degree to which returning vets from Vietnam were shunned, demonized and neglected by some because they served in an unpopular war. Too many of those who opposed the war in Vietnam chose to blame not only the leaders who ordered the mission, but the young men who simply answered their country's call. Four decades later, the sting of that injustice is a wound that has never fully healed, and one that should never be repeated.
The young men and women who choose to serve are defending the very rights and freedoms that allow Americans to speak out against government actions we oppose. They deserve our admiration, respect and enduring gratitude.
At the same time, we must never forget that honoring this service and upholding these ideals requires more than saluting our veterans as they march by on Veterans Day or Memorial Day. It requires marching with them for the care and benefits they have earned It requires standing shoulder-to-shoulder with our veterans and their families after the guns fall silent and the cameras are turned off. At a time when we're facing the largest homecoming since the  Second World War , the true test of our patriotism is whether we will serve our returning heroes as well as they've served us.
We know that over the last eight years, we've already fallen short of meeting this test. We all learned about the deplorable conditions that were discovered at places like Fort Bragg and Walter Reed. We've all walked by a veteran whose home is now a cardboard box on a  street corner  in the richest nation on Earth. We've all heard about what it's like to navigate the broken bureaucracy of the VA - the impossibly long lines, or the repeated calls for help that get you nothing more than an  answering machine . Just a few weeks ago, an 89-year- old World  War II veteran from South Carolina told his family, "No matter what I apply for at the VA, they turn me down." The next day, he walked outside of an Outpatient Clinic in Greenville and took his own life.
How can we let this happen? How is that acceptable in the  United States  of America? The answer is, it's not. It's an outrage. And it's a betrayal - a betrayal - of the ideals that we ask our troops to risk their lives for.
But it doesn't have to be this way. Not in this country. Not if we decide that this time will be different. There are many aspects of this war that have gone inalterably wrong, but caring for our veterans is one thing we can still get right. When I arrived in the Senate, I sought out a seat on the Veterans Affairs Committee so I could fight to give our veterans the care they need and the benefits they deserve. We fought to make sure that the claims of disabled veterans in Illinois and other states were being heard fairly, and we forced the VA to conduct an unprecedented outreach campaign to disabled veterans who receive lower-than-average benefits. I passed laws to get homeless veterans off the streets and prevent at-risk veterans from getting there in the first place. I led a bipartisan effort to improve outpatient facilities at places like Walter Reed, and slash  red tape , and reform the disability process - because recovering troops should go to the front of the line, and they shouldn't have to fight to get there. I passed laws to give  family members   health care  while they care for injured troops, and to provide  family members  with a year of  job protection , so they never have to face a choice between caring for a  loved one  and keeping a job.
But there is so much more work that we need to do in this country.
It starts with being honest about the sacrifices that our brave men and women are making. For years, this Administration has refused to count all of our casualties in uniform. In Iraq alone, tens of thousands of troops who were injured or fell ill have not been counted in our casualty numbers, going against the military's own standards from past wars. It's time to stop hiding the full cost of this war. It's time to honor the full measure of sacrifice of our troops, and to prepare for the cost of their care.
That's why I've pledged to build a 21st century VA as President. It means no more  red tape  - it's time to give every service-member electronic copies of medical and service records upon discharge. It means no more shortfalls - we'll fully fund VA  health care , and add more Vet Centers, particularly in  rural areas . It means no more delays - we'll pass on-time budgets. It means no more means-testing - it's time to allow every veteran into the VA system. And it means we'll have a simple principle for veterans sleeping on our streets:  zero tolerance . As President, I'll build on the work I started in the Senate and expand housing vouchers, and launch a new supportive services  housing program  to prevent at-risk veterans and their families from sliding into homelessness.
I'll also build on the work I did in the Senate to confront one of the signature injuries of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan - PTSD. We have to understand that for far too many troops and their families, the war doesn't end when they come home. Just the other day our own government's top psychiatric researcher said that because of inadequate  mental health  care, the number of suicides among veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan may actually exceed the number of combat deaths. Think about that. Think about how only half of the returning soldiers with PTSD receive the treatment they need. Think of how many we turn away - of how many we let fall through the cracks. We have to do better than this.
In the Senate, I've helped lead a bipartisan effort to stop the unfair practice of kicking out troops who suffer from them. And when I'm President, we'll enhance  mental health  screening and treatment at all levels: from enlistment, to deployment, to reentry into civilian life. We also need more  mental health  professionals, more training to recognize signs and to reject the stigma of seeking care. And we need to dramatically improve screening and treatment for the other signature injury of the war, Traumatic  Brain Injury . That's why I passed measures in the Senate to increase screening for these injuries, and that's why I'll establish clearer standards of care as President.
We have called on our troops and their families for so much during these last years, but we haven't always issued that call responsibly. Yes, we need to restore  twelve month  Army deployments, but we also need to restore adequate training and time at home between those deployments. My wife, Michelle, met with Army spouses the other day in North Carolina who told her about the toll it takes to watch your  loved one  serve tour after  tour of duty  with little to no  time off  in between. And they told her something we all need to remember: "We don't just deploy our troops overseas, we deploy families." That's why we also need to provide more counseling and resources to help families cope with multiple tours.
And when our  loved ones  do come home, it is time for the  United States  of America to offer this generation of returning heroes the same thanks we offered that earlier, Greatest Generation - by giving every veteran the same opportunity that my grandfather had under the  GI Bill .
There is no reason we shouldn't pass the 21st Century  GI Bill  that is being debated in Congress right now. It was introduced by my friend Senator Jim Webb, a Marine who served as Navy Secretary under President Ronald Reagan.. His plan has widespread support from Republicans and Democrats. It would provide every returning veteran with a real chance to afford a  college education , and it would not harm retention.
I have great respect for John McCain's service to this country and I know he loves it dearly and honors those who serve. But he is one of the few Senators of either party who oppose this bill because he thinks it's too generous. I couldn't disagree more. At a time when the skyrocketing cost of tuition is pricing thousands of Americans out of a  college education , we should be doing everything we can to give the men and women who have risked their lives for this country the chance to pursue the  American Dream .
The brave Americans who fight today believe deeply in this country. And no matter how many you meet, or how many stories of heroism you hear, every encounter reminds that they are truly special. That through their service, they are living out the ideals that stir so many of us as Americas - pride, duty, and sacrifice.
Some of the most inspiring are those you meet at places like Walter Reed  Army Medical  Center. They are young men and women who may have lost a limb or even their ability to take care of themselves, but they will never lose the pride they feel for their country. They're not interested in  self-pity , but yearn to move forward with their lives. And it's this classically American optimism that makes you realize the quality of person we have serving in the  United States   Armed Forces .
This, after all, is what led them to wear the uniform in the first place - their unwavering belief in the idea of America. The idea that no matter where you come from, or what you look like, or who your parents are, this is a place where anything is possible; where anyone can make it; where we look out for each other, and take care of each other; where we  rise and fall  as one nation - as one people. It's an idea that's worth fighting for - an idea for which so many Americans have given that last full measure of devotion.
I can still remember the day that we laid my grandfather to rest. In a cemetery lined with the graves of Americans who have sacrificed for our country, we heard the solemn notes of Taps and the crack of guns fired in salute; we watched as a folded flag was handed to my grandmother and my grandfather was laid to rest. It was a nation's  final act  of service and gratitude to Stanley Dunham - an America that stood by my grandfather when he took off the uniform, and never left his side.
Abraham Lincoln once said, "I like to see a man proud of the place in which he lives. But I also like to see a man live so that his place will be proud of him." There is no doubt that we are a nation that is deeply proud of where we live. But it is now our generation's task to live in a way that Stanley Dunham lived; to live the way that those heroes at Walter Reed have lived; the way that all those men and women who put on this nation's uniform live each and every day. It is now our task to live so that America will be proud of us. That is true test of patriotism - the test that all of us must meet in the days and years to come. I have no doubt that this nation is up to the challenge. Thank you, and may God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
Good afternoon. I know I kept a lot of you guys busy this weekend with the comments I made last week. Some of you might even be a little bitter about that.
As I said yesterday, I regret some of the words I chose, partly because the way that these remarks have been interpreted have offended some people and partly because they have served as one more distraction from the critical debate that we must have in this election season.
I'm a person of deep faith, and my religion has sustained me through a lot in  my life . I even gave a speech on faith before I ever started running for President where I said that Democrats, "make a mistake when we fail to acknowledge the power of faith in people's lives." I also represent a state with a large number of hunters and sportsmen, and I understand how important these traditions are to families in Illinois and all across America. And, contrary to what my poor word choices may have implied or my opponents have suggested, I've never believed that these traditions or people's faith has anything to do with how much money they have.
But I will never walk away from the larger point that I was trying to make. For the last several decades, people in small towns and cities and  rural areas  all across this country have seen globalization change the  rules of the game  on them. When I began my career as an organizer on the South Side of Chicago, I saw what happens when the local steel mill shuts its doors and moves overseas. You don't just lose the jobs in the mill, you start losing jobs and businesses throughout the community. The streets are emptier. The schools suffer.
I saw it during my campaign for the Senate in Illinois when I'd talk to union guys who had worked at the local Maytag plant for twenty, thirty years before being laid off at fifty-five years old when it picked up and moved to Mexico; and they had no idea what they're going to do without the paycheck or the pension that they counted on. One man didn't even know if he'd be able to afford the  liver transplant  his son needed now that his  health care  was gone.
I've heard these stories almost every day during this campaign, whether it was in Iowa or Ohio or Pennsylvania. And the people I've met have also told me that every year, in every election, politicians come to their towns, and they tell them what they want to hear, and they make big promises, and then they go back to Washington when the campaign's over, and nothing changes. There's no plan to address the downside of globalization. We don't do anything about the skyrocketing cost of  health care  or college or those disappearing pensions. Instead of fighting to replace jobs that aren't coming back, Washington ends up fighting over the latest distraction of the week.
And after years and years and years of this, a lot of people in this country have become cynical about what government can do to improve their lives. They are angry and frustrated with their leaders for not listening to them; for not fighting for them; for not always telling them the truth. And yes, they are bitter about that.
Now, Senator McCain and the Republicans in Washington are already looking ahead to the fall and have decided that they plan on using these comments to argue that I'm out of touch with what's going on in the lives of working Americans. I don't blame them for this -- that's the nature of our political culture, and if I had to carry the banner for eight years of George Bush's failures, I'd be looking for  something else  to talk about too.
But I will say this. If John McCain wants to turn this election into a contest about which party is out of touch with the struggles and the hopes of working America, that's a debate I'm happy to have. In fact, I think that's a debate we need to have. Because I believe that the real insult to the millions of hard-working Americans out there would be a continuation of the economic agenda that has dominated Washington for far too long.
I may have made a mistake last week in the words that I chose, but the other party has made a much more damaging mistake in the failed policies they've chosen and the bankrupt philosophy they've embraced for the last three decades.
It's a philosophy that says there's no role for government in making the  global economy  work for working Americas; that we have to just sit back watch those factories close and those jobs disappear; that there's nothing we can do or should do about workers without  health care , or children in crumbling schools, or families who are losing their homes, and so we should just hand out a few  tax breaks  and wish everyone the best of luck.
Ronald Reagan called this trickle-down economics. George Bush called it the Ownership Society. But what it really means is that you're on your own. If your premiums or your tuition is rising faster than you can afford, you're on your own. If you're that Maytag worker who just lost his pension, tough luck. If you're a child born into poverty, you'll just have to pull yourself up by your own bootstraps.
This philosophy isn't just out-of-touch - it's put our economy out-of-whack. Years of pain on  Main Street  have finally trickled up to Wall Street and sent us hurtling toward recession, reminding us that we're all connected - that we can't prosper as a nation where a few people are doing well and everyone else is struggling.
John McCain is an American hero and a worthy opponent, but he's proven time and time again that he just doesn't understand this. It took him three tries in seven days just to figure out that the home foreclosure crisis was an actual problem. He's had a front row seat to the last eight years of disastrous policies that have widened the  income gap  and saddled our children with debt, and now he's promising four more years of the very same thing.
He's promising to make permanent the Bush  tax breaks  for the wealthiest few who didn't need them and didn't ask for them -  tax breaks  that are so irresponsible that John McCain himself once said they offended his conscience.
He's promising four more years of trade deals that don't have a single safeguard for American workers - that don't help American workers compete and win in a  global economy .
He's promising four more years of an Administration that will push for the privatization of  Social Security  - a plan that would gamble away people's retirement on the  stock market ; a plan that was already rejected by Democrats and Republicans under George Bush.
He's promising four more years of policies that won't guarantee  health insurance  for working Americans; that won't bring down the rising cost of  college tuition ; that won't do a thing for the Americans who are living in those communities where the jobs have left and the factories have shut their doors.
And yet, despite all this, the other side is still betting that the  American people  won't notice that John McCain is running for George Bush's third term. They think that they'll forget about all that's happened in the last eight years; that they'll be tricked into believing that it's either me or our party is the one that's out of touch with what's going on in their lives.
Well I'm making a different bet. I'm betting on the  American people .
The men and women I've met in small towns and  big cities  across this country see this election as a defining moment in our history. They understand what's at stake here because they're living it every day. And they are tired of being distracted by fake controversies. They are fed up with politicians trying to divide us for their own political gain. And I believe they'll see through the tactics that are used every year, in every election, to appeal to our fears, or our biases, or our differences - because they've never wanted or needed change as badly as they do now.
The people I've met during this campaign know that government cannot solve all of our problems, and they don't expect it to. They don't want our  tax dollars  wasted on programs that don't work or perks for  special interests  who don't work for us. They understand that we cannot stop every job from going overseas or build a wall around our economy, and they know that we shouldn't.
But they believe it's finally time that we make  health care  affordable and available for every single American; that we bring down costs for workers and for businesses; that we cut premiums, and stop  insurance companies  from denying people care or coverage who need it most.
They believe it's time we provided real relief to the victims of this  housing crisis ; that we help families refinance their mortgage so they can stay in their homes; that we start giving  tax relief  to the people who actually need it - middle-class families, and seniors, and struggling homeowners.
They believe that we can and should make the  global economy  work for working Americans; that we might not be able to stop every job from going overseas, but we certainly can stop giving  tax breaks  to companies who send them their and start giving  tax breaks  to companies who create good jobs right here in America. We can invest in the types of  renewable energy  that won't just reduce our dependence on oil and save our planet, but create up to five million new jobs that can't be outsourced.
They believe we can train our workers for those new jobs, and keep the most productive workforce the most competitive workforce in the world if we fix our  public education  system by investing in what works and finding out what doesn't; if we invest in  early childhood  education and finally make college affordable for everyone who wants to go; if we stop talking about how great our teachers are and start rewarding them for their greatness.
They believe that if you work your  entire life , you deserve to retire with dignity and respect, which means a pension you can count on, and  Social Security  that's always there.
This is what the people I've met believe about the country they love. It doesn't matter if they're Democrats or Republicans; whether they're from the smallest towns or the biggest cities; whether they hunt or they don't; whether they go to church, or temple, or mosque, or not. We may come from different places and have different stories, but we share common hopes, and one very  American dream .
That is the dream I am running to help restore in this election. If I get the chance, that is what I'll be talking about from now until November. That is the choice that I'll offer the  American people  - four more years of what we had for the last eight, or fundamental change in Washington.
People may be bitter about their leaders and the state of our politics, but beneath that, they are hopeful about what's possible in America. That's why they leave their homes on their day off, or their jobs after a long day of work, and travel - sometimes for miles, sometimes in the bitter cold - to attend a rally or a  town hall  meeting held by Senator Clinton, or Senator McCain, or myself. Because they believe that we can change things. Because they believe in that dream.
I know something about that dream. I wasn't born into a lot of money. I was raised by a  single mother  with the help my grandparents, who grew up in small-town Kansas, went to school on the  GI Bill , and bought their home through an FHA loan. My mother had to use  food stamps  at one point, but she still made sure that through scholarships, I got a chance to go to some of the best schools around, which helped me get into some of the best colleges around, which gave me loans that Michelle and I just finished paying not all that many years ago.
In other words, my story is a quintessentially American story. It's the same story that has made this country a beacon for the world-a story of struggle and sacrifice on the part of my forebearers and a story overcoming great odds. I carry that story with me each and every day, It's why I wake up every day and do this, and it's why I continue to hold such hope for the future of a country where the dreams of its people have always been possible. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's an honor to have the support of so many veterans across the great state of Pennsylvania, including so many brave men and women who served in Afghanistan and Iraq. This includes my friend Congressman Patrick Murphy, and my Pennsylvania veterans coordinator Koby Langley. We've seen a tremendous grassroots effort, as these young vets have organized, held meetings, and gone door to door to talk about the change we need to bring to Washington.
As a candidate for President, I know that I am running to become Commander-in-Chief - to safeguard our security, and to keep a sacred trust to serve our veterans as well as they have served us. There is no responsibility that I take more seriously. Because America's commitment to our servicemen and women begins at enlistment, and it must never end.
Without that commitment, I probably wouldn't be here today. My grandfather - Stanley Dunham - enlisted after Pearl Harbor and went on to march in Patton's Army. My grandmother worked on a bomber  assembly line , and my mother was born at Fort Leavenworth. After my grandfather stood up for his country, America stood by him. He went to college on the  GI Bill , bought his first home with help from FHA, and moved his family west to Hawaii, where he and my grandmother helped raise me. Today, he is buried in the Punchbowl, the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific, where 776 victims of Pearl Harbor are laid to rest.
I knew him when he was older. But I think about him now and then as he enlisted - a man of 23, fresh-faced with an easy smile - when I meet young men and women signing up to serve today.
These sons and daughters of America are the best and the bravest among us. They are a part of an unbroken line of heroes that overthrew a King; freed the slaves; faced down fascism; and fought for freedom in Korea and Vietnam, from Kuwait to the Balkans. Today, they are serving brilliantly in the face of grave danger in Afghanistan, Iraq and around the world.
When our troops go into battle, they serve no faction or party; they represent no race or region. Instead, each and every one of them serves together, and fights together, and bleeds together for our highest ideals; the ideal summed up here in Pennsylvania by President Lincoln - government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
We honor their service to this ideal  every time  we fly the flag. But the true measure of our patriotism is not taken on Veterans Day or Memorial Day - the true measure is how we provide for those who serve, and for their families, after the guns fall silent and the cameras are turned off. And it is my strong belief that over the last few years, we have not always kept that sacred trust - we have not served our veterans as well as they have served us.
We've heard rhetoric that hasn't been matched by resources. We've seen second-rate conditions at Walter Reed. We've had unpredictable and insufficient time for our troops at home between deployments. Our military families have been left to fend for themselves while spouses and parents are sent to fight tour after tour after  tour of duty . It's not acceptable. You cannot lead this country into war, and then fail to care for those who have served, and for their families.
It starts with protecting the fundamental rights of our troops. They have fought across the world so that others have the right to vote, but here at home, the Bush Administration has refused to help wounded warriors register. There is nothing patriotic about denying wounded troops the ability to vote. It's time for the VA to do the right thing. It's time to reverse this shameful decision.
It's also time to be straight with the  American people  about the sacrifices that are being made. For years, this Administration has refused to count all of our wounded men and women in uniform. In Iraq alone, tens of thousands of troops who were injured or fell ill have not been counted in our casualty numbers, going against the military's own standards from past wars. It's time to stop hiding the full cost of this war. It's time to honor the full measure of sacrifice of our troops, and to prepare for the cost of their care.
I am running on a record of standing up for wounded warriors on the Senate Veteran's Affairs Committee, an assignment I sought out when I joined the Senate. I led a bipartisan effort to improve outpatient facilities, slash  red tape , and reform the disability process - because recovering troops should go to the front of the line, and they shouldn't have to fight to get there. And anyone who has visited a military hospital has seen spouses who don't see  visiting hours  as  part-time . That's why I passed legislation to give  family members   health care  while they care for injured troops, and introduced a bill to give  family members  protection so they don't have to choose between caring for a  loved one  and keeping a job.
I've also worked to confront the signature injuries of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan - PTSD and Traumatic  Brain Injury . For far too many troops and their families, the war doesn't end when they come home. That's why I've passed measures to increase screening for these unseen wounds, and helped lead a bipartisan effort to stop the unfair practice of kicking out troops who suffer from them. And when I'm President, we'll enhance  mental health  screening and treatment at all levels: from enlistment, to deployment, to reentry into civilian life.
We have called on our troops and their families for so much these last few years, but we haven't always issued that call responsibly. It's not enough to restore  twelve month  Army deployments - we need to restore adequate training and time at home between deployments. And we must recognize that when we deploy our troops, our military families also go to war. That's why we need to provide more counseling and resources to help families cope with multiple tours.
And we know that the sacred trust does not end when the uniform comes off. That's why it's time to build a 21st century VA. No more  red tape  - it's time to give every service-member electronic copies of medical and service records upon discharge. No more shortfalls - we'll fully fund VA  health care . No more delays - we'll pass on-time budgets. No more means-testing - it's time to allow every veteran into the VA system.
I'm tired of hearing stories about vets navigating a broken VBA bureaucracy. We need to hire additional workers, and create an  electronic system  that is fully linked up to military records and the VA's health network. And I will have a simple principle for veterans sleeping on our streets:  zero tolerance . I've fought for this in the Senate, and as President I'll expand housing vouchers, and launch a new supportive services  housing program  to prevent at-risk veterans and their families from sliding into homelessness.
Finally, we need to make sure that every veteran has the same opportunity that my grandfather had under the  GI Bill . That's why I'm proud to co-sponsor Jim Webb's  GI Bill  for the 21st century. It's time to make sure that every veteran has the support they need to get an education that puts them on a pathway to their dreams. It's past time that Congress passed this bill.
America stood by my grandfather when he took off the uniform, and it never left his side. I will never forget the day that we laid him to rest. In a cemetery lined with the graves of Americans who have sacrificed for our country, we heard the solemn notes of Taps and the crack of guns fired in salute; we watched as a folded flag was handed to our family and the coffin was lowered into that hallowed ground. It was a  final act  of a nation's service to Stanley Dunham in return for his service to America.
We must always remember that we honor our highest ideals by honoring the men and women who have sacrificed for those ideals. That is the work that lies before us, and that is what I will do every day as Commander-in-Chief. I will have no greater calling than standing by those who have answered our country's call.
 
 
 
I want to start by congratulating Senator Clinton on her victory tonight, and I want to thank the hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvanians who stood with our campaign today.
There were a lot of folks who didn't think we could make this a close race when it started. But we worked hard, and we traveled across the state to  big cities  and small towns, to  factory floors  and VFW halls. And now, six weeks later, we closed the gap. We rallied people of every age and race and background to our cause. And whether they were inspired for the first time or for the first time in a long time, we registered a record number of voters who will lead our party to victory in November.
These Americans cast their ballot for the same reason you came here tonight; for the same reason that millions of Americans have gone door-to-door and given whatever small amount they can to this campaign; for the same reason that we began this journey just a few hundred miles from here on a cold February morning in Springfield - because we believe that the challenges we face are bigger than the smallness of our politics, and we know that this election is our chance to change it.
After fourteen long months, it's easy to forget this from time to time - to lose sight of the fierce urgency of this moment. It's easy to get caught up in the distractions and the silliness and the  tit-for-tat  that consumes our politics; the bickering that none of us are immune to, and that trivializes the profound issues - two wars, an economy in recession, a planet in peril.
But that kind of politics is not why we're here. It's not why I'm here and it's not why you're here.
We're here because of the more than one hundred workers in Logansport, Indiana who just found out that their company has decided to move its entire factory to Taiwan.
We're here because of the young man I met in Youngsville, North Carolina who almost lost his home because he has three children with  cystic fibrosis  and couldn't pay their  medical bills ; who still doesn't have  health insurance  for himself or his wife and lives in fear that a single illness could cost them everything.
We're here because there are families all across this country who are sitting around the  kitchen table  right now trying to figure out how to pay their  insurance premiums , and their kids' tuition, and still make the mortgage so they're not the next ones in the neighborhood to put a For Sale sign in the  front yard ; who will lay awake tonight wondering if next week's paycheck will cover next month's bills.
We're not here to talk about change for change's sake, but because our families, our communities, and our country desperately need it. We're here because we can't afford to keep doing what we've been doing for another four years. We can't afford to play the same Washington games with the same Washington players and expect a different result. Not this time. Not now.
We already know what we're getting from the other party's nominee. John McCain has offered this country a lifetime of service, and we respect that, but what he's not offering is any meaningful change from the policies of George W. Bush.
John McCain believes that George Bush's Iraq policy is a success, so he's offering four more years of a war with no exit strategy; a war that's sending our troops on their third tour, and fourth tour, and fifth  tour of duty ; a war that's costing us billions of dollars a month and hasn't made us any safer.
John McCain said that George Bush's  economic policies  have led to "great progress" over the last seven years, and so he's promising four more years of  tax cuts  for CEOs and corporations who didn't need them and weren't asking for them;  tax cuts  that he once voted against because he said they "offended his conscience." Well they may have stopped offending John McCain's conscience somewhere along the road to the  White House , but George Bush's  economic policies  still offend ours. Because I don't think that the 232,000 Americans who've lost their jobs this year are seeing the great progress that John McCain has seen. I don't think the millions of Americans losing their homes have seen that progress. I don't think the families without  health care  and the workers without pensions have seen that progress. And if we continue down the same reckless path, I don't think that  future generations  who'll be saddled with debt will see these as years of progress.
We already know that John McCain offers more of the same. The question is not whether the other party will bring about change in Washington - the question is, will we? Because the truth is, the challenges we face are not just the fault of one man or one party. How many years - how many decades - have we been talking about solving our  health care  crisis? How many Presidents have promised to end our dependence on foreign oil? How many jobs have gone overseas in the 70s, and the 80s, and the 90s? And we still haven't done anything about it. And we know why.
In every election, politicians come to your cities and your towns, and they tell you what you want to hear, and they make big promises, and they lay out all these plans and policies. But then they go back to Washington when the campaign's over. Lobbyists spend millions of dollars to get their way. The  status quo  sets in. And instead of fighting for  health care  or jobs, Washington ends up fighting over the latest distraction of the week. It happens year after year after year.
Well this is your chance to say "Not this year." This is your chance to say "Not this time." We have a choice in this election.
We can be a party that says there's no problem with taking money from Washington lobbyists - from oil lobbyists and drug lobbyists and insurance lobbyists. We can pretend that they represent real Americans and look the other way when they use their money and influence to stop us from reforming  health care  or investing in  renewable energy  for yet another four years.
Or this time, we can recognize that you can't be the champion of working Americans if you're funded by the lobbyists who drown out their voices. We can do what we've done in this campaign, and say that we won't take a dime of their money. We can do what I did in Illinois, and in Washington, and bring both parties together to rein in their power so we can take our government back. It's our choice.
We can be a party that thinks the only way to look tough on  national security  is to talk, and act, and vote like George Bush and John McCain. We can use fear as a tactic, and the threat of terrorism to scare up votes.
Or we can decide that real strength is asking the  tough questions  before we send our troops to fight. We can see the threats we face for what they are - a call to rally all Americans and all the world against the common challenges of the 21st century - terrorism and  nuclear weapons ;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. That's what it takes to keep us safe in the world. That's the real legacy of Roosevelt and Kennedy and Truman.
We can be a party that says and does whatever it takes to win the next election. We can calculate and poll-test our positions and tell everyone exactly what they want to hear.
Or we can be the party that doesn't just focus on how to win but why we should. We can tell everyone what they need to hear about the challenges we face. We can seek to regain not just an office, but the trust of the  American people  that their leaders in Washington will tell them the truth. That's the choice in this election.
We can be a party of those who only think like we do and only agree with all our positions. We can continue to slice and dice this country into Red States and Blue States. We can exploit the divisions that exist in our country for pure political gain.
Or this time, we can build on the movement we've started in this campaign - a movement that's united Democrats, Independents, and Republicans; a movement of young and old, rich and poor; white, black, Hispanic, Asian, and  Native American . Because one thing I know from traveling to forty-six states this  campaign season  is that we're not as divided as our politics suggests. We may have different stories and different backgrounds, but we hold common hopes for the future of this country.
In the end, this election is still our best chance to solve the problems we've been talking about for decades - as one nation; as one people. Fourteen months later, that is still what this election is about.
Millions of Americans who believe we can do better - that we must do better - have put us in a position to bring about real change. Now it's up to you, Indiana. You can decide whether we're going to travel the same worn path, or whether we chart a new course that offers real hope for the future.
During the course of this campaign, we've all learned what my wife reminds me of all the time - that I am not a perfect man. And I will not be a perfect President. And so while I will always listen to you, and be honest with you, and fight for you every single day for the next for years, I will also ask you to be a part of the change that we need. Because in my two decades of  public service  to this country, I have seen time and time again that real change doesn't begin in the halls of Washington, but on the streets of America. It doesn't happen from the top-down, it happens from the bottom-up.
I also know that real change has never been easy, and it won't be easy this time either. The  status quo  in Washington will fight harder than they ever have to divide us and distract us with ads and attacks from now until November.
But don't ever forget that you have the power to change this country.
You can make this election about how we're going to help those workers in Logansport; how we're going to re-train them, and educate them, and make our workforce competitive in a  global economy .
You can make this election about how we're going to make  health care  affordable for that family in North Carolina; how we're going to help those families sitting around the  kitchen table  tonight pay their bills and stay in their homes.
You can make this election about how we plan to leave our children and all children a planet that's safer and a world that still sees America the same way my father saw it from across the ocean - as a beacon of all that is good and all that is possible for all mankind.
It is now our turn to follow in the footsteps of all those generations who sacrificed and struggled and faced down the greatest odds to perfect our improbable union. And if we're willing to do what they did; if we're willing to shed our cynicism and our doubts and our fears; if we're willing to believe in what's possible again; then I believe that we won't just win this  primary election , we won't just win this election in November, we will change this country, and keep this country's promise alive in the twenty-first century. Thank you, and may God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
Everywhere I go in Indiana, and across this country, I'm talking to folks who are working harder and harder just to get by. At a time when our economy is in turmoil and wages are stagnant, hardworking families are struggling to pay rising costs, and few costs are rising more than the one folks pay at the pump. For the  well-off  in this country, high gas prices are mostly an annoyance, but to most Americans, they're a huge problem, bordering on a crisis.
Here in Indiana,  gas costs  about $3.60 a gallon - and across the country,  gas costs  more than at any time in almost thirty years. Over the last year alone, the price of oil has shot up more than 80%, reaching a record high of more than $110 a barrel - all of which helps explain why the top  oil companies  made $123 billion last year.
Now, there's nothing wrong with a company being rewarded for its success. Our economy has always been powered by innovation and ingenuity. But the reason Americans keep going to the pump isn't because  oil companies  are being particularly innovative. It's because Washington politicians didn't deal with the challenge of  alternative energy  when they had the chance.
When George Bush asked Dick Cheney to come up with our  energy policy  a few years ago, he met with the  environmental groups  once, and he met with the  renewable energy  folks once, and he met with the oil and  gas companies  40 times. And yet, we also know this problem goes deeper than the Bush administration. Because we've been talking about high gas prices in this country since Americans were sitting in  gas lines  in the 1970s. And we've heard promises about energy independence from every President - Democratic and Republican - since Richard Nixon. And yet the only thing that's different now is that we are even more dependent on foreign oil, our planet is in even greater peril, and the price of gas keeps going up and up and up.
So unless we're willing to challenge the broken system in Washington, and stop letting lobbyists use their clout to get their way, nothing else is going to change. And the reason I'm running for President is to challenge that system. I'm the only candidate in this race who's worked to rein in the power of lobbyists by passing historic ethics reforms in Illinois and in the Senate, and I'm the only one who isn't taking a dime from Washington lobbyists.
We need a President who's looking out for families in Indiana, not just doing what's good for  multinational corporations , and that's the kind of President I'll be. It isn't right that  oil companies  are making record profits at a time when ordinary Americans are going into debt trying to pay rising energy costs. In the paper today, there was an article about how millions of Americans are falling behind on their energy bills, and a record number of Americans could face energy shut-offs over the next two months. That's why we'll put a  windfall profits  tax on  oil companies  and use it to help Indiana families pay their heating and cooling bills and reduce energy costs. We'll also take steps to reduce the price of oil and increase transparency in how prices are set so we can ensure that  energy companies  aren't bending the rules. And to help Indiana families meet the rising cost of gas, we'll put a  middle class   tax cut  in their pockets that will save them $1,000 a year, and we'll eliminate  income taxes  altogether for seniors making less than $50,000.
So these are a few short-term steps we can take to ease the burden that Indiana families are bearing as a result of our failed  energy policy . But the truth is, there is no easy answer to our  energy crisis  - and we need a President who's going to be straight with us about that; a president who's going to tell the  American people  not just what they want to hear, but what they need to know. And what they need to know is that any real solution isn't going to come about overnight. It's going to take time.
To bring about real change, we're going to have to make long-term investments in  clean energy  and  energy efficiency . That's why I reached across the aisle in the Senate to come up with a plan to double our fuel efficiency standards that won support of lawmakers who had never supported raising those standards before. And that's why I voted for an energy bill that was far from perfect because it was the largest investment in  renewable energy  in history, and I fought to eliminate the tax giveaways to  oil companies  that were slipped into that bill.
And as President, I'll work to solve this  energy crisis  once and for all. We'll invest $150 billion over the next ten years in establishing a green energy sector that will create up to 5 million new jobs - and those are jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. We'll invest in  clean energies  like solar, wind, and biodiesel. And we'll help make sure that the fuel we're using is more efficient.
The candidates with the Washington experience - my opponents - are good people. They mean well. But they've been in Washington for a long time, and even with all that experience they talk about, nothing has happened. This country didn't raise fuel efficiency standards for over thirty years. So what have we got for all that experience? Gas that's approaching $4 a gallon - because you can fight all you want inside Washington, but until you change the way it works, you won't be able to make the changes Americans need.
In the end, we'll only ease the burden of gas prices on our families when Hoosiers and people all across America say "enough." It's time to free ourselves from the tyranny of oil, and stop funding both sides in the war on terror. It's time to save this planet for our children. The time is now - not after the next election or the one after that. You shouldn't accept any more excuses for why it can't be done. It won't happen tomorrow. But if we can come together in this election, we can and will begin, and the  first step  is changing the way business is done in Washington. If we can do that, then the  energy crisis  is one I'm confident we can solve.
 
 
 
You know, some were saying that North Carolina would be a game-changer in this election. But today, what North Carolina decided is that the only game that needs changing is the one in Washington, DC.
I want to start by congratulating Senator Clinton on her victory in the state of Indiana. And I want to thank the people of North Carolina for giving us a victory in a big state, a swing state, and a state where we will compete to win if I am the Democratic nominee for President of the  United States .
When this campaign began, Washington didn't give us much of a chance. But because you came out in the bitter cold, and knocked on doors, and enlisted your friends and neighbors in this cause; because you stood up to the cynics, and the doubters, and the nay-sayers when we were up and when we were down; because you still believe that this is our moment, and our time, for change  tonight we stand less than two hundred delegates away from securing the Democratic nomination for President of the  United States .
More importantly, because of you, we have seen that it's possible to overcome the politics of division and distraction; that it's possible to overcome the same old negative attacks that are always about scoring points and never about solving our problems. We've seen that the  American people  aren't looking for more spin or more gimmicks, but honest answers about the challenges we face. That's what you've accomplished in this campaign, and that's how we'll change this country together.
This has been one of the longest, most closely fought contests in history. And that's partly because we have such a formidable opponent in Senator Hillary Clinton. Tonight, many of the pundits have suggested that this party is inalterably divided  that Senator Clinton's supporters will not support me, and that my supporters will not support her.
Well I'm here tonight to tell you that I don't believe it. Yes, there have been bruised feelings on both sides. Yes, each side desperately wants their candidate to win. But ultimately, this race is not about Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama or John McCain. This election is about you  the  American people   and whether we will have a president and a party that can lead us toward a brighter future.
This primary season may not be over, but when it is, we will have to remember who we are as Democrats  that we are the party of Jefferson and Jackson; of Roosevelt and Kennedy; and that we are at our best when we lead with principle; when we lead with conviction; when we summon an entire nation around a common purpose  a higher purpose. This fall, we intend to march forward as one  Democratic Party , united by a common vision for this country. Because we all agree that at this defining moment in history  a moment when we're facing two wars, an economy in turmoil, a planet in peril  we can't afford to give John McCain the chance to serve out George Bush's third term. We need change in America.
The woman I met in Indiana who just lost her job, and her pension, and her insurance when the plant where she worked at her  entire life  closed down  she can't afford four more years of  tax breaks  for corporations like the one that shipped her job overseas. She needs us to give  tax breaks  to companies that create good jobs here in America. She can't afford four more years of  tax breaks  for CEOs like the one who walked away from her company with a multi-million dollar bonus. She needs middle-class  tax relief  that will help her pay the skyrocketing price of groceries, and gas, and  college tuition . That's why I'm running for President.
The  college student  I met in Iowa who works the  night shift  after a full day of class and still can't pay the  medical bills  for a sister who's ill  she can't afford four more years of a  health care  plan that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy; that allows  insurance companies  to discriminate and deny coverage to those Americans who need it most. She needs us to stand up to those  insurance companies  and pass a plan that lowers every family's premiums and gives every uninsured American the same kind of coverage that  Members of Congress  give themselves. That's why I'm running for President.
The mother in Wisconsin who gave me a bracelet inscribed with the name of the son she lost in Iraq; the families who pray for their  loved ones  to come home; the heroes on their third and fourth and fifth  tour of duty   they can't afford four more years of a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. They can't afford four more years of our veterans returning to  broken-down  barracks and substandard care. They need us to end a war that isn't making us safer. They need us to treat them with the care and respect they deserve. That's why I'm running for President.
The man I met in Pennsylvania who lost his job but can't even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one  he can't afford four more years of an  energy policy  written by the  oil companies  and for the  oil companies ; a policy that's not only keeping gas at  record prices , but funding both sides of the war on terror and destroying our planet in the process. He doesn't need four more years of Washington policies that sound good, but don't solve the problem. He needs us to take a permanent holiday from our oil addiction by making the automakers raise their fuel standards, corporations pay for their pollution, and  oil companies  invest their record profits in a  clean energy  future. That's the change we need. And that's why I'm running for President.
The people I've met in small towns and  big cities  across this country understand that government can't solve all our problems  and we don't expect it to. We believe in  hard work . We believe in personal responsibility and  self-reliance .
But we also believe that we have a larger responsibility to  one another  as Americans  that America is a place  that America is the place  where you can make it if you try. That no matter how much money you start with or where you come from or who your parents are, opportunity is yours if you're willing to reach for it and work for it. It's the idea that while there are few guarantees in life, you should be able to count on a job that pays the bills;  health care  for when you need it; a pension for when you retire; an education for your children that will allow them to fulfill their God-given potential. That's the America we believe in. That's the America I know.
This is the country that gave my grandfather a chance to go to college on the  GI Bill  when he came home from  World War II ; a country that gave him and my grandmother the chance to buy their first home with a loan from the government.
This is the country that made it possible for my mother  a  single parent  who had to go on  food stamps  at one point  to send my sister and me to the best schools in the country on scholarships.
This is the country that allowed my father- in-law   a  city worker  at a South Side water filtration plant  to provide for his wife and two children on a single salary. This is a man who was diagnosed at age thirty with  multiple sclerosis   who relied on a walker to get himself to work. And yet, every day he went, and he labored, and he sent my wife and her brother to one of the best colleges in the nation. It was a job that didn't just give him a paycheck, but a sense of dignity and  self-worth . It was an America that didn't just reward wealth, but the work and the workers who created it.
Somewhere along the way, between all the bickering and the influence-peddling and the game-playing of the last few decades, Washington and Wall Street have lost touch with these values. And while I honor John McCain's service to his country, his ideas for America are out of touch with these values. His plans for the future are nothing more than the failed policies of the past. And his plan to win in November appears to come from the very same playbook that his side has used time after time in election after election.
Yes, we know what's coming. We've seen it already. The same names and labels they always pin on everyone who doesn't agree with all their ideas. The same efforts to distract us from the issues that affect our lives by pouncing on every gaffe and association and fake controversy in the hope that the media will play along. The attempts to play on our fears and exploit our differences to turn us against each other for pure political gain  to slice and dice this country into Red States and Blue States; blue-collar and white-collar; white and black, and brown.
This is what they will do  no matter which one of us is the nominee. The question, then, is not what kind of campaign they'll run, it's what kind of campaign we will run. It's what we will do to make this year different. I didn't get into race thinking that I could avoid this kind of politics, but I am running for President because this is the time to end it.
We will end it this time not because I'm perfect  I think by now this campaign has reminded all of us of that. We will end it not by duplicating the same tactics and the same strategies as the other side, because that will just lead us down the same path of polarization and gridlock.
We will end it by telling the truth  forcefully, repeatedly, confidently  and by trusting that the  American people  will embrace the need for change.
Because that's how we've always changed this country  not from the top-down, but from the bottom-up; when you  the  American people   decide that the stakes are too high and the challenges are too great.
The other side can label and name-call all they want, but I trust the  American people  to recognize that it's not surrender to end the war in Iraq so that we can rebuild our military and go after al Qaeda's leaders. I trust the  American people  to understand that it's not weakness, but wisdom to talk not just to our friends, but our enemies  like Roosevelt did, and Kennedy did, and Truman did.
I trust the  American people  to realize that while we don't need big government, we do need a government that stands up for families who are being tricked out of their homes by Wall Street predators; a government that stands up for the middle-class by giving them a  tax break ; a government that ensures that no American will ever lose their life savings just because their child gets sick. Security and opportunity; compassion and prosperity aren't liberal values or conservative values  they're American values.
Most of all, I trust the  American people 's desire to no longer be defined by our differences. Because no matter where I've been in this country  whether it was the  corn fields  of Iowa or the  textile mills  of the Carolinas; the streets of San Antonio or the foothills of Georgia  I've found that while we may have different stories, we hold common hopes. We may not look the same or come from the same place, but we want to move in the same direction  towards a  better future  for our children and our grandchildren.
That's why I'm in this race. I love this country too much to see it divided and distracted at this moment in history. I believe in our ability to perfect this union because it's the only reason I'm standing here today. And I know the promise of America because I have lived it.
It is the light of opportunity that led my father across an ocean.
It is the founding ideals that the flag draped over my grandfather's coffin stands for  it is life, and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It's the simple truth I learned all those years ago when I worked in the shadows of a shuttered steel mill on the South Side of Chicago  that in this country, justice can be won against the greatest of odds; hope can find its way back to the darkest of corners; and when we are told that we cannot bring about the change that we seek, we answer with one voice  yes we can.
So don't ever forget that this election is not about me, or any candidate. Don't ever forget that this campaign is about you  about your hopes, about your dreams, about your struggles, about securing your portion of the  American Dream .
Don't ever forget that we have a choice in this country  that we can choose not to be divided; that we can choose not to be afraid; that we can still choose this moment to finally come together and solve the problems we've talked about all those other years in all those other elections.
This time can be different than all the rest. This time we can face down those who say our road is too long; that our climb is too steep; that we can no longer achieve the change that we seek. This is our time to answer the call that so many generations of Americans have answered before  by insisting that by  hard work , and by sacrifice, the  American Dream  will endure. Thank you, and may God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
It's great to be back in Oregon. Over the last fifteen months, we've travelled to every corner of the  United States . Now I know that if you listen to Washington or pay attention to the pundits, you hear a lot about how divided we are as a people. But that's not what I've found as I've travelled across this great country.
Everywhere I go, I've been impressed by the values and hopes that we share. In  big cities  and small towns; among men and women; young and old; black, white, and brown - Americans share a faith in simple dreams. A job with wages that can support a family.  Health care  that we can count on and afford. A retirement that is dignified and secure. Education and opportunity for our kids. Common hopes. American dreams.
That's why this election is so important. Because for far too many Americans, those hopes and dreams are slipping away. We just came through the  first period  of sustained  economic growth  since  World War II  that saw incomes drop. People are working harder for less. You're paying more for gas, and groceries, and tuition. Millions of families are facing foreclosure. We've already lost hundreds of thousands of jobs this year.
To be sure, some of these problems are a result of changes in our economy that no one can control. But instead of helping, Washington's policies have made it worse.. Instead of expanding opportunity for working people, we've tried to grow our economy from the top down, and eventually that pain trickled up. Instead of making sure that people can live their dreams on  Main Street , we've tilted the scales for  special interests  and Wall Street. Instead of saying "we're all in this together" as Americans, Washington has sent a message that says - "you're on your own." John McCain has served his country with honor, and I respect that service. But it was dead wrong when he said recently that he thinks our economy has made "great progress" under George Bush. Is there anyone outside of Washington D.C, who could truly believe that? Do you? Senator McCain is running for President to double down on George Bush's failed policies. I am running to change them, and that will be the fundamental difference in this election when I am the Democratic nominee for President.
We have a difference on taxes. John McCain wants to continue George Bush's  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans; I want to give a  tax cut  to working people. I admired Senator McCain when he said he could not "in  good conscience " support the Bush  tax cuts . But now, as the Republican nominee, he's fully embraced them. He wants to give a permanent  tax cut  to the wealthiest Americans who don't need them and didn't ask for them while working people are struggling. And for all his talk about fiscal responsibility, he's proposed $400 billion in  tax cuts  without any word about how he'll pay for him. That's exactly the kind of attitude that has shifted the burden on to the  middle class , and mortgaged our children's future on a mountain of debt.
I think it's time to restore fairness and responsibility to our  tax code . We need to reward work - not just wealth. We need to stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas, and put a  tax cut  in the pockets of  middle class  Americans. That's why I've proposed a "Making Work Pay"  tax credit  of up to $500 for workers, and $1,000 for working families. This will cut taxes for 150 million Americans. It will help you deal with rising costs, and give our economy a boost by easing the burden on  Main Street .
We have a difference on  health care . John McCain wants to continue a George Bush approach that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy; that allows  insurance companies  to discriminate and deny coverage to those Americans who need it most. This is exactly the kind of approach that has left out tens of millions of Americans. It's why you are struggling with rising costs. And it's why we have failed to solve our  health care  crisis year after year after year.
I think it's time to finally make  health care  affordable and accessible for every American. We need to stand up to the  insurance companies  and the  drug companies . We need to bring Americans together. And we need to pass a plan that lowers every family's premiums, and gives every uninsured American the same kind of coverage that  Members of Congress  give themselves.
We have a difference on gas prices. John McCain has embraced a gas tax gimmick that - when it's said and done - will save you less than thirty dollars this summer. This is a classic Washington fix that's more about getting John McCain through an election than solving your problems. It will put more money in the pockets of the  oil companies . It's bad for our environment. And it won't bring own gas prices over the  long term  - most economists think it will send those prices up.
I believe we owe the  American people  the truth. That's why my plan to lower gas prices raises fuel efficiency standards on cars; invests in  alternative energy  to end our addiction to oil; and creates millions of new Green Jobs while saving our planet in the bargain. That's the kind of change we need in Washington.
We have a fundamental difference on our priorities for the presidency. John McCain wants to continue George Bush's war in Iraq, losing thousands of lives and spending tens of billions of dollars a month to fight a war that isn't making us safer. I want to end this war. I want to invest that money in America - in our roads and bridges and ports. And I want to invest in millions of Green Jobs, so that we finally develop  renewable energy , end our addiction to oil, bring those gas prices down, and save our planet in the bargain.
There will be real differences on the ballot in November. And that's what elections should be about. John McCain will stand with Washington's tried and failed approaches of the past; I will stand with the  American people  on behalf of a new direction for working people. Because I believe it's time for America to once again be a place where you can make it if you try. I believe it's time for Washington to work for your hopes, for your dreams. That's the choice I'll offer in this campaign. And that's what I'll do every day as President of the  United States .
 
 
 
Earlier today, I went for a tour of the Chrysler stamping plant in Sterling Heights, and I listened to folks tell me about how hard it is to get by in this economy. And the record  oil prices  mean that it's even harder for automakers and autoworkers - especially at a time when they're struggling to meet the demands of a 21st Century economy.
Since the beginning of this year, thousands of Chrysler workers have lost their jobs. The entire industry has shed 300,000 jobs in the past eight years - about a third of which were lost in Michigan. That's hundreds of thousands of workers who will no longer be able to count on a paycheck to pay the rising costs of  health care  and college; gas and groceries. And those who are lucky enough to avoid getting laid off are still feeling the pressures of restructuring.
Not too far from here, at American Axle, UAW members have gone on strike to fight for good wages, and good benefits, and a decent  standard of living . These are things that all hardworking families should expect and that UAW members deserve, and we stand in solidarity with the folks on the  picket lines , and the families impacted by this strike.
Their struggle is part of a larger struggle that's being waged not just in Michigan, but all across the country. It's a struggle to ensure that we have good manufacturing jobs so American workers can raise a family, have  health care  when they need it, put their children through college, and retire with dignity and security. They're common hopes, modest dreams, but they're slipping out of reach for too many families.
Now, a big part of the reason autoworkers are struggling on the  factory floor  is because of decisions that were made in the boardroom. Rather than invest in the fuel-efficient cars of the future,  auto executives  invested in the SUVs and large trucks that may have helped meet a rising demand, but that essentially guaranteed that they would be outpaced by  foreign competitors  and that the industry's long-term problems would be harder to solve.
But American automakers have been showing leadership in recent years. Ford has now tied Toyota in the quality of the cars they're making, and they're spending more on R&D than nearly any other company in the world. Chrysler is working to develop a system that integrates  electric motors  with a fixed-gear transmission. And GM is releasing an average of one new hybrid model every three months for the next two years. So we're certainly taking  steps in the right direction .
But we must do more. And when I'm President, we will. We won't just support the autoworkers in Michigan who built the  auto industry , and keep it strong in  good times  and bad. And we won't just revive and strengthen our automakers. We'll revive and strengthen all of American manufacturing. These have been a disastrous eight years for our manufacturers. We've lost nearly 4 million good-paying jobs, including hundreds of thousands in Michigan, and more than 36,000 manufacturers have closed their doors. We can't afford to continue down this path. Manufacturing supports one in six American jobs - jobs that pay more and offer better benefits than other jobs - and we all have a stake in saving them.
It's time to recapture the spirit of innovation that has always fueled America's economic success. It's time we had an economy that was driven not just by  foreign debt , but by the power of America's imagination. It's time to tap the ingenuity of engineers and entrepreneurs, policy experts and working folks to meet the challenges of our time.
That's what this election is all about. So while this is a moment of challenge, it's also a moment of opportunity. And the question you'll face in November is which candidate can lead America to seize it.
Now, when John McCain came to Michigan in January and said that we couldn't bring all these jobs back to America, he was right. But where he's wrong is in suggesting that there's nothing we can do to replace those jobs or create new ones. Where he's wrong is in not offering new solutions or  economic policies  that are different from what George Bush has given us for eight long years. That's wrong. That's giving up. And that's not what this country is about.
I won't stand here and tell you that we'll be able to stop every job from going overseas or bring every job back. But I will tell you that we can end the Bush-McCain policy of giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship our jobs overseas, and we can start giving those  tax breaks  to companies that create good-paying jobs right here in America. Instead of opposing  job training  similar to what's being offered at M-Tech, like John McCain has, we can make sure every American has the skills to compete in the  global economy . We don't have to stand idly by while  foreign competitors  outpace us in making the cars of the future. I'm running for President to make sure that the cars of the future are made where they've always been made - right here in Michigan. Because the fight for American manufacturing is the fight for America's future - and I believe that's a fight this country will win.
And so today, I'm announcing a manufacturing agenda that will lift up hardworking families, strengthen innovative companies, and foster our common prosperity. The first part of this agenda is investing in  clean energy  - because that isn't just how we'll get gas prices under control, combat  climate change , and free ourselves from the tyranny of oil; it's also how we'll expand American manufacturing, create quality jobs, and grow our economy.
That's why I'll invest $150 billion over the next ten years in the green energy sector. This will create up to five million new green jobs - and those are jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. And I'll be a President who finally keeps the promise that's made year after year after year by providing domestic automakers with the funding they need to retool their factories and make fuel-efficient and alternative fuel cars. My own state of Illinois is home to the oldest, continually operating Ford  assembly plant  outside Michigan, so I understand why it's so important to bring our  auto industry  into the 21st Century. And that's what we'll do when I'm President.
Here's what else we'll do. We'll invest $10 billion a year in creating a Clean Technologies Deployment  Venture Capital  Fund that will meet a critical need. Today, 85% of  North America 's automotive research is done right here in Michigan. But too often, breakthrough technologies that are invented in America end up getting built overseas because of the cost of getting these  new technologies  commercialized. This government-backed fund will help solve this problem by creating an initiative right here in Michigan that will accelerate the development and deployment of cutting-edge vehicle technologies. To take one example, this fund will help American companies build batteries for  plug-in  hybrid vehicles so we don't have to buy them from abroad. That's how we'll make sure American automakers continue to lead the world, and that's how we'll make sure that American manufacturers don't just survive, but actually thrive in this century.
The second part of my agenda is making sure that manufacturers are getting the support they need from Washington. Here in Michigan, you've got the Michigan 21st Century Jobs Fund, a state initiative to help businesses with the most innovative proposals create new products and jobs in this state. I believe that's an approach we need to replicate across the country. And that's what I'll do as President by creating an Advanced Manufacturing Fund that will invest in innovation and  job creation  in places that have been hard hit by the decline in manufacturing.
We'll also make the research and development  tax credit  permanent so we can encourage companies to do their research and create jobs right here in America. And we'll stop slashing funding for the Manufacturing Extension Partnership, and start doubling it. This program helped create and protect over 50,000 jobs in 2006 alone, and has been proven to increase the productivity of small and midsize manufacturers by up to 16%. That's the kind of smart investment that will help us rebuild American manufacturing and make America more competitive.
The third thing we'll do is invest in America's long-term competitiveness by putting a college degree within reach for all Americans and by helping  community colleges  like Macomb develop associate degree programs in green technology to help make sure the next generation of workers have the skills they need to build the cars of the future. And we'll finally solve our  health care  crisis once and for all. This is a crisis that's not only leaving 47 million Americans without  health insurance  and millions more struggling to pay rising costs. It's also hampering our  economic competitiveness . We've all heard how  health care  accounts for about $1500 of every car that's made in America.
We have to change that. That's why unlike John McCain, I have a universal  health care  plan. It's a plan that will cut  health care  costs by up to $2500 per family per year and reduce costs for business and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses and conditions. And we're not going to do it twenty years from now, or ten years from now - we're going to do it by the end of my first term as President of the  United States .
Finally, if we want to fight for manufacturers here at home, we have to fight for them around the world. Now, I believe in trade, but I also believe that for America to compete and win in the  global economy , trade has to work for all Americans. That means making sure that our workers are competing on a level  playing field , and that countries like China aren't breaking the rules and putting American workers at a disadvantage. Fighting for our workers isn't bad for business; it's good for our economy. And it's how we'll make sure that the costs and benefits of our  global economy  are being shared more fairly.
So the  American people  will have a clear choice in November when I'm the nominee - it's a choice between more of the same failed Bush policies that have done nothing but harm to American manufacturing over the last eight years; and real change that will help write a  new chapter  in the story of American manufacturing. For the sake of our families, our economy, and our leadership in the world, we have to renew the promise of American manufacturing.
 
 
 
You know, there is a spirit that brought us here tonight  a spirit of change, and hope, and possibility. And there are few people in this country who embody that spirit more than our friend and our champion, Senator Edward Kennedy. He has spent his life in service to this country not for the sake of glory or recognition, but because he cares  deeply, in his gut  about the causes of justice, and equality, and opportunity. So many of us here have benefited in some way or another because of the battles he's waged, and some of us are here because of them.
We know he is not well right now, but we also know that he's a fighter. And as he takes on this fight, let us lift his spirits tonight by letting Ted Kennedy know that we are thinking of him, that we are praying for him, that we are standing with him, and that we will be fighting with him every step of the way.
Fifteen months ago, in the  depths of winter , it was in this great state where we took the  first steps  of an unlikely journey to change America.
The skeptics predicted we wouldn't get very far. The cynics dismissed us as a lot of hype and a little too much hope. And by the fall, the pundits in Washington had all but counted us out.
But the people of Iowa had a different idea.
From the very beginning, you knew that this journey wasn't about me or any of the other candidates in this race. It's about whether this country  at this defining moment  will continue down the same road that has failed us for so long, or whether we will seize this opportunity to take a different path  to forge a different future for the country we love.
That is the question that sent thousands upon thousands of you to  high school  gyms and VFW halls; to backyards and front porches; to steak fries and JJ dinners, where you spoke about what that future would look like.
You spoke of an America where working families don't have to file for bankruptcy just because a child gets sick; where they don't lose their home because some predatory lender tricks them out of it; where they don't have to sit on the sidelines of the  global economy  because they couldn't afford the cost of a  college education . You spoke of an America where our parents and grandparents don't spend their retirement in poverty because some CEO dumped their pension  an America where we don't just value wealth, but the work and the workers who create it.
You spoke of an America where we don't send our sons and daughters on tour after  tour of duty  to a war that has cost us thousands of lives and billions of dollars but has not made us safer. You spoke of an America where we match the might of our military with the strength of our diplomacy and the power of our ideals  a nation that is still the beacon of all that is good and all that is possible for humankind.
You spoke of a future where the politics we have in Washington finally reflect the values we hold as Americans  the values you live by here in Iowa:  common sense  and honesty; generosity and compassion; decency and responsibility. These values don't belong to one class or one region or even one party  they are the values that bind us together as one country.
That is the country I saw in the faces of crowds that would stretch far into the horizon of our heartland  faces of every color, of every age  faces I see here tonight. You are Democrats who are tired of being divided; Republicans who no longer recognize the party that runs Washington; Independents who are hungry for change. You are the  young people  who've been inspired for the very first time and those not-so-young folks who've been inspired for the first time in a long time. You are veterans and church-goers; sportsmen and students; farmers and  factory workers ; teachers and  business owners  who have varied backgrounds and different traditions, but the same simple dreams for your children's future.
Many of you have been disappointed by politics and politicians more times than you can count. You've seen promises broken and good ideas drown in the sea of influence, and point-scoring, and petty bickering that has consumed Washington. And you've been told over and over and over again to be cynical, and doubtful, and even fearful about the possibility that things can ever be different.
And yet, in spite of all the doubt and disappointment  or perhaps because of it  you came out on a cold winter's night in numbers that this country has never seen, and you stood for change. And because you did, a few more stood up. And then a few thousand stood up. And then a few million stood up. And tonight, in the fullness of spring, with the help of those who stood up from Portland to Louisville, we have returned to Iowa with a majority of delegates elected by the  American people , and you have put us within reach of the Democratic nomination for President of the  United States .
The road here has been long, and that is partly because we've traveled it with one of the most formidable candidates to ever run for this office. In her thirty-five years of  public service , Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton has never given up on her fight for the  American people , and tonight I congratulate her on her victory in Kentucky. We have had our disagreements during this campaign, but we all admire her courage, her commitment and her perseverance. No matter how this primary ends, Senator Clinton has shattered myths and broken barriers and changed the America in which my daughters and yours will come of age.
Some may see the millions upon millions of votes cast for each of us as evidence that our party is divided, but I see it as proof that we have never been more energized and united in our desire to take this country in a new direction. More than anything, we need this unity and this energy in the months to come, because while our primary has been long and hard-fought, the hardest and most important part of our journey still lies ahead.
We face an opponent, John McCain, who arrived in Washington nearly three decades ago as a Vietnam  War hero , and earned an admirable reputation for straight talk and occasional independence from his party.
But this year's Republican primary was a contest to see which candidate could out-Bush the other, and that is the contest John McCain won. The Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest 2% of Americans that once bothered Senator McCain's conscience are now his only  economic policy . The Bush  health care  plan that only helps those who are already healthy and wealthy is now John McCain's answer to the 47 million Americans without insurance and the millions more who can't pay their  medical bills . The Bush Iraq policy that asks everything of our troops and nothing of Iraqi politicians is John McCain's policy too, and so is the fear of tough and aggressive diplomacy that has left this country more isolated and less secure than at any time in recent history. The lobbyists who ruled George Bush's Washington are now running John McCain's campaign, and they actually had the nerve to say that the  American people  won't care about this. Talk about out of touch! I will leave it up to Senator McCain to explain to the  American people  whether his policies and positions represent long-held convictions or Washington calculations, but the one thing they don't represent is change.
Change is a  tax code  that rewards work instead of wealth by cutting taxes for middle-class families, and  senior citizens , and struggling homeowners; a  tax code  that rewards businesses that create good jobs here in America instead of the corporations that ship them overseas. That's what change is.
Change is a  health care  plan that guarantees insurance to every American who wants; that brings down premiums for every family who needs it; that stops  insurance companies  from discriminating and denying coverage to those who need it most.
Change is an  energy policy  that doesn't rely on buddying up to the Saudi  Royal Family  and then begging them for oil  an  energy policy  that puts a price on pollution and makes the  oil companies  invest their record profits in clean, renewable  sources of energy  that will create five million new jobs and leave our children a safer planet. That's what change is.
Change is giving every child a world-class education by recruiting an army of new teachers with better pay and more support; by promising four years of tuition to any American willing to serve their community and their country; by realizing that the best education starts with parents who turn off the TV, and take away the  video games , and read to our children once in awhile.
Change is ending a war that we never should've started and finishing a war against Al Qaeda in Afghanistan that we never should've ignored. Change is facing the threats of the twenty-first century not with bluster, or fear-mongering, or tough talk, but with tough diplomacy, and strong alliances, and confidence in the ideals that have made this nation the last, best hope of Earth. That is the legacy of Roosevelt, and Truman, and Kennedy.
That is what change is.
That is the choice in this election.
The same question that first led us to Iowa fifteen months ago is the one that has brought us back here tonight; it is the one we will debate from Washington to Florida, from  New Hampshire  to New Mexico  the question of whether this country, at this moment, will keep doing what we've been doing for four more years, or whether we will take that different path. It is more of the same versus change. It is the past versus the future. It has been asked and answered by generations before us, and now it is our turn to choose.
We will face our share of difficult and uncertain days in the journey ahead. The other side knows they have embraced yesterday's policies and so they will also embrace yesterday's tactics to try and change the subject. They will play on our fears and our doubts and our divisions to distract us from what matters to you and your future.
Well they can take the low road if they want, but it will not lead this country to a better place. And it will not work in this election. It won't work because you won't let it. Not this time. Not this year.
My faith in the decency, and honesty, and generosity of the  American people  is not based on false hope or blind optimism, but on what I have lived and what I have seen in this very state.
For in the darkest days of this campaign, when we were dismissed by all the polls and all the pundits, I would come to Iowa and see that there was something happening here that the world did not yet understand.
It's what led  high school  and  college students  to give up their vacations to stuff envelopes and knock on doors, and why grandparents have spent all their afternoons making  phone calls  to perfect strangers. It's what led men and women who can barely pay the bills to dig into their savings and write five dollar checks and ten dollar checks, and why  young people  from all over this country have left their friends and their families for a job that offers little pay and less sleep.
Change is coming to America.
It's the spirit that sent the first patriots to Lexington and Concord and led the defenders of freedom to light the  way north  on an  Underground Railroad . It's what sent my grandfather's generation to beachheads in Normandy, and women to Seneca Falls, and workers to  picket lines  and factory fences. It's what led all those young men and women who saw beatings and  billy clubs  on their  television screens  to leave their homes, and get on buses, and march through the streets of Selma and Montgomery  black and white, rich and poor.
Change is coming to America.
It's what I saw all those years ago on the streets of Chicago when I worked as an organizer  that in the face of joblessness, and hopelessness, and despair, a better day is still possible if there are people willing to work for it, and fight for it, and believe in it. That's what I've seen here in Iowa. That's what is happening in America  our journey may be long, our work will be great, but we know in our hearts we are ready for change, we are ready to come together, and in this election, we are ready to believe again. Thank you Iowa, and may God Bless America.
 
 
 
It is my privilege to join in this week's Independence Day celebration, and in honoring those who have stood up with courage and conviction for Cuban liberty. I'm going to take this opportunity to speak about Cuba, and also U.S. policy toward the Americas more broadly.
We meet here united in our unshakeable commitment to freedom. And it is fitting that we reaffirm that commitment here in Miami.
In many ways, Miami stands as a symbol of hope for what's possible in the Americas. Miami's promise of liberty and opportunity has drawn generations of immigrants to these shores, sometimes with nothing more than the clothes on their back. It was a similar hope that drew my own father across an ocean, in search of the same promise that our dreams need not be deferred because of who we are, what we look like, or where we come from.
Here, in Miami, that promise can join people together. We take common pride in a vibrant and diverse democracy, and a hard-earned prosperity. We find common pleasure in the crack of the bat, in the rhythms of our music, and the ease of voices shifting from Spanish or Creole or Portuguese to English.
These bonds are built on a foundation of shared history in our hemisphere. Colonized by empires, we share stories of liberation. Confronted by our own imperfections, we are joined in a desire to build a more perfect union. Rich in resources, we have yet to vanquish poverty.
What all of us strive for is freedom as FDR described it.  Political freedom .  Religious freedom . But also freedom from want, and freedom from fear. At our best, the  United States  has been a force for these four freedoms in the Americas. But if we're honest with ourselves, we'll acknowledge that at times we've failed to engage the people of the region with the respect owed to a partner.
When George Bush was elected, he held out the promise that this would change. He raised the hopes of the region that our engagement would be sustained instead of piecemeal. He called Mexico our most important bilateral relationship, and pledged to make  Latin America  a "fundamental commitment" of his presidency. It seemed that a new 21st century era had dawned.
Almost eight years later, those high hopes have been dashed.
Since the Bush Administration launched a misguided war in Iraq, its policy in the Americas has been negligent toward our friends, ineffective with our adversaries, disinterested in the challenges that matter in peoples' lives, and incapable of advancing our interests in the region.
No wonder, then, that demagogues like Hugo Chavez have stepped into this vacuum. His predictable yet perilous mix of anti-American rhetoric, authoritarian government, and checkbook diplomacy offers the same false promise as the tried and failed ideologies of the past. But the  United States  is so alienated from the rest of the Americas that this stale vision has gone unchallenged, and has even made inroads from Bolivia to Nicaragua. And Chavez and his allies are not the only ones filling the vacuum. While the  United States  fails to address the changing realities in the Americas, others from Europe and Asia  notably China  have stepped up their own engagement. Iran has drawn closer to Venezuela, and just the other day Tehran and Caracas launched a joint bank with their windfall oil profits.
That is the record  the Bush record in  Latin America   that John McCain has chosen to embrace. Senator McCain doesn't talk about these trends in our hemisphere because he knows that it's part of the broader Bush-McCain failure to address priorities beyond Iraq. The situation has changed in the Americas, but we've failed to change with it. Instead of engaging the people of the region, we've acted as if we can still dictate terms unilaterally. We have not offered a clear and comprehensive vision, backed up with strong diplomacy. We are failing to join the battle for hearts and minds. For far too long, Washington has engaged in outdated debates and stuck to tired blueprints on drugs and trade, on democracy and development -- even though they won't meet the tests of the future.
The stakes could not be higher. It is time for us to recognize that the future security and prosperity of the  United States  is fundamentally tied to the future of the Americas. If we don't turn away from the policies of the past, then we won't be able to shape the future. The Bush Administration has offered no  clear vision  for this future, and neither has John McCain.
So we face a clear choice in this election. We can continue as a bystander, or we can lead the hemisphere into the 21st century. And when I am President of the  United States , we will choose to lead.
It's time for a new alliance of the Americas. After eight years of the failed policies of the past, we need new leadership for the future. After decades pressing for top-down reform, we need an agenda that advances democracy, security, and opportunity from the bottom up. So my policy towards the Americas will be guided by the simple principle that what's good for the people of the Americas is good for the  United States . That means measuring success not just through agreements among governments, but also through the hopes of the child in the favelas of Rio, the security for the policeman in  Mexico City , and the answered cries of  political prisoners  heard from jails in Havana.
The first and most fundamental freedom that we must work for is  political freedom . The  United States  must be a relentless advocate for democracy.
I grew up for a time in Indonesia. It was a society struggling to achieve meaningful democracy. Power could be undisguised and indiscriminate. Too often, power wore a uniform, and was unaccountable to the people. Some still had good reason to fear a knock on the door.
There is no place for this kind of tyranny in this hemisphere. There is no place for any darkness that would shut out the light of liberty. Here we must heed the words of Dr. King, written from his own jail cell: "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." Throughout my  entire life , there has been injustice in Cuba. Never, in my lifetime, have the people of Cuba known freedom. Never, in the lives of two generations of Cubans, have the people of Cuba known democracy. This is the terrible and tragic  status quo  that we have known for half a century  of elections that are anything but free or fair; of dissidents locked away in dark  prison cells  for the crime of speaking the truth. I won't stand for this injustice, you won't stand for this injustice, and together we will stand up for freedom in Cuba.
Now I know what the easy thing is to do for American politicians. Every four years, they come down to Miami, they talk tough, they go back to Washington, and nothing changes in Cuba. That's what John McCain did the other day. He joined the parade of politicians who make the same  empty promises  year after year, decade after decade. Instead of offering a strategy for change, he chose to distort my position, embrace George Bush's, and continue a policy that's done nothing to advance freedom for the Cuban people. That's the political posture that John McCain has chosen, and all it shows is that you can't take his so-called straight talk seriously.
My policy toward Cuba will be guided by one word: Libertad. And the road to freedom for all Cubans must begin with justice for Cuba's  political prisoners , the rights of  free speech , a free press and  freedom of assembly ; and it must lead to elections that are free and fair.
Now let me be clear. John McCain's been going around the country talking about how much I want to meet with Raul Castro, as if I'm looking for a  social gathering . That's never what I've said, and John McCain knows it. After eight years of the disastrous policies of George Bush, it is time to pursue direct diplomacy, with friend and foe alike, without preconditions. There will be careful preparation. We will set a clear agenda. And as President, I would be willing to lead that diplomacy at a time and place of my choosing, but only when we have an opportunity to advance the interests of the  United States , and to advance the cause of freedom for the Cuban people.
I will never, ever, compromise the cause of liberty. And unlike John McCain, I would never, ever, rule out a  course of action  that could advance the cause of liberty. We've heard enough  empty promises  from politicians like George Bush and John McCain. I will turn the page.
It's time for more than tough talk that never yields results. It's time for a new strategy. There are no better ambassadors for freedom than Cuban Americans. That's why I will immediately allow unlimited family travel and remittances to the island. It's time to let Cuban Americans see their mothers and fathers, their sisters and brothers. It's time to let Cuban American money make their families less dependent upon the Castro regime.
I will maintain the embargo. It provides us with the leverage to present the regime with a clear choice: if you take  significant steps  toward democracy, beginning with the freeing of all  political prisoners , we will take steps to begin normalizing relations. That's the way to bring about real change in Cuba  through strong, smart and principled diplomacy.
And we know that freedom across our hemisphere must go beyond elections. In Venezuela, Hugo Chavez is a democratically elected leader. But we also know that he does not govern democratically. He talks of the people, but his actions just serve his own power. Yet the Bush Administration's blustery condemnations and clumsy attempts to undermine Chavez have only strengthened his hand.
We've heard plenty of talk about democracy from George Bush, but we need steady action. We must put forward a vision of democracy that goes beyond the  ballot box . We should increase our support for strong legislatures, independent judiciaries, free press, vibrant  civil society , honest  police forces ,  religious freedom , and the  rule of law . That is how we can support democracy that is strong and sustainable not just on an election day, but in the day to day lives of the people of the Americas.
That is what is so badly needed  not just in Cuba and Venezuela  but just to our southeast in Haiti as well. The Haitian people have suffered too long under governments that cared more about their own power than their peoples' progress and prosperity. It's time to press Haiti's leaders to bridge the divides between them. And it's time to invest in the  economic development  that must underpin the security that the Haitian people lack. And that is why the second part of my agenda will be advancing freedom from fear in the Americas.
For too many people in our hemisphere, security is absent from their daily lives. And for far too long, Washington has been trapped in a conventional thinking about  Latin America  and the Caribbean. From the right, we hear about violent insurgents. From the left, we hear about paramilitaries. This is the predictable debate that seems frozen in time from the 1980s. You're either soft on Communism or soft on  death squads . And it has more to do with the politics of Washington than beating back the perils that so many people face in the Americas.
The person living in fear of violence doesn't care if they're threatened by a right-wing paramilitary or a  left-wing  terrorist; they don't care if they're being threatened by a  drug cartel  or a corrupt  police force . They just care that they're being threatened, and that their families can't live and work in peace. That is why there will never be true security unless we focus our efforts on targeting every source of fear in the Americas. That's what I'll do as President of the  United States .
For the people of Colombia  who have suffered at the hands of killers of every sort  that means battling all sources of violence. When I am President, we will continue the Andean Counter- Drug Program , and update it to meet evolving challenges. We will fully support Colombia's fight against the FARC. We'll work with the government to end the  reign of terror  from  right wing  paramilitaries. We will support Colombia's right to strike terrorists who seek safe-haven across its borders. And we will shine a light on any support for the FARC that comes from neighboring governments. This behavior must be exposed to international condemnation, regional isolation, and  if need be  strong sanctions. It must not stand.
We must also make clear our support for  labor rights , and  human rights , and that means meaningful support for Colombia's  democratic institutions . We've neglected this support  especially for the  rule of law   for far too long. In every country in our hemisphere  including our own  governments must develop the tools to protect their people.
Because if we've learned anything in our history in the Americas, it's that true security cannot come from force alone. Not as long as there are towns in Mexico where drug kingpins are more powerful than judges. Not as long as there are children who grow up afraid of the police. Not as long as drugs and gangs move north across our border, while guns and cash move south in return.
This nexus is a danger to every country in the region  including our own. Thousands of  Central American  gang members have been arrested across the  United States , including here in south Florida. There are national emergencies facing Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Mexican  drug cartels  are terrorizing cities and towns. President Calderon was right to say that enough is enough. We must support Mexico's effort to crack down. But we must stand for more than force  we must support the  rule of law  from the bottom up. That means more investments in prevention and prosecutors; in  community policing  and an independent judiciary.
I agree with my friend, Senator Dick Lugar  the Merida Initiative does not invest enough in  Central America , where much of the trafficking and  gang activity  begins. And we must press further south as well. It's time to work together to find the best practices that work across the hemisphere, and to tailor approaches to fit each country. That's why I will direct my  Attorney General  and Secretary of Homeland Security to sit down with all their counterparts in the Americas during my  first year  in office. We'll strive for unity of effort. We'll provide the resources, and ask that every country do the same. And we'll tie our support to clear benchmarks for drug seizures, corruption prosecutions,  crime reduction , and kingpins busted.
We have to do our part. And that is why a core part of this effort will be a northbound-southbound strategy. We need tougher border security, and a renewed focus on busting up gangs and traffickers crossing our border. But we must address the material heading south as well. As President, I'll make it clear that we're coming after the guns, we're coming after the  money laundering , and we're coming after the vehicles that enable this crime. And we'll crack down on the demand for drugs in our own communities, and restore funding for drug  task forces  and the COPS program. We must win the fights on our own streets if we're going to secure the region.
The third part of my agenda is advancing freedom from want, because there is much that we can do to advance opportunity for the people of the Americas.
That begins with understanding what's changed in  Latin America , and what hasn't. Enormous wealth has been created, and  financial markets  are far stronger than a decade ago. Brazil's economy has grown by leaps and bounds, and perhaps the second richest person in the world is a Mexican. Yet while there has been great economic progress, there is still back-breaking inequality. Despite a growing  middle class , 100 million people live on less than two dollars a day, and 40 percent of  Latin Americans  live in poverty. This feeds everything from drugs, to migration, to support for leaders that appeal to the poor without delivering on their promises.
That is why the  United States  must stand for growth in the Americas from the bottom up. That begins at home, with comprehensive immigration reform. That means securing our border and passing tough employer enforcement laws. It means bringing 12 million unauthorized immigrants out of the shadows. But it also means working with Mexico,  Central America  and others to support bottom up development to our south.
For two hundred years, the  United States  has made it clear that we won't stand for  foreign intervention  in our hemisphere. But every day, all across the Americas, there is a different kind of struggle  not against foreign armies, but against the deadly threat of hunger and thirst, disease and despair. That is not a future that we have to accept  not for the child in Port au Prince or the family in the highlands of Peru. We can do better. We must do better.
We cannot ignore suffering to our south, nor stand for the globalization of the  empty stomach . Responsibility rests with governments in the region, but we must do our part. I will substantially increase our aid to the Americas, and embrace the Millennium Development Goals of halving global poverty by 2015. We'll target support to bottom-up growth through micro financing,  vocational training , and small enterprise development. It's time for the  United States  to once again be a beacon of hope and a  helping hand .
Trade must be part of this solution. But I strongly reject the Bush-McCain view that any trade deal is a  good deal . We cannot accept trade that enriches those at the top of the ladder while cutting out the rungs at the bottom. It's time to understand that the goal of our  trade policy  must be trade that works for all people in all countries. Like  Central America 's bishops, I opposed CAFTA because the needs of workers were not adequately addressed. I supported the Peru  Free Trade  Agreement because there were binding labor and environmental provisions. That's the kind of trade we need  trade that lifts up workers, not just a corporate  bottom line .
There's nothing protectionist about demanding that trade spreads the benefits of globalization, instead of steering them to  special interests  while we short-change workers at home and abroad. If John McCain believes  as he said the other day  that 80 percent of Americans think we're on the wrong track because we haven't passed  free trade  with Colombia, then he's totally out of touch with the  American people . And if John McCain thinks that we can paper over our failure of leadership in the region by occasionally passing trade deals with friendly governments, then he's out of touch with the people of the Americas.
And we have to look for ways to grow our economies and deepen integration beyond trade deals. That's what China is doing right now, as they build bridges from Beijing to Brazil, and expand their investments across the region. If the  United States  does not  step forward , we risk being left behind. And that is why we must seize a  unique opportunity  to lead the region toward a more secure and sustainable energy future.
All of us feel the impact of the global  energy crisis . In the short-term, it means an ever-more expensive addiction to oil, which bankrolls petro-powered authoritarianism around the globe, and drives up the cost of everything from a tank of gas to dinner on the table. And in the long-term, few regions are more imperiled by the stronger storms, higher floodwaters, and devastating droughts that could come with  global warming . Whole crops could disappear, putting the  food supply  at risk for hundreds of millions.
While we share this risk, we also share the resources to do something about it. That's why I'll bring together the countries of the region in a new Energy Partnership for the Americas. We need to go beyond  bilateral agreements . We need a regional approach. Together, we can forge a path toward sustainable growth and  clean energy .
Leadership must begin at home. That's why I've proposed a cap and trade system to limit our  carbon emissions  and to invest in alternative  sources of energy . We'll allow industrial emitters to offset a portion of this cost by investing in low carbon energy projects in  Latin America  and the Caribbean. And we'll increase research and development across the Americas in clean coal technology, in the next generation of sustainable biofuels not taken from  food crops , and in wind and solar energy.
We'll enlist the  World Bank , the Organization of American States, and the Inter-American  Development Bank  to support these investments, and ensure that these projects enhance  natural resources  like land, wildlife, and  rain forests . We'll finally enforce  environmental standards  in our trade deals. We'll establish a program for the  Department of Energy  and our laboratories to share technology with countries across the region. We'll assess the opportunities and risks of  nuclear power  in the hemisphere by sitting down with Mexico, Brazil, Argentina and Chile. And we'll call on the  American people  to join this effort through an Energy Corps of engineers and scientists who will go abroad to help develop  clean energy  solutions.
This is the unique role that the  United States  can play. We can offer more than the tyranny of oil. We can learn from the progress made in a country like Brazil, while making the Americas a model for the world. We can offer leadership that serves the common prosperity and common security of the entire region.
This is the promise of FDR's Four Freedoms that we must realize. But only if we recognize that in the 21st century, we cannot treat  Latin America  and the Caribbean as a  junior partner , just as our neighbors to the south should reject the bombast of authoritarian bullies. An alliance of the Americas will only succeed if it is founded on a bedrock of mutual respect. It's time to turn the page on the arrogance in Washington and the anti-Americanism across the region that stands in the way of progress. It's time to listen to  one another  and to learn from  one another .
To fulfill this promise, my Administration won't wait six years to proclaim a "year of engagement." We will pursue aggressive, principled, and sustained diplomacy in the Americas from  Day One . I will reinstate a  Special Envoy  for the Americas in my  White House  who will work with my full support. But we'll also expand the  Foreign Service , and open more consulates in the neglected regions of the Americas. We'll expand the  Peace Corps , and ask more young Americans to go abroad to deepen the trust and the ties among our people.
And we must tap the vast resource of our own immigrant population to advance each part of our agenda. One of the troubling aspects of our recent politics has been the anti-immigrant sentiment that has flared up, and been exploited by politicians come election time. We need to understand that immigration  when done legally  is a source of strength for this country. Our diversity is a source of strength for this country. When we join together  black, white, Hispanic, Asian, and  native American   there is nothing that we can't accomplish. Todos somos Americanos! Together, we can choose the future over the past.
At a time when our leadership has suffered, I have no doubts about whether we can succeed. If the  United States  makes its case; if we meet those who doubt us or deride us head-on; if we draw on our best tradition of standing up for those Four Freedoms  then we can shape our future instead of being shaped by it. We can renew our leadership in the hemisphere. We can win the support not just of governments, but of the people of the Americas. But only if we leave the bluster behind. Only if we are strong and steadfast; confident and consistent.
Jose Marti once wrote. "It is not enough to come to the  defense of freedom  with epic and intermittent efforts when it is threatened at moments that appear critical. Every moment is critical for the  defense of freedom ." Every moment is critical. And this must be our moment. Freedom. Opportunity. Dignity. These are not just the values of the  United States   they are the values of the Americas. They were the cause of Washington's infantry and Bolivar's cavalry; of Marti's pen and Hidalgo's  church bells .
That legacy is our inheritance. That must be our cause. And now must be the time that we turn the page to a  new chapter  in the story of the Americas.
 
 
 
On this Memorial Day, as our nation honors its unbroken line of fallen heroes, our sense of patriotism is particularly strong. Because while we gather here under open skies, we know that far beyond the Organ Mountains  in the streets of Baghdad, and the outskirts of Kabul  America's sons and daughters are sacrificing on our behalf. And our thoughts and prayers are with them.
I speak to you today with deep humility. My grandfather marched in Patton's Army, but I cannot know what it is to walk into battle like so many of you. My grandmother worked on a bomber  assembly line , but I cannot know what it is for a family to sacrifice like so many of yours have.
I am the father of two young girls, and I cannot imagine what it is to lose a child. My heart breaks for the families who've lost a  loved one .
These are things I cannot know. But there are also some things I do know.
I know that our sadness today is mixed with pride; that those we've lost will be remembered by a grateful nation; and that our presence here today is only possible because your  loved ones , America's patriots, were willing to give their lives to defend our nation.
I know that while we may come from different places, cherish different traditions, and have different  political beliefs , we all  every one of us  hold in reverence those who've given this country the full measure of their devotion.
And I know that children in New Mexico and across this country look to your children, to your brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, and friends  to those we honor today  as a shining example of what's best about America.
Their lives are a model for us all.
What led these men and women to wear their country's uniform? What is it that leads anyone to put aside their own pursuit of life's comforts; to subordinate their own sense of survival, for something bigger  something greater? Many of those we honor today were so young when they were killed. They had a whole life ahead of them  birthdays and weddings, holidays with children and grandchildren, homes and jobs and happiness of their own. And yet, at one moment or another, they felt the tug, just as generations of Americans did before them. Maybe it was a massacre in a Boston square; or a President's call to save the Union and free the slaves. Maybe it was the day of infamy that awakened a nation to a storm in the Pacific and a madman's  death march  across Europe. Or maybe it was the morning they woke up to see our walls of security crumble along with our two largest towers.
Whatever the moment was, when it came and they felt that tug, perhaps it was simply the thought of a mom or a dad, a husband or a wife, or a child not yet born that made this young American think that it was time to go; that made them think "I must serve so that the people I love can live  in happiness, and safety, and freedom." This sense of service is what America is all about. It is what leads Americans to enter the military. It is what sustains them in the most difficult hours. And it is the safeguard of our security.
You see, America has the greatest military in the history of the world. We have the best training, the most  advanced technology , the most sophisticated planning, and the most powerful weapons. And yet, in the end, though each of these things is absolutely critical, the true strength of our military lies someplace else.
It lies in the spirit of America's servicemen and women. No matter whether they faced down fascism or fought for freedom in Korea and Vietnam; liberated Kuwait or stopped  ethnic cleansing  in the Balkans or serve brilliantly and bravely under our flag today; no matter whether they are black, white, Latino, Asian, or  Native American ; whether they come from old military families, or are recent immigrants  their stories tell the same truth.
It is not simply their bravery, their insistence on doing their part  whatever the cost  to make America more secure and our world more free. It's not simply an unflinching belief in our highest ideals. It's that in the thick of battle, when their very survival is threatened, America's sons and daughters aren't thinking about themselves, they're thinking about  one another ; they're risking everything to save not their own lives, but the lives of their  fellow soldiers  and sailors, airmen and Marines. And when we lose them  in a  final act  of selflessness and service  we know that they died so that their brothers and sisters, so that our nation, might live.
What makes America's servicemen and women heroes is not just their  sense of duty , honor, and country; it's the bigness of their hearts and the breadth of their compassion.
That is what we honor today.
Oliver Wendell Holmes once remarked that "To fight out a war, you must believe something and want something with all your might." The Americans we honor today believed. Sergeant Ryan Jopek believed. Ryan was just weeks away from coming home when he volunteered for a mission to Mosul from which he would never return. His friends remember his easy smile; I remember Ryan because of the bracelet his mother gave me that I wear every day. Next to his name, it reads: "All gave some  he gave all." It is a living reminder of our obligation as Americans to serve Ryan as well as he served us; as well as the wounded warriors I've had the honor of meeting at Walter Reed have served us; as well as the soldiers at Fort Bliss and the troops in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world are serving us. That means giving the same priority to building a 21st century VA as to building a 21st century military. It means having  zero tolerance  for veterans sleeping on our streets. It means bringing home our POWs and MIAs. And it means treating the graves of veterans like the hallowed ground it is and banning protests near funerals.
But it also means something more. It means understanding that what Ryan and so many Americans fought and died for is not a place on a map or a certain kind of people. What they sacrificed for  what they gave all for  is a larger idea  the idea that a nation can be governed by laws, not men; that we can be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we can be free to say what we want, write what we want, and worship as we please; that we can have the right to pursue our own dreams, but the obligation to help our fellow Americans pursue theirs.
So on this day, of all days, let's memorialize our fallen heroes by honoring all who wear our country's uniform; and by completing their work to make America more secure and our world more free. But let's also do our part  service-member and civilian alike  to live up to the idea that so many of our  fellow citizens  have consecrated  the idea of America. That is the essence of patriotism. That is the lesson of this solemn day. And that is the task that lies ahead. May God bless you, and may God bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
Hi, everybody. Thank you, Bill, for that warm introduction, and for your friendship and leadership. I want to acknowledge Evelyn Gooden, the Illinois AARP  State President , for her years of devoted service to the people of my  home state . And congratulations to all of you in the AARP on fifty years of fighting tirelessly to improve the lives of those over fifty.
For generations, we have worked to keep a simple promise in this country - that those who have worked hard their  entire lives  have the right to retire with dignity and security.
That is the promise my grandparents knew. When my grandfather returned from serving his country in  World War II , he was able to go to college on the  GI Bill , buy their first house with a loan from the  federal government , and set out west from Kansas to build their lives with the confidence that they could reach a secure retirement.
That is the promise that Michelle's parents knew. After her father passed away, her mother was able to live comfortably due in part to his pension as a shiftworker.
That was the promise that FDR made. And it was a promise that Washington kept for decades while folks like my grandparents and Michelle's parents moved through the  ups and downs  of middle-class life.
But today, that promise feels like it's slowly slipping away. You feel this in your own lives. More Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More have lost their homes and more are watching their home values plummet. You're paying  college tuition  that's beyond your reach while supporting your aging parents. And as you plan for your future, you're finding it's harder to save and it's harder to retire.
That's because, for eight long years, there's been a very different philosophy in the  White House . They call it the Ownership Society, but what it really means is you're on your own. Job shipped overseas? Tough luck. Pension disappeared? That's the breaks. No  health care ? The  emergency room  will fix it. You're on your own.
Now, let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time. And I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a 10 percent chance on change.
And since he's not offering much change, that's why you didn't hear much about his plans for the future this week. You didn't hear much about their  health care  plan that would actually tax your benefits for the first time ever, or about their plan that would privatize  Social Security  and gamble your retirement, or how they plan to fix the economy they've ruined or help you live comfortably in your later years. Because, in the words of John McCain's  campaign manager , this election "isn't about the issues." Well I'm running for President because I believe this election is all about the issues. It's not about me, or John McCain, it's about you. It's about your lives. It's about your future.
And securing your future starts with protecting  Social Security  - today, tomorrow and forever. Now, John McCain said that the way  Social Security  works is, and I quote, "an absolute disgrace." Wrong. For millions of Americans, it's the very difference between a comfortable retirement and falling into poverty. More than half of seniors depend on it for more than half of their income. And as the first  baby boomers  become eligible for benefits this year, there are steps we can take to secure its future for generations to come.
That doesn't mean embracing George Bush's failed privatization scheme, as John McCain has. Privatizing  Social Security  was a bad idea when George Bush proposed it, and it's a bad idea today. It would take the one rock-solid, guaranteed part of your retirement income and gamble it on the  stock market . That's why I stood with AARP against this plan in the Senate, and that's why I won't stand for it as President.
But his campaign has gone even further, suggesting that the best answer to the growing pressures on  Social Security  might be to cut cost-of-living adjustments or raise the  retirement age . I will not do either. There's another option that is fairer to working men and women without putting the burden on those who have already earned it.
Right now, the  Social Security  payroll tax is capped. That means most middle-class families pay this tax on every dime they make, while millionaires and billionaires only pay it on a very small percentage of their income. That's why I'll work with  members of Congress  from both parties to ask people making more than $250,000 a year to contribute a  little bit  more to keep the system sound. It's a change that would start a decade or more from now, and it won't burden middle-class families. In fact, 99% of Americans will see absolutely no change in their taxes - 99%.
Now, even if we keep  Social Security  strong for  future generations , it's still not enough to help seniors on fixed incomes who are struggling with the rising cost of everything from gas to groceries. That's why I'll make retirement more secure by eliminating  income taxes  for retirees making less than $50,000 per year. This would completely eliminate  income taxes  for 7 million seniors. And I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families in this country. Now is the time to give the middle-class a break.
Now is the time to finally provide affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American - because you shouldn't have to worry about being one illness away from bankruptcy. If you like the  health care  you have, you'll see lower premiums under my plan. If you don't have  health care , you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with  insurance companies  while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
Now is the time to also strengthen and preserve Medicare, and these reforms will do just that. In addition, I will allow the government to negotiate with  drug companies  to lower costs for seniors, and we'll allow reimportation of drugs from other countries and ensure their safety, lowering costs for all consumers.
Now is the time to help families care for their aging parents by enacting a real  long-term care  plan that lowers costs and guarantees that all Americans receive quality care in their later years; to end the outrage of CEOs cashing out while workers watch their pensions disappear; to encourage savings, investment and wealth creation for our younger workers by enacting automatic workplace pensions.
As President, these are the policies I will pursue so that older Americans can continue living the longer, better, more productive lives that they have every right to expect.
AARP, that's how we'll renew Americans' confidence in a secure retirement. That's the change we need. But I need your help to make it happen. So if you're ok with the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want change - if you want to restore that fundamental promise we've made from generation to generation, then I ask you to give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will change this country together.
 
 
 
Wherever I go, I talk about how we need to bring about real change in this country. And few understand the need for change as well as folks here in Michigan. Because while we've been talking about a recession in this country for a few months now, Michigan has been living it for a very long time. Michigan has the highest  unemployment rate  in the nation and workers and communities across this state have been struggling for years with the downturn that all of America is feeling today.
In fairness, some of these challenges are the product of larger forces beyond the control of government. But there is no doubt that the Bush  economic policies  have done little to help the working families of Michigan or build a  better future  for America.
That is, in large part, what this election in November will be all about. Because Senator McCain says we have made, and this is a quote, "great progress economically" these past eight year, and he promises more of the same.
Well, I couldn't disagree more. Since George Bush took office, we've gone through the  first period  of sustained  economic growth  since  World War II  in which the incomes of American workers have actually dropped. 7 million more Americans don't have  health care . 1 million more Americans are out of work. Millions of families are facing foreclosure. You're working harder for less, and paying more for tuition, more for groceries, and more at the pump.
To me, this isn't "great progress." This is a  cause for concern  and an impetus for change.
Yet Senator McCain wants to double down on the Bush economic plan. Rather than reforming an unfair  tax system  and offering the  middle class  some relief, he's offering more  tax loopholes  for corporations and the wealthy we just can't afford. Rather than making  health care  affordable for every American, like I've proposed, he's offering a  health care  plan that puts coverage at risk and that's designed for folks who are already healthy and able to afford  health care  at any price. And rather than standing up for robust trade that works for all Americans, as I do, he's supporting more trade deals that work for Wall Street, but not for  Main Street .
But understand, there's a reason the problems we face today are so much bigger than they were several years ago. A big part of it is that George Bush and John McCain have been so focused on pursuing a flawed and costly war in Iraq that they've lost sight of our mounting problems here at home. Instead of working to fix our economy and lift up hardworking families, they've fought to extend a war that's costing thousands of lives and billions of dollars without making us any safer -- a war that has strengthened our enemies and distracted us from the real battle with Osama bin Ladin in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Just to put this in perspective, for what taxpayers here in Oakland County have spent in Iraq, you could be providing  health care  for nearly 900,000 people, or offering more than 200,000 college scholarships for Michigan students, or hiring more than 30,000  elementary school teachers . And now it seems like all Senator McCain is talking about on the  campaign trail  is Iraq - instead of offering real solutions to the problems you face every day.
In fact, Senator McCain conceded not long ago that he didn't know much about the economy. That's not his interest. That's not his priority. But it will be mine.
I want to end a war that's costing America $10 billion a month and begin to make the critical investments we need to get our own country moving again.
That's the choice in this election. Are we going to continue the failed Bush-McCain  economic policies  and remain mired in an endless and costly conflict in Iraq, or will we change course, and focus on the problems that working families in Michigan and across America are facing every day? I believe strongly that we are on the wrong path, and that we need new priorities and a new direction and that is why I'm running for President or the  United States .
 
 
 
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama <a href="http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430">http://www.brightcove.com/channel.jsp?channel=353512430
Tonight, after fifty-four hard-fought contests, our primary season has finally come to an end.
Sixteen months have passed since we first stood together on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Thousands of miles have been traveled. Millions of voices have been heard. And because of what you said  because you decided that change must come to Washington; because you believed that this year must be different than all the rest; because you chose to listen not to your doubts or your fears but to your greatest hopes and highest aspirations, tonight we mark the end of one historic journey with the beginning of another  a journey that will bring a new and better day to America.
Tonight, I can stand before you and say that I will be the Democratic nominee for President of the  United States .
I want to thank every American who stood with us over the course of this campaign  through the good days and the bad; from the snows of Cedar Rapids to the sunshine of Sioux Falls. And tonight I also want to thank the men and woman who took this journey with me as fellow candidates for President.
At this defining moment for our nation, we should be proud that our party put forth one of the most talented, qualified field of individuals ever to run for this office. I have not just competed with them as rivals, I have learned from them as friends, as  public servants , and as patriots who love America and are willing to work tirelessly to make this country better. They are leaders of this party, and leaders that America will turn to for years to come.
That is particularly true for the candidate who has traveled further on this journey than anyone else. Senator Hillary Clinton has made history in this campaign not just because she's a woman who has done what no woman has done before, but because she's a leader who inspires millions of Americans with her strength, her courage, and her commitment to the causes that brought us here tonight.
We've certainly had our differences over the last sixteen months. But as someone who's shared a stage with her many times, I can tell you that what gets Hillary Clinton up in the morning  even in the face of tough odds  is exactly what sent her and Bill Clinton to sign up for their first campaign in Texas all those years ago; what sent her to work at the Children's Defense Fund and made her fight for  health care  as  First Lady ; what led her to the  United States Senate  and fueled her barrier-breaking campaign for the presidency  an unyielding desire to improve the lives of ordinary Americans, no matter how difficult the fight may be. And you can rest assured that when we finally win the battle for universal  health care  in this country, she will be central to that victory. When we transform our  energy policy  and lift our children out of poverty, it will be because she worked to help make it happen. Our party and our country are better off because of her, and I am a better candidate for having had the honor to compete with Hillary Rodham Clinton.
There are those who say that this primary has somehow left us weaker and more divided. Well I say that because of this primary, there are millions of Americans who have cast their ballot for the very first time. There are Independents and Republicans who understand that this election isn't just about the party in charge of Washington, it's about the need to change Washington. There are  young people , and African-Americans, and Latinos, and women of all ages who have voted in numbers that have broken records and inspired a nation.
All of you chose to support a candidate you believe in deeply. But at the end of the day, we aren't the reason you came out and waited in lines that stretched block after block to make your voice heard. You didn't do that because of me or Senator Clinton or anyone else. You did it because you know in your hearts that at this moment  a moment that will define a generation  we cannot afford to keep doing what we've been doing. We owe our children a  better future . We owe our country a  better future . And for all those who dream of that future tonight, I say  let us begin the work together. Let us unite in common effort to chart a new course for America.
In just a few short months, the Republican Party will arrive in St. Paul with a very different agenda. They will come here to nominate John McCain, a man who has served this country heroically. I honor that service, and I respect his many accomplishments, even if he chooses to deny mine. My differences with him are not personal; they are with the policies he has proposed in this campaign.
Because while John McCain can legitimately tout moments of independence from his party in the past, such independence has not been the hallmark of his  presidential campaign .
It's not change when John McCain decided to stand with George Bush ninety-five percent of the time, as he did in the Senate last year.
It's not change when he offers four more years of Bush  economic policies  that have failed to create well-paying jobs, or insure our workers, or help Americans afford the skyrocketing cost of college  policies that have lowered the real incomes of the average American family, widened the gap between Wall Street and  Main Street , and left our children with a mountain of debt.
And it's not change when he promises to continue a policy in Iraq that asks everything of our brave men and women in uniform and nothing of Iraqi politicians  a policy where all we look for are reasons to stay in Iraq, while we spend billions of dollars a month on a war that isn't making the  American people  any safer.
So I'll say this  there are many words to describe John McCain's attempt to pass off his embrace of George Bush's policies as bipartisan and new. But change is not one of them.
Change is a  foreign policy  that doesn't begin and end with a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. I won't stand here and pretend that there are many good options left in Iraq, but what's not an option is leaving our troops in that country for the next hundred years  especially at a time when our military is overstretched, our nation is isolated, and nearly every other threat to America is being ignored.
We must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in - but start leaving we must. It's time for Iraqis to take responsibility for their future. It's time to rebuild our military and give our veterans the care they need and the benefits they deserve when they come home. It's time to refocus our efforts on al Qaeda's leadership and Afghanistan, and rally the world against the common threats of the 21st century  terrorism and  nuclear weapons ;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease. That's what change is.
Change is realizing that  meeting today 's threats requires not just our firepower, but the power of our diplomacy  tough, direct diplomacy where the President of the  United States  isn't afraid to let any petty dictator know where America stands and what we stand for. We must once again have the courage and conviction to lead the free world. That is the legacy of Roosevelt, and Truman, and Kennedy. That's what the  American people  want. That's what change is.
Change is building an economy that rewards not just wealth, but the work and workers who created it. It's understanding that the struggles facing working families can't be solved by spending billions of dollars on more  tax breaks  for big corporations and wealthy CEOs, but by giving a the middle-class a  tax break , and investing in our crumbling infrastructure, and transforming how we use energy, and improving our schools, and renewing our commitment to science and innovation. It's understanding that fiscal responsibility and shared prosperity can go hand-in-hand, as they did when Bill Clinton was President.
John McCain has spent a lot of time talking about trips to Iraq in the last few weeks, but maybe if he spent some time taking trips to the cities and towns that have been hardest hit by this economy  cities in Michigan, and Ohio, and right here in Minnesota  he'd understand the kind of change that people are looking for.
Maybe if he went to Iowa and met the student who works the  night shift  after a full day of class and still can't pay the  medical bills  for a sister who's ill, he'd understand that she can't afford four more years of a  health care  plan that only takes care of the healthy and wealthy. She needs us to pass  health care  plan that guarantees insurance to every American who wants it and brings down premiums for every family who needs it. That's the change we need.
Maybe if he went to Pennsylvania and met the man who lost his job but can't even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one, he'd understand that we can't afford four more years of our addiction to oil from dictators. That man needs us to pass an  energy policy  that works with automakers to raise fuel standards, and makes corporations pay for their pollution, and  oil companies  invest their record profits in a  clean energy  future  an  energy policy  that will create millions of new jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. That's the change we need.
And maybe if he spent some time in the schools of South Carolina or St. Paul or where he spoke tonight in New Orleans, he'd understand that we can't afford to leave the money behind for No Child Left Behind; that we owe it to our children to invest in  early childhood  education; to recruit an army of new teachers and give them better pay and more support; to finally decide that in this  global economy , the chance to get a  college education  should not be a privilege for the wealthy few, but the birthright of every American. That's the change we need in America. That's why I'm running for President.
The other side will come here in September and offer a very different set of policies and positions, and that is a debate I look forward to. It is a debate the  American people  deserve. But what you don't deserve is another election that's governed by fear, and innuendo, and division. What you won't hear from this campaign or this party is the kind of politics that uses religion as a wedge, and patriotism as a bludgeon  that sees our opponents not as competitors to challenge, but enemies to demonize. Because we may call ourselves Democrats and Republicans, but we are Americans first. We are always Americans first.
Despite what the good Senator from Arizona said tonight, I have seen people of differing views and opinions find common cause many times during my two decades in public life, and I have brought many together myself. I've walked arm-in-arm with  community leaders  on the South Side of Chicago and watched tensions fade as black, white, and Latino fought together for good jobs and good schools. I've sat across the table from  law enforcement  and  civil rights  advocates to reform a  criminal justice system  that sent thirteen innocent people to  death row . And I've worked with friends in the other party to provide more children with  health insurance  and more working families with a  tax break ; to curb the  spread of nuclear weapons  and ensure that the  American people  know where their  tax dollars  are being spent; and to reduce the influence of lobbyists who have all too often set the agenda in Washington.
In our country, I have found that this cooperation happens not because we agree on everything, but because behind all the labels and false divisions and categories that define us; beyond all the petty bickering and point-scoring in Washington, Americans are a decent, generous, compassionate people, united by common challenges and common hopes. And every so often, there are moments which call on that fundamental goodness to make this country great again.
So it was for that band of patriots who declared in a Philadelphia hall the formation of a more perfect union; and for all those who gave on the fields of Gettysburg and Antietam their last full measure of devotion to save that same union.
So it was for the Greatest Generation that conquered fear itself, and liberated a continent from tyranny, and made this  country home  to untold opportunity and prosperity.
So it was for the workers who stood out on the  picket lines ; the women who shattered glass ceilings; the children who braved a Selma bridge for freedom's cause.
So it has been for every generation that faced down the greatest challenges and the most improbable odds to leave their children a world that's better, and kinder, and more just.
And so it must be for us.
America, this is our moment. This is our time. Our time to turn the page on the policies of the past. Our time to bring new energy and new ideas to the challenges we face. Our time to offer a new direction for the country we love.
The journey will be difficult. The road will be long. I face this challenge with profound humility, and knowledge of my own limitations. But I also face it with limitless faith in the capacity of the  American people . Because if we are willing to work for it, and fight for it, and believe in it, then I am absolutely certain that generations from now, we will be able to look back and tell our children that this was the moment when we began to provide care for the sick and good jobs to the jobless; this was the moment when the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to heal; this was the moment when we ended a war and secured our nation and restored our image as the last, best hope on Earth. This was the moment  this was the time  when we came together to remake this great nation so that it may always reflect our very best selves, and our highest ideals. Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
It's great to see so many friends from across the country. I want to congratulate Howard Friedman, David Victor and Howard Kohr on a successful conference, and on the completion of a new headquarters just a few blocks away.
Before I begin, I want to say that I know some provocative emails have been circulating throughout Jewish communities across the country. A few of you may have gotten them. They're filled with tall tales and dire warnings about a certain candidate for President. And all I want to say is  let me know if you see this guy named Barack Obama, because he sounds pretty frightening.
But if anyone has been confused by these emails, I want you to know that today I'll be speaking from my heart, and as a true friend of Israel. And I know that when I visit with AIPAC, I am among friends. Good friends. Friends who share my strong commitment to make sure that the bond between the  United States  and Israel is unbreakable today, tomorrow, and forever.
One of the many things that I admire about AIPAC is that you fight for this common cause from the bottom up. The lifeblood of AIPAC is here in this room  grassroots activists of all ages, from all parts of the country, who come to Washington year after year to make your voices heard. Nothing reflects the face of AIPAC more than the 1,200 students who have travelled here to make it clear to the world that the bond between Israel and the  United States  is rooted in more than our shared  national interests   it's rooted in the shared values and shared stories of our people. And as President, I will work with you to ensure that it this bond strengthened.
I first became familiar with the story of Israel when I was eleven years old. I learned of the long journey and steady determination of the Jewish people to preserve their identity through faith, family and culture. Year after year, century after century, Jews carried on their traditions, and their dream of a homeland, in the face of impossible odds.
The story made a powerful impression on me. I had  grown up  without a sense of roots. My father was black, he was from Kenya, and he left us when I was two. My mother was white, she was from Kansas, and I'd moved with her to Indonesia and then back to Hawaii. In many ways, I didn't know where I came from. So I was drawn to the belief that you could sustain a spiritual, emotional and cultural identity. And I deeply understood the Zionist idea  that there is always a homeland at the center of our story.
I also learned about the horror of the Holocaust, and the terrible urgency it brought to the  journey home  to Israel. For much of my childhood, I lived with my grandparents. My grandfather had served in  World War II , and so had my  great uncle . He was a Kansas boy, who probably never expected to see Europe  let alone the horrors that awaited him there. And for months after he came home from Germany, he remained in a  state of shock , alone with the painful memories that wouldn't leave his head.
You see, my  great uncle  had been a part of the 89th Infantry Division  the first Americans to reach a Nazi  concentration camp . They liberated Ohrdruf, part of Buchenwald, on an April day in 1945. The horrors of that camp go beyond our capacity to imagine. Tens of thousands died of hunger, torture, disease, or plain murder  part of the Nazi killing machine that killed 6 million people.
When the Americans marched in, they discovered huge piles of  dead bodies  and starving survivors. General Eisenhower ordered Germans from the nearby town to tour the camp, so they could see what was being done in their name. He ordered American troops to tour the camp, so they could see the evil they were fighting against. He invited Congressmen and journalists to  bear witness . And he ordered that photographs and films be made. Explaining his actions, Eisenhower said that he wanted to produce, "first-hand evidence of these things, if ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations merely to propaganda." I saw some of those very images at Yad Vashem, and they never leave you. And those images just hint at the stories that survivors of the Shoah carried with them. Like Eisenhower, each of us bears witness to anyone and everyone who would deny these unspeakable crimes, or ever speak of repeating them. We must mean what we say when we speak the words: "never again." It was just a few years after the liberation of the camps that David Ben-Gurion declared the founding of the Jewish State of Israel. We know that the establishment of Israel was just and necessary, rooted in centuries of struggle, and decades of patient work. But 60 years later, we know that we cannot relent, we cannot yield, and as President I will never compromise when it comes to Israel's security.
Not when there are still voices that deny the Holocaust. Not when there are  terrorist groups  and political leaders committed to Israel's destruction. Not when there are maps across the  Middle East  that don't even acknowledge Israel's existence, and government-funded textbooks filled with hatred toward Jews. Not when there are rockets raining down on Sderot, and Israeli children have to take a deep breath and summon uncommon courage  every time  they board a bus or walk to school.
I have long understood Israel's quest for peace and need for security. But never more so than during my travels there two years ago. Flying in an IDF helicopter, I saw a narrow and beautiful strip of land nestled against the Mediterranean. On the ground, I met a family who saw their house destroyed by a Katyusha Rocket. I spoke to Israeli troops who faced daily threats as they maintained security near the  blue line . I talked to people who wanted nothing more simple, or elusive, than a secure future for their children.
I have been proud to be a part of a strong, bi-partisan consensus that has stood by Israel in the face of all threats. That is a commitment that both John McCain and I share, because support for Israel in this country goes beyond party. But part of our commitment must be speaking up when Israel's security is at risk, and I don't think any of us can be satisfied that America's recent  foreign policy  has made Israel more secure.
Hamas now controls Gaza. Hizbollah has tightened its grip on southern Lebanon, and is flexing its muscles in Beirut. Because of the war in Iraq, Iran  which always posed a greater threat to Israel than Iraq  is emboldened, and poses the greatest strategic challenge to the  United States  and Israel in the  Middle East  in a generation. Iraq is unstable, and al Qaeda has stepped up its recruitment. Israel's quest for peace with its neighbors has stalled, despite the heavy burdens borne by the Israeli people. And America is more isolated in the region, reducing our strength and jeopardizing Israel's safety.
The question is how to move forward. There are those who would continue and intensify this failed  status quo , ignoring eight years of accumulated evidence that our  foreign policy  is dangerously flawed. And then there are those who would lay all of the problems of the  Middle East  at the doorstep of Israel and its supporters, as if the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the root of all trouble in the region. These voices blame the  Middle East 's only democracy for the region's extremism. They offer the false promise that abandoning a stalwart ally is somehow the path to strength. It is not, it never has been, and it never will be.
Our alliance is based on shared interests and shared values. Those who threaten Israel threaten us. Israel has always faced these threats on the  front lines . And I will bring to the  White House  an unshakeable commitment to Israel's security.
That starts with ensuring Israel's qualitative military advantage. I will ensure that Israel can defend itself from any threat  from Gaza to Tehran. Defense cooperation between the  United States  and Israel is a model of success, and must be deepened. As President, I will implement a Memorandum of Understanding that provides $30 billion in assistance to Israel over the next decade  investments to Israel's security that will not be tied to any other nation. First, we must approve the  foreign aid  request for 2009. Going forward, we can enhance our cooperation on  missile defense . We should export military equipment to our ally Israel under the same guidelines as NATO. And I will always stand up for Israel's right to defend itself in the  United Nations  and around the world.
Across the political spectrum, Israelis understand that real security can only come through lasting peace. And that is why we  as friends of Israel  must resolve to do all we can to help Israel and its neighbors to achieve it. Because a secure, lasting peace is in Israel's  national interest . It is in America's  national interest . And it is in the interest of the Palestinian people and the  Arab world . As President, I will work to help Israel achieve the goal of two states, a Jewish state of Israel and a Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and security. And I won't wait until the waning days of my presidency. I will take an active role, and make a personal commitment to do all I can to advance the cause of peace from the start of my Administration.
The long road to peace requires Palestinian partners committed to making the journey. We must isolate Hamas unless and until they renounce terrorism, recognize Israel's right to exist, and abide by past agreements. There is no room at the  negotiating table  for  terrorist organizations . That is why I opposed holding elections in 2006 with Hamas on the ballot. The Israelis and the Palestinian Authority warned us at the time against holding these elections. But this Administration pressed ahead, and the result is a Gaza controlled by Hamas, with rockets raining down on Israel.
The Palestinian people must understand that progress will not come through the false prophets of extremism or the corrupt use of  foreign aid . The  United States  and the  international community  must stand by Palestinians who are committed to cracking down on terror and carrying the burden of peacemaking. I will strongly urge Arab governments to take steps to normalize relations with Israel, and to fulfill their responsibility to pressure extremists and provide real support for President Abbas and  Prime Minister  Fayyad. Egypt must cut off the smuggling of weapons into Gaza. Israel can also advance the cause of peace by taking appropriate steps  consistent with its security  to ease the  freedom of movement  for Palestinians, improve economic conditions in the West Bank, and to refrain from building new settlements  as it agreed to with the Bush Administration at Annapolis.
Let me be clear. Israel's security is sacrosanct. It is non-negotiable. The Palestinians need a state that is contiguous and cohesive, and that allows them to prosper  but any agreement with the Palestinian people must preserve Israel's identity as a Jewish state, with secure, recognized and defensible borders. Jerusalem will remain the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.
I have no illusions that this will be easy. It will require difficult decisions on both sides. But Israel is strong enough to achieve peace, if it has partners who are committed to the goal. Most Israelis and Palestinians want peace, and we must strengthen their hand. The  United States  must be a strong and consistent partner in this process  not to force concessions, but to help committed partners avoid stalemate and the kind of vacuums that are filled by violence. That's what I commit to do as President of the  United States .
The threats to Israel start close to home, but they don't end there. Syria continues its support for terror and meddling in Lebanon. And Syria has taken dangerous steps in pursuit of  weapons of mass destruction , which is why Israeli action was justified to end that threat.
I also believe that the  United States  has a responsibility to support Israel's efforts to renew  peace talks  with the Syrians. We must never force Israel to the  negotiating table , but neither should we ever block negotiations when Israel's leaders decide that they may serve Israeli interests. As President, I will do whatever I can to help Israel succeed in these negotiations. And success will require the full enforcement of  Security Council  Resolution 1701 in Lebanon, and a stop to Syria's support for terror. It is time for this reckless behavior to come to an end.
There is no greater threat to Israel  or to the peace and stability of the region  than Iran. Now this audience is made up of both Republicans and Democrats, and the enemies of Israel should have no doubt that, regardless of party, Americans stand shoulder-to-shoulder in our commitment to Israel's security. So while I don't want to strike too partisan a note here today, I do want to address some willful mischaracterizations of my positions.
The Iranian regime supports violent extremists and challenges us across the region. It pursues a  nuclear capability  that could spark a dangerous  arms race , and raise the prospect of a transfer of nuclear  know-how  to terrorists. Its President denies the Holocaust and threatens to wipe Israel off the map. The danger from Iran is grave, it is real, and my goal will be to eliminate this threat.
But just as we are clear-eyed about the threat, we must be clear about the failure of today's policy. We knew, in 2002, that Iran supported terrorism. We knew Iran had an illicit  nuclear program . We knew Iran posed a grave threat to Israel. But instead of pursuing a strategy to address this threat, we ignored it and instead invaded and occupied Iraq. When I opposed the war, I warned that it would fan the flames of extremism in the  Middle East . That is precisely what happened in Iran  the hardliners tightened their grip, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected President in 2005. And the  United States  and Israel are less secure.
I respect Senator McCain, and look forward to a substantive debate with him these next five months. But on this point, we have differed, and we will differ. Senator McCain refuses to understand or acknowledge the failure of the policy that he would continue. He criticizes my willingness to use strong diplomacy, but offers only an alternate reality  one where the war in Iraq has somehow put Iran on its heels. The truth is the opposite. Iran has strengthened its position. Iran is now enriching uranium, and has reportedly stockpiled 150 kilos of low  enriched uranium . Its support for terrorism and threats toward Israel have increased. Those are the facts, they cannot be denied, and I refuse to continue a policy that has made the  United States  and Israel less secure.
Senator McCain offers a false choice: stay the course in Iraq, or cede the region to Iran. I reject this logic because there is a better way. Keeping all of our troops tied down indefinitely in Iraq is not the way to weaken Iran  it is precisely what has strengthened it. It is a policy for staying, not a plan for victory. I have proposed a responsible, phased redeployment of our troops from Iraq. We will get out as carefully as we were careless getting in. We will finally pressure Iraq's leaders to take meaningful responsibility for their own future.
We will also use all elements of American power to pressure Iran. I will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a  nuclear weapon . That starts with aggressive, principled diplomacy without self-defeating preconditions, but with a clear-eyed understanding of our interests. We have no time to waste. We cannot unconditionally rule out an approach that could prevent Iran from obtaining a  nuclear weapon . We have tried limited, piecemeal talks while we outsource the sustained work to our European allies. It is time for the  United States  to lead.
There will be careful preparation. We will open up  lines of communication , build an agenda, coordinate closely with our allies, and evaluate the potential for progress. Contrary to the claims of some, I have no interest in sitting down with our adversaries just for the sake of talking. But as President of the  United States , I would be willing to lead tough and principled diplomacy with the appropriate Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing  if, and only if  it can advance the interests of the  United States .
Only recently have some come to think that diplomacy by definition cannot be tough. They forget the example of Truman, and Kennedy and Reagan. These Presidents understood that diplomacy backed by real leverage was a fundamental tool of statecraft. And it is time to once again make American diplomacy a tool to succeed, not just a means of containing failure. We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If you abandon your dangerous  nuclear program , support for terror, and threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives  including the lifting of sanctions, and political and economic integration with the  international community . If you refuse, we will ratchet up the pressure.
My presidency will strengthen our hand as we restore our standing. Our willingness to pursue diplomacy will make it easier to mobilize others to join our cause. If Iran fails to change course when presented with this choice by the  United States , it will be clear  to the people of Iran, and to the world  that the Iranian regime is the author of its own isolation. That will strengthen our hand with Russia and China as we insist on stronger sanctions in the  Security Council . And we should work with Europe, Japan and the Gulf states to find every avenue outside the UN to isolate the Iranian regime  from cutting off loan guarantees and expanding financial sanctions, to banning the export of refined petroleum to Iran, to boycotting firms associated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, whose Quds force has rightly been labeled a  terrorist organization .
I was interested to see Senator McCain propose divestment as a source of leverage  not the bigoted divestment that has sought to punish Israeli scientists and academics, but divestment targeted at the Iranian regime. It's a good concept, but not a new one. I introduced legislation over a year ago that would encourage states and the  private sector  to divest from companies that do business in Iran. This bill has  bipartisan support , but for reasons that I'll let him explain, Senator McCain never signed on. Meanwhile, an anonymous Senator is blocking the bill. It is time to pass this into law so that we can tighten the squeeze on the Iranian regime. We should also pursue other unilateral sanctions that target Iranian banks and assets.
And we must free ourselves from the tyranny of oil. The price of a  barrel of oil  is one of the most dangerous weapons in the world. Petrodollars pay for weapons that kill American troops and Israeli citizens. And the Bush Administration's policies have driven up the price of oil, while its  energy policy  has made us more dependent on foreign oil and gas. It's time for the  United States  to take real steps to end our addiction to oil. And we can join with Israel, building on last year's US-Israel Energy Cooperation Act, to deepen our partnership in developing alternative  sources of energy  by increasing scientific collaboration and joint research and development. The surest way to increase our leverage in the  long term  is to stop bankrolling the Iranian regime.
Finally, let there be no doubt: I will always keep the threat of  military action  on the table to defend our security and our ally Israel. Sometimes there are no alternatives to confrontation. But that only makes diplomacy more important. If we must use military force, we are more likely to succeed, and will have far greater support at home and abroad, if we have exhausted our  diplomatic efforts .
That is the change we need in our  foreign policy . Change that restores American power and influence. Change accompanied by a pledge that I will make known to allies and adversaries alike: that America maintains an unwavering friendship with Israel, and an unshakeable commitment to its security.
As members of AIPAC, you have helped advance this bipartisan consensus to support and defend our ally Israel. And I am sure that today on  Capitol Hill  you will be meeting with  members of Congress  and spreading the word. But we are here because of more than policy. We are here because the values we hold dear are deeply embedded in the story of Israel.
Just look at what Israel has accomplished in 60 years. From decades of struggle and the terrible wake of the Holocaust, a nation was forged to provide a home for Jews from all corners of the world  from Syria to Ethiopia to the  Soviet Union . In the face of constant threats, Israel has triumphed. In the face of constant peril, Israel has prospered. In a state of constant insecurity, Israel has maintained a vibrant and open discourse, and a resilient commitment to the  rule of law .
As any Israeli will tell you, Israel is not a perfect place, but like the  United States  it sets an example for all when it seeks a more perfect future. These same qualities can be found among American Jews. It is why so many Jewish Americans have stood by Israel, while advancing the American story. Because there is a commitment embedded in the  Jewish faith  and tradition: to freedom and fairness; to  social justice  and  equal opportunity . To tikkun olam  the obligation to repair this world.
I will never forget that I would not be standing here today if it weren't for that commitment. In the great social movements in our country's history, Jewish and  African Americans  have stood shoulder to shoulder. They took buses down south together. They marched together. They bled together. And Jewish Americans like Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner were willing to die alongside a  black man   James Chaney  on behalf of freedom and equality.
Their legacy is our inheritance. We must not allow the relationship between Jews and  African Americans  to suffer. This is a bond that must be strengthened. Together, we can rededicate ourselves to end prejudice and combat hatred in all of its forms. Together, we can renew our commitment to justice. Together, we can join our voices together, and in doing so make even the mightiest of walls fall down.
That work must include our shared commitment to Israel. You and I know that we must do more than stand still. Now is the time to be vigilant in facing down every foe, just as we move forward in seeking a future of peace for the children of Israel, and for all children. Now is the time to stand by Israel as it writes the next chapter in its extraordinary journey. Now is the time to join together in the work of repairing this world.
 
 
 
A  fact sheet  on Senator Obama's plan to contain skyrocketing  health care  costs is available here .
Before Mark leaves the stage, let me just say what a privilege it is to have the support of such a remarkable leader. Let me also say that Mark's wife, Lisa Collis, has been a terrific supporter for several months.
As an entrepreneur, a Governor, and a leader in the  Democratic Party   Mark has provided extraordinary leadership that has achieved extraordinary results. He knows that the challenges we face are not about left versus right or Democrat versus Republican  they are about the past versus the future. And Mark Warner has followed a simple formula to deliver real change - he brings people together around a common purpose, and  common sense  solutions.
As Governor, he put partisanship aside, turned a  budget deficit  into a surplus, expanded  health care  for children, and made the largest investment in K-12 education in Virginia history. He knows that folks here in southwest Virginia should be able to live their dreams without leaving their hometown, and that America needs an  energy policy  that grows our economy, secures our country, and saves our planet. I look forward to campaigning with him this fall.
And as President of the  United States , I look forward to working with Mark Warner to bring fundamental change to Washington when he joins Jim Webb as the next great Senator from the Commonwealth of Virginia.
I'd like to say a few words today about one of the most important challenges we face in this country and one of the biggest issues in this election  our  health care  crisis. You know, I've been traveling across America on this campaign for 16 months now, and everywhere I've gone, I've heard heartbreaking stories about our  health care  system.
There's the young woman I met who works the  night shift  after a full day of college and still can't afford medicine for a sister who's ill; or the man I met who almost lost his home because he has three children with  cystic fibrosis  and couldn't pay their  health care  bills; who still doesn't have  health insurance  for himself or his wife and lives in fear that a single illness could cost them everything.
This election is about them. It's about you. It's about every one of the 47 million Americans in Virginia, in Tennessee and across this country, who are going without the  health care  they need and the millions more who are struggling to pay rising costs.
But let's be honest  we've been talking about this for a long time. Year after year, election after election, candidates make promises about fixing  health care  and cutting costs. And then they go back to Washington, and nothing changes  because the big drug and  insurance companies  write another check or because lobbyists use their clout to block reform. And when the next election rolls around, even more Americans are uninsured, and even more families are struggling to pay their  medical bills .
Well, we're here today because we know that if we're going to make real progress, this time must be different. Throughout my career, in Illinois and the  United States  senate, I've worked to reduce the power of the  special interests  by leading the fight for ethics reform. I've sent a strong signal in this campaign by refusing the contributions of registered federal lobbyists and PACs. And today, I'm announcing that going forward, the Democratic National Committee will uphold the same standard and won't take another dime from Washington lobbyists or special interest PACs. They do not fund my campaign. They will not fund our party. And they will not drown out the voices of the  American people  when I'm President of the  United States .
It's time to finally challenge the  special interests  and provide universal  health care  for all. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States   because I believe that  health care  should be guaranteed for every American who wants it and affordable for every American who needs it.
And this is an area where John McCain and I have a fundamental disagreement. Now, I respect John McCain, and I honor his service to this country. My differences with him are not personal; they're about the policies he's proposed on this campaign  policies that are no different than the ones that have failed us for the last eight years.
And that starts with  health care . We know that since George Bush took office, premiums have gone up four times faster than wages, and Virginia families are now paying over 35% more for  health care . Seven million more Americans are uninsured, including nearly 200,000 here in Virginia. Yet John McCain actually wants to double down on the failed policies that have done so little to help ordinary Americans.
Like George Bush, Senator McCain has a plan that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy. Instead of offering a  comprehensive plan  to cover all Americans and control rising costs, he's offering a  tax cut  that doesn't even amount to half of the cost of an  average family   health care  plan, and won't make  health care  affordable for the hardworking Americans who need help most.
But it's not just that his plan won't help reduce costs; it could actually drive costs up. Senator McCain's plan would weaken the employer-based system that most Americans count on for  health care . It's a plan that could subject your coverage to the whims of the market, generate up to $20 billion in new  administrative costs , and actually put  health care  costs out of reach for even more older workers, even more sick Americans, and even more families. Senator McCain's campaign has even acknowledged that his plan could have the effect of raising taxes on some workers.
Well, I don't think the  American people  can afford another four years of a  health care  plan that does more to help the big drug and  insurance companies  than it does to lower costs for ordinary Americans. We need to make  health care  affordable for every single American, and that's what I'll do as President.
In an Obama administration, we'll lower premiums by up to $2,500 for a  typical family  per year. And we'll do it by investing in  disease prevention , not just disease management; by investing in a paperless  health care  system to reduce  administrative costs ; and by covering every single American and making sure that they can take their  health care  with them if they lose their job. We'll also reduce costs for business and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses. And we won't do all this twenty years from now, or ten years from now. We'll do it by the end of my first term as President of the  United States .
So the  American people  will have a clear choice on  health care  in the fall. We can either extend the Bush policies that we know don't work; or at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say enough is enough, we're going to finally solve this problem once and for all.
I don't want to wake up many years from now and see that even more Americans are uninsured and even more seniors can't afford  prescription drugs  and even more families are being driven to  financial ruin  trying to pay their bills because we failed to take on the drug and  insurance companies  and provide universal  health care . That's not the future I want for my children. That's not the future I want for your children. That's not the future I want for this country.
I want to wake up and know that every single American has  health care  when they need it, that every senior has  prescription drugs  they can afford, and that no parents are going to bed at night worrying about how they'll afford medicine for a sick child. That's the future we can build together. That's the choice you'll have this fall. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
Before we begin, I just want to take a minute to thank Senator Clinton for the kind and generous support she offered on Saturday. She ran an historic campaign that shattered barriers on behalf of my daughters and women everywhere who now know there are no limits to their dreams. And more, she inspired millions of women and men with her strength, her courage, and her unyielding commitment to the causes that brought us here today  the hopes and aspirations of working Americans.
Our party and our country are stronger because of the work she has done throughout her life, and I look forward to working with her in these coming months and years to lay out the case for change and set a new course for this country.
I've often said that this election represents a defining moment in our history. On  major issues  like the war in Iraq or the warming of our planet, the decisions we make in November and over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century.
That is especially true when it comes to our economy.
We have now lost jobs for five straight months  more than 320,000 since the beginning of this year. Last month we saw the biggest rise in the  unemployment rate  in more than twenty years. The percentage of homes in foreclosure and late  mortgage payments  is the highest since the  Great Depression . The price of oil has never been higher and set a record on Friday for the largest one-day spike in history. The costs of  health care  and  college tuition  and even food have all  hit record  levels, while  family incomes  have fallen and the wages of our workers have stayed the same.
You don't have to read the stock tickers or scan the headlines in the financial section to understand the seriousness of the situation we're in right now. You just have to go to Pennsylvania and listen to the man who lost his job but can't even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one. Or listen to the woman from Iowa who works the  night shift  after a full day of class and still can't pay the  medical bills  for a sister who's ill. Or talk to the worker I met in Indiana who worked at the same plant his father worked at for thirty years until they moved it to Mexico and made the workers actually pack up the equipment themselves so they could send it to China.
Go to Janesville, Wisconsin or Moraine, Ohio and talk to the workers at General Motors who just found out the plants they labored their  entire lives  at will be closed forever; or the thousands of  truck drivers  and airline workers who will lose their jobs because of the debilitating cost of fuel. Or just ask any family in North Carolina who will sit around their  kitchen table  tonight and wonder whether next week's paycheck will be enough to cover next month's bills  who will look at their children without knowing if they'll be able to give them the same chances that they had.
We did not arrive at the doorstep of our current economic crisis by some accident of history. This was not an inevitable part of the  business cycle  that was beyond our power to avoid. It was the logical conclusion of a tired and misguided philosophy that has dominated Washington for far too long.
George Bush called it the Ownership Society, but it's little more than a worn dogma that says we should give more to those at the top and hope that their good fortune trickles down to the hardworking many. For eight long years, our President sacrificed investments in  health care , and education, and energy, and infrastructure on the altar of  tax breaks  for big corporations and wealthy CEOs  trillions of dollars in giveaways that proved neither compassionate nor conservative.
And for all of George Bush's professed faith in  free markets , the markets have hardly been free  not when the gates of Washington are thrown open to high-priced lobbyists who rig the  rules of the road  and riddle our  tax code  with special interest favors and corporate loopholes. As a result of such special-interest driven policies and lax regulation, we haven't seen prosperity trickling down to  Main Street . Instead, a  housing crisis  that could leave up to two million homeowners facing foreclosure has shaken confidence in the entire economy.
I understand that the challenges facing our economy didn't start the day George Bush took office and they won't end the day he leaves. Some are partly the result of forces that have globalized our economy over the last several decades  revolutions in communication and technology have sent jobs wherever there's an internet connection; that have forced children in Raleigh and Boston to compete for those jobs with children in Bangalore and Beijing. We live in a more competitive world, and that is a fact that cannot be reversed.
But I also know that this nation has faced such fundamental change before, and each time we've kept our economy strong and competitive by making the decision to expand opportunity outward; to grow our middle-class; to invest in innovation, and most importantly, to invest in the education and well-being of our workers.
We've done this because in America, our prosperity has always risen from the bottom-up. From the earliest days of our founding, it has been the  hard work  and ingenuity of our people that's served as the wellspring of our  economic strength . That's why we built a system of free public  high schools  when we transitioned from a nation of farms to a nation of factories. That's why we sent my grandfather's generation to college, and declared a minimum wage for our workers, and promised to live in dignity after they retire through the creation of  Social Security . That's why we've invested in the science and research that have led to new discoveries and entire new industries. And that's what this country will do again when I am President of the  United States .
We will begin this  general election  campaign by traveling across the country for the next few weeks to talk about what specifically we need to do to build a 21st economy that works for working Americans. I will speak with economic experts and advisors at the end of the tour, but first I want to speak with you, and hear about your thoughts and your struggles in the places where you live and work. And at each stop, I will take the opportunity to lay out the very real and very serious differences on the economy between myself and Senator McCain.
As I've said before, John McCain is an American hero whose  military service  we honor. He can also legitimately tout moments of independents from his party, and on some issues, such as earmark reform and  climate change , he and I share goals, even if we may differ on how to get there.
But when it comes to the economy, John McCain and I have a fundamentally different vision of where to take the country. Because for all his talk of independence, the centerpiece of his economic plan amounts to a full-throated endorsement of George Bush's policies. He says we've made "great progress" in our economy these past eight years. He calls himself a fiscal conservative and on the  campaign trail  he's passionate critic of  government spending , and yet he has no problem spending hundreds of billions of dollars on  tax breaks  for big corporations and a permanent occupation of Iraq  policies that have left our children with a mountain of debt.
George Bush's policies have taken us from a projected $5.6 trillion dollar surplus at the end of the Clinton Administration to massive deficits and nearly four trillion dollars in new debt today. We were promised a fiscal conservative. Instead, we got the most fiscally irresponsible administration in history. And now John McCain wants to give us another. Well we've been there once, and we're not going back. It's time to move this country forward.
I have a different vision for the future. Instead of spending twelve billion dollars a month to rebuild Iraq, I think it's time we invested in our roads and schools and bridges and started to rebuild America. Instead of handing out giveaways to corporations that don't need them and didn't ask for them, it's time we started giving a hand-up to families who are trying pay their  medical bills  and send their children to college. We can't afford four more years of skewed priorities that give us nothing but record debt  we need change that works for the  American people . And that is the choice in this election My vision involves both a short-term plan to help working families who are struggling to keep up and a long-term agenda to make America competitive in a  global economy .
A week from today, I'll be talking about this long-term agenda in more detail. It's an agenda that will require us first and foremost to train and educate our workforce with the skills necessary to compete in a knowledge-based economy. We'll also need to place a greater emphasis on areas like science and technology that will define the workforce of the 21st century, and invest in the research and innovation necessary to create the jobs and industries of the future right here in America. One place where that investment would make an enormous difference is in a  renewable energy  policy that ends our addiction on foreign oil, provides real long-term relief from high fuel costs, and builds a green economy that could create up to five million well-paying jobs that can't be outsourced. We can also create millions of new jobs by rebuilding our schools, roads, bridges, and other critical infrastructure that needs repair.
And because we know that we can't or shouldn't put up walls around our economy, a long-term agenda will also find a way to make trade work for American workers. We do the cause of free-trade  a cause I believe in  no good when we pass  trade agreements  that hand out favors to  special interests  and do little to help workers who have to watch their factories close down. There is nothing protectionist about demanding that trade spreads the benefits of globalization as broadly as possible.
That's what we need to do in the long-term. But today I want to focus on what we must do in the short-term to lift up our workers, ease the struggle that so many families are facing right now, and restore a sense of fairness and balance to our economy.
Such relief that can't wait until the next President takes office. In January, well before the administration seemed to discover ordinary Americans were struggling, I called for a fiscal stimulus plan to get checks in the hands of hard-working families and seniors. Congress passed such a plan and the first checks are now arriving. But since then hundreds of thousands more people have lost their jobs, and so we must do more.
That's why I've called for another round of fiscal stimulus, an immediate $50 billion to help those who've been hit hardest by this  economic downturn   Americans who have lost their jobs, their homes, and are facing rising costs and cutbacks in state and local services like education and healthcare. We need to expand  unemployment benefits  and extend them for those who can't find another job right away  especially since the long-term  unemployment rate  is nearly twice as high as it was during the last recession. And we must help the millions of homeowners who are facing foreclosure through no fault of their own.
As late as December, John McCain told a newspaper in  New Hampshire  that he'd love to offer a solution to the  housing crisis , but he just didn't have one. It took him three different tries to figure it out, and in the end, his plan does nothing to help 1.5 million homeowners who are facing foreclosure, even as he supported spending billions to bail out Wall Street. President Bush told the  American people  he thought the biggest danger arising from this  housing crisis  was the temptation to do something about it. Now Senator McCain wants to turn Bush's policy of 'too little, too late' into a policy of 'even less, even later'. That's not the change we need right now. That's what got us into this mess in the first place.
In contrast, I offered a proposal to crack down on mortgage fraud almost two years ago, and in this campaign I've called for the immediate creation of a $10 billion Foreclosure Prevention Fund to provide direct relief to victims of the  housing crisis . We'll also help those who are facing foreclosure refinance their mortgages so they can stay in their homes at rates they can afford. I'll provide struggling homeowners relief by offering a  tax credit  to low- and middle-income Americans that would cover ten percent of their  mortgage interest  payment every year.
The principle is simple  if the government can bail out  investment banks  on Wall Street, we can extend a hand to folks who are struggling on  Main Street . As President, I'll get tough on enforcement, raise the penalties on lenders who break the rules, and implement a new Home Score system that will allow consumers to find out more about mortgage offers and whether they'll be able to make payments. This kind of transparency won't just make our homeowners more secure, it will make our markets more stable, and keep our economy strong and competitive in the future. That's the change Americans need, and that's what I'll do as President.
As the  housing crisis  spills over into other parts of the economy, we also need to help the millions of Americans who are struggling under skyrocketing costs and stagnant wages that are pushing working families towards a debt spiral from which they can't escape. We have to give them a  way out  by lowering costs, putting more money in their pockets, and rebuilding a  safety net  that's becoming badly frayed over the last few decades.
When it comes to reliving these economic anxieties that working families feel, nothing matches the burden they face from crushing  health care  costs. John McCain's approach to  health care  mirrors that of George Bush. He's promising four more years of a  health care  plan that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy  a plan that will actually make it easier  easier  than it already is for  insurance companies  to deny coverage to the elderly or the sick or those with pre-existing conditions. It may lead millions to lose the coverage they already have and millions more to have to pay even more than they do right now.
We can't afford that. Not when 47 million Americans are already uninsured, a number that is growing by the day. Not when families and businesses across the country are being crushed by the growing burden of  health care  costs and when half of all personal bankruptcies are caused by  medical bills .
When I am President, we'll take a  different approach . We will give every American the chance to get the same kind of  health care  that  Members of Congress  give themselves. We'll bring down premiums by $2500 for the  typical family , and we'll prevent  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who need care most. And we won't just lower costs for families, we'll lower costs for the entire country by making our  health care  system more efficient through better technology and more emphasis on prevention. That's the choice in this election, and that's the change I'll bring as President.
Just as we need to reform our  health care  system, we also have to reform a  tax code  that rewards wealth over work  a 10,000-page monstrosity that high-priced lobbyists have rigged with page after page of special interest loopholes and  tax shelters ; a  tax code  that continues George Bush's billion-dollar giveaways to big corporations and wealthy CEOs; a  tax code  that has plunged this country deeper and deeper into debt.
John McCain takes great pride in saying that he's a fiscal conservative, and he's already signaled that he will try to define me with the same old tax-and-spend label that his side has been throwing around for decades. But let's look at the facts.
John McCain once said that he couldn't vote for the Bush  tax breaks  in  good conscience  because they were too skewed to the wealthiest Americans. Later, he said it was irresponsible to cut taxes during a time of war because we simply couldn't afford them. Well, nothing's changed about the war, but something's certainly changed about John McCain, because these same Bush  tax cuts  are now his central  economic policy . Not only that, but he is now calling for a new round of tax giveaways that are twice as expensive as the original Bush plan and nearly twice as regressive. His policy will spend nearly $2 trillion on  tax breaks  for corporations, including $1.2 billion for Exxon alone, a company that just recorded the highest profits in history.
Think about that. At a time when we're fighting two wars, when millions of Americans can't afford their  medical bills  or their tuition bills, when we're paying more than $4 a gallon for gas, the man who rails against  government spending  wants to spend $1.2 billion on a  tax break  for Exxon Mobil. That isn't just irresponsible. It's outrageous.
If John McCain's policies were implemented, they would add $5.7 trillion to the  national debt  over the next decade. That isn't fiscal conservatism, that's what George Bush has done over the last eight years. Not only can working families not afford it,  future generations  can't afford it. And we can't allow it to happen in this election.
I'll take a  different approach . I will reform our  tax code  so that it's simple, fair, and advances opportunity instead of distorting the market by advancing the agenda of some lobbyist or  oil company . I'll shut down the corporate loopholes and  tax havens , and I'll use the money to help pay for a middle-class  tax cut  that will provide $1,000 of relief to 95% of workers and their families. I'll make  oil companies  like Exxon pay a tax on their  windfall profits , and we'll use the money to help families pay for their skyrocketing energy costs and other bills. We'll also eliminate  income taxes  for any retiree making less than $50,000 per year, because every senior deserves to live out their life in dignity and respect. And while John McCain wants to pick up where George Bush left off by trying again to privatize  Social Security , I will never waver in my commitment to protect that basic promise as President. We will not privatize  Social Security , we will not raise the  retirement age , and we will save  Social Security  for  future generations  by asking the wealthiest Americans to pay their fair share.
Now, contrary to what John McCain may say, every single proposal that I've made in this campaign is paid for  because I believe in pay-as-you-go. Senator McCain is right that there's waste in government, and I intend to root it out as President. But his suggestion that the earmark reforms that we're both interested in implementing will somehow make up for his enormous tax giveaway indicates that John McCain was right when he said that he doesn't understand the economy as well as he should. Either that or he's hoping you just won't notice. Whatever it is, it's not the kind of change we need in Washington right now.
I'll be talking in more detail next week about how we can make our workforce more competitive by reforming our  education system , but there's also an immediate squeeze we need to deal with, and that's college affordability.
I know how expensive this is from firsthand experience. At the beginning of our marriage, Michelle and I were spending so much of our income just to pay off our college loans. And that was decades ago. The cost of a  college education  has exploded since then, pricing hundreds of thousands of young Americans out of their dream every year, or forcing them to begin their careers in unconscionable debt. So I'll offer this promise to every student as President  your country will offer you $4,000 a year of tuition if you offer your country community or  national service  when you graduate. If you invest in America, America will invest in you.
As far as we can tell, John McCain doesn't have a plan to make college more affordable. And that means he isn't listening to the struggles facing a new generation of Americans.
Finally, we need to help those Americans who find themselves in a debt spiral climb out. Since so many who are struggling to keep up with their mortgages are now shifting their debt to  credit cards , we have to make sure that  credit cards  don't become the next stage in the  housing crisis . To make sure that Americans know what they're signing up for, I'll institute a five-star  rating system  to inform consumers about the level of risk involved in every  credit card . And we'll establish a  Credit Card   Bill of Rights  that will ban unilateral changes to  credit card  agreements; ban  rate hikes  on debt you already had; and ban interest charges on late fees. Americans need to pay what they owe, but you should pay what's fair, not just what fattens profits for some  credit card  company and they can get away with.
The same principle should apply to our bankruptcy laws. When I first arrived in the Senate, I opposed the  credit card  industry's bankruptcy bill that made it harder for working families to climb out of debt. John McCain supported that bill  and he even opposed exempting families who were only in bankruptcy because of medical expenses they couldn't pay.
When I'm President, we'll reform our bankruptcy laws so that we give Americans who find themselves in debt a second chance. We'll make sure that if you can demonstrate that you went bankrupt because of medical expenses, you can relieve that debt and get back on your feet. And I'll make sure that CEOs can't dump your pension with one hand while they collect a bonus with the other. That's an outrage, and it's time we had a President who knows it's an outrage.
This is the choice you will face in November. You can vote for John McCain, and see a continuation of Bush  economic policies   more  tax cuts  to the wealthy, more  corporate tax  breaks, more mountains of debt, and little to no relief for families struggling with the rising costs of everything from  health care  to a  college education .
But I don't think that is the future we want. The Americans I've met over the last sixteen months in  town halls  and  living rooms ; on farms and front porches  they may come from different places and have different backgrounds, but they hold common hopes and dream the same simple dreams. They know government can't solve all their problems, and they don't expect it to. They believe in personal responsibility, and  hard work , and  self-reliance . They don't like seeing their  tax dollars  wasted.
But we also believe in an America where unrivaled prosperity brings boundless opportunity  a place where jobs are there for the willing; where  hard work  is rewarded with a decent living; where no matter how much you start with or where you come from or who your parents are, you can make it if you try.
We believe in the country that gave my grandfather and a generation of heroes the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill  when they came home from  World War II   a  GI Bill  that helped create the largest middle-class in history.
We believe in the country that made it possible for my mother  a  single parent  who didn't have much  to send my sister and me to the best schools in the country with the help of scholarships.
We believe in the country that allowed my father- in-law   a  city worker  at a water filtration plant on the South Side of Chicago  to provide for his wife and two children on a single salary. He was diagnosed with  multiple sclerosis  at age thirty, but that didn't stop him from going to work every day  often with the help of a walker  so that could send my wife and her brother to one of the best colleges in the nation.
His job didn't just give him a paycheck; it gave him a sense of dignity and  self-worth . His country didn't just reward wealth, but the work and the workers who created it. And that is the America we believe in.
That is the choice we face right now  a choice between more of the same policies that have widened inequality, added to our debt, and shaken the foundation of our economy, or change that will restore balance to our economy; that will invest in the ingenuity and innovation of our people; that will fuel a bottom-up prosperity to keep America strong and competitive in the 21st century.
It is not left or right  liberal or conservative  to say that we have tried it their way for eight long years. And it has failed. It is time to try something new. It is time for change.
The challenges we face are great, and we may not meet them in one term or with one President. But history tells us we have met greater challenges before. And the seriousness of this moment tells us we can't afford not to try.
So as we set out on this journey, let us also forge a new path  a path that leads to unrivaled prosperity; to boundless opportunity; to the America we believe in and a dream that will always endure. Thank you, and may God Bless America.
 
 
 
Good morning. It's good to be home on this  Father's Day  with my girls, and it's an honor to spend some time with all of you today in the house of our Lord.
At the end of the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus closes by saying,  Whoever hears these words of mine, and does them, shall be likened to a wise man who built his house upon a rock: and the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded upon a rock. � [Matthew 7: 24-25] Here at Apostolic, you are blessed to worship in a house that has been founded on the rock of  Jesus Christ , our Lord and Savior. But it is also built on another rock, another foundation  and that rock is Bishop Arthur Brazier. In forty-eight years, he has built this congregation from just a few hundred to more than 20,000 strong  a congregation that, because of his leadership, has braved the  fierce winds  and  heavy rains  of violence and poverty; joblessness and hopelessness. Because of his work and his ministry, there are more graduates and fewer gang members in the neighborhoods surrounding this church. There are more homes and fewer homeless. There is more community and less chaos because Bishop Brazier continued the march for justice that he began by Dr. King's side all those years ago. He is the reason this house has stood tall for half a century. And on this  Father's Day , it must make him proud to know that the man now charged with keeping its foundation strong is his son and your new pastor, Reverend Byron Brazier.
Of all the rocks upon which we build our lives, we are reminded today that family is the most important. And we are called to recognize and honor how critical every father is to that foundation. They are teachers and coaches. They are mentors and  role models . They are examples of success and the men who constantly push us toward it.
But if we are honest with ourselves, we'll admit that what too many fathers also are is missing  missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men. And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it.
You and I know how true this is in the African-American community. We know that more than half of all black children live in single-parent households, a number that has doubled  doubled  since we were children. We know the statistics  that children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out of schools and twenty times more likely to end up in prison. They are more likely to have behavioral problems, or run away from home, or become teenage parents themselves. And the foundations of our community are weaker because of it.
How many times in the last year has this city lost a child at the hands of another child? How many times have our hearts stopped in the middle of the night with the sound of a gunshot or a siren? How many teenagers have we seen hanging around on  street corners  when they should be sitting in a classroom? How many are sitting in prison when they should be working, or at least looking for a job? How many in this generation are we willing to lose to poverty or violence or addiction? How many? Yes, we need more cops on the street. Yes, we need fewer guns in the hands of people who shouldn't have them. Yes, we need more money for our schools, and more outstanding teachers in the classroom, and more afterschool programs for our children. Yes, we need more jobs and more  job training  and more opportunity in our communities.
But we also need families to raise our children. We need fathers to realize that responsibility does not end at conception. We need them to realize that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child  it's the courage to raise one.
We need to help all the mothers out there who are raising these kids by themselves; the mothers who drop them off at school, go to work, pick up them up in the afternoon, work another shift, get dinner, make lunches, pay the bills, fix the house, and all the other things it takes both parents to do. So many of these women are doing a heroic job, but they need support. They need another parent. Their children need another parent. That's what keeps their foundation strong. It's what keeps the foundation of our country strong.
I know what it means to have an absent father, although my circumstances weren't as tough as they are for many  young people  today. Even though my father left us when I was two years old, and I only knew him from the letters he wrote and the stories that my family told, I was luckier than most. I grew up in Hawaii, and had two wonderful grandparents from Kansas who poured everything they had into helping my mother raise my sister and me  who worked with her to teach us about love and respect and the obligations we have to  one another . I screwed up more often than I should've, but I got plenty of second chances. And even though we didn't have a lot of money, scholarships gave me the opportunity to go to some of the best schools in the country. A lot of kids don't get these chances today. There is no margin for error in their lives. So my own story is different in that way.
Still, I know the toll that being a  single parent  took on my mother  how she struggled at times to the pay bills; to give us the things that other kids had; to play all the roles that both parents are supposed to play. And I know the toll it took on me. So I resolved many years ago that it was my obligation to break the cycle  that if I could be anything in life, I would be a good father to my girls; that if I could give them anything, I would give them that rock  that foundation  on which to build their lives. And that would be the greatest gift I could offer.
I say this knowing that I have been an imperfect father  knowing that I have made mistakes and will continue to make more; wishing that I could be home for my girls and my wife more than I am right now. I say this knowing all of these things because even as we are imperfect, even as we face difficult circumstances, there are still certain lessons we must strive to live and learn as fathers  whether we are black or white; rich or poor; from the South Side or the wealthiest suburb.
The first is setting an example of excellence for our children  because if we want to set high expectations for them, we've got to set high expectations for ourselves. It's great if you have a job; it's even better if you have a college degree. It's a wonderful thing if you are married and living in a home with your children, but don't just sit in the house and watch  SportsCenter � all weekend long. That's why so many children are growing up in front of the television. As fathers and parents, we've got to spend more time with them, and help them with their homework, and replace the  video game  or the  remote control  with a book once in awhile. That's how we build that foundation.
We know that education is everything to our children's future. We know that they will no longer just compete for good jobs with children from Indiana, but children from India and China and all over the world. We know the work and the studying and the level of education that requires.
You know, sometimes I'll go to an eighth-grade graduation and there's all that pomp and circumstance and gowns and flowers. And I think to myself, it's just eighth grade. To really compete, they need to graduate  high school , and then they need to graduate college, and they probably need a graduate degree too. An eighth-grade education doesn't cut it today. Let's give them a handshake and tell them to get their butts back in the library! It's up to us  as fathers and parents  to instill this ethic of excellence in our children. It's up to us to say to our daughters, don't ever let images on TV tell you what you are worth, because I expect you to dream without limit and reach for those goals. It's up to us to tell our sons, those songs on the radio may glorify violence, but in my house we live glory to achievement, self respect, and  hard work . It's up to us to set these high expectations. And that means meeting those expectations ourselves. That means setting examples of excellence in our own lives.
The second thing we need to do as fathers is pass along the value of empathy to our children. Not sympathy, but empathy  the ability to stand in somebody else's shoes; to look at the world through their eyes. Sometimes it's so easy to get caught up in  us, � that we forget about our obligations to  one another . There's a culture in our society that says remembering these obligations is somehow soft  that we can't show weakness, and so therefore we can't show kindness.
But our young boys and girls see that. They see when you are ignoring or mistreating your wife. They see when you are inconsiderate at home; or when you are distant; or when you are thinking only of yourself. And so it's no surprise when we see that behavior in our schools or on our streets. That's why we pass on the values of empathy and kindness to our children by living them. We need to show our kids that you're not strong by putting other people down  you're strong by lifting them up. That's our responsibility as fathers.
And by the way  it's a responsibility that also extends to Washington. Because if fathers are doing their part; if they're taking our responsibilities seriously to be there for their children, and set high expectations for them, and instill in them a sense of excellence and empathy, then our government should meet them halfway.
We should be making it easier for fathers who make responsible choices and harder for those who avoid them. We should get rid of the  financial penalties  we impose on  married couples  right now, and start making sure that every dime of  child support  goes directly to helping children instead of some bureaucrat. We should reward fathers who pay that  child support  with  job training  and  job opportunities  and a larger  Earned Income   Tax Credit  that can help them pay the bills. We should expand programs where  registered nurses  visit expectant and new mothers and help them learn how to care for themselves before the baby is born and what to do after  programs that have helped increase father involvement, women's employment, and children's readiness for school. We should help these new families care for their children by expanding maternity and  paternity leave , and we should guarantee every worker more paid  sick leave  so they can  stay home  to take care of their child without losing their income.
We should take all of these steps to build a strong foundation for our children. But we should also know that even if we do; even if we meet our obligations as fathers and parents; even if Washington does its part too, we will still face difficult challenges in our lives. There will still be days of struggle and heartache. The rains will still come and the winds will still blow.
And that is why the final lesson we must learn as fathers is also the greatest gift we can pass on to our children  and that is the gift of hope.
I'm not talking about an idle hope that's little more than blind optimism or willful ignorance of the problems we face. I'm talking about hope as that spirit inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting for us if we're willing to work for it and fight for it. If we are willing to believe.
I was answering questions at a  town hall  meeting in Wisconsin the other day and a young man raised his hand, and I figured he'd ask about  college tuition  or energy or maybe the war in Iraq. But instead he looked at me very seriously and he asked,  What does life mean to you? � Now, I have to admit that I wasn't quite prepared for that one. I think I stammered for a  little bit , but then I stopped and gave it some thought, and I said this: When I was a young man, I thought life was all about me  how do I make my way in the world, and how do I become successful and how do I get the things that I want.
But now,  my life  revolves around my two  little girls . And what I think about is what kind of world I'm leaving them. Are they living in a county where there's a huge gap between a few who are wealthy and a whole bunch of people who are struggling every day? Are they living in a county that is still divided by race? A country where, because they're girls, they don't have as much opportunity as boys do? Are they living in a country where we are hated around the world because we don't cooperate effectively with other nations? Are they living a world that is in grave danger because of what we've done to its climate? And what I've realized is that life doesn't count for much unless you're willing to do your small part to leave our children  all of our children  a better world. Even if it's difficult. Even if the work seems great. Even if we don't get very far in our lifetime.
That is our ultimate responsibility as fathers and parents. We try. We hope. We do what we can to build our house upon the sturdiest rock. And when the winds come, and the rains fall, and they beat upon that house, we keep faith that our Father will be there to guide us, and watch over us, and protect us, and lead His children through the darkest of storms into light of a better day. That is my prayer for all of us on this  Father's Day , and that is my hope for this country in the years ahead. May God Bless you and your children. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's great to be at Kettering  a university that is teaching the next generation of leaders, and training workers to have the skills they need to advance their own careers and communities.
For months, the state of our economy has dominated the headlines  and the news hasn't been good. The sub-prime lending debacle has sent the housing market into a tailspin, and caused a broader contraction in the  credit markets . Over 360,000 jobs have been lost this year, with the  unemployment rate  registering the biggest one month jump since February 1986. Incomes have failed to keep pace with the rising costs of  health insurance  and college, and record oil and  food prices  have left families struggling just to keep up.
Of course, grim  economic news  is nothing new to Flint. Manufacturing jobs have been leaving here for decades now. The jobs that have replaced them pay less, and offer fewer, if any benefits. Hard-working Americans who could once count on a single-paycheck to support their families have not only lost jobs, but their  health care  and their pensions as well. Worst of all, many have lost confidence in that fundamental American promise that our children will have a better life than we do.
So these are challenging times. That's why I spent last week talking about immediate steps we need to take to provide working Americans with relief. A broad-based,  middle class   tax cut , to help offset the rising cost of gas and food. A foreclosure prevention fund, to help stabilize the housing market. A  health care  plan that lowers costs and gives those without  health insurance  the same kind of coverage  members of Congress  have. A commitment to retirement security that stabilizes  Social Security , and provides workers a means to increase savings. And a plan to crack down on unfair and sometimes deceptive lending in the  credit card  and housing markets, to help families climb out of crippling debt, and stay out of debt in the first place.
These steps are all paid for, and designed to restore balance and fairness to the American economy after years of Bush  Administration policies  that tilted the  playing field  in favor of the wealthy and the well-connected. But the truth is, none of these short-term steps alone will ensure America's future. Yes, we have to make sure that the economic pie is sliced more fairly, but we also have to make sure that the economic pie is growing. Yes, we need to provide immediate help to families who are struggling in places like Flint, but we also need a serious plan to create new jobs and industry.
We can't simply return to the strategies of the past. For we are living through an age of fundamental economic transformation. Technology has changed the way we live and the way the world does business. The collapse of the  Soviet Union  and the advance of capitalism have vanquished old challenges to America's global leadership, but new challenges have emerged, from China and India,  Eastern Europe  and Brazil. Jobs and industries can move to any country with an internet connection and willing workers. Michigan's children will grow up facing competition not just from California or South Carolina, but also from Beijing and Bangalore.
A few years ago, I saw a picture of this new reality during a visit to Google's headquarters in California. Toward the end of my tour, I was brought into a room where a three-dimensional image of the earth rotated on a large flat-panel monitor. Across this image, there were countless lights in different colors. A young engineer explained that the lights represented all of the Internet searches taking place across the world, and each color represented a different language. The image was mesmerizing  a picture of a world where old boundaries are disappearing; a world where communication, connection, and competition can come from anywhere.
There are some who believe that we must try to turn back the clock on this new world; that the only chance to maintain our  living standards  is to build a fortress around America; to stop trading with other countries, shut down immigration, and rely on old industries. I disagree. Not only is it impossible to turn back the tide of globalization, but efforts to do so can make us worse off.
Rather than fear the future, we must embrace it. I have no doubt that America can compete  and succeed  in the 21st century. And I know as well that more than anything else, success will depend not on our government, but on the dynamism, determination, and innovation of the  American people . Here in Flint, it was the  private sector  that helped turn lumber into the wagons that sent this country west; that built the tanks that faced down fascism; and that turned out the automobiles that were the cornerstone of America's manufacturing boom.
But at critical moments of transition like this one, success has also depended on national leadership that moved the country forward with confidence and a common purpose. That's what our  Founding Fathers  did after winning independence, when they tied together the economies of the thirteen states and created the American market. That's what Lincoln did in the midst of  Civil War , when he pushed for a transcontinental railroad, incorporated our National Academy of Sciences, passed the  Homestead Act , and created our system of  land grant colleges . That's what FDR did in confronting capitalism's gravest crisis, when he forged the social  safety net , built the Hoover Dam, created the Tennessee Valley Authority, and invested in an Arsenal of Democracy. And that's what Kennedy did in the  dark days  of the  Cold War , when he called us to a new frontier, created the Apollo program, and put us on a pathway to the moon.
This was leadership that had the strength to turn moments of adversity into opportunity, the wisdom to see a little further down the road, and the courage to challenge conventional thinking and worn ideas so that we could reinvent our economy to seize the future. That's not the kind of leadership that we have seen out of Washington recently. But that's the kind of leadership I intend to provide as President of the  United States .
These past eight years will be remembered for misguided policies,  missed opportunities , and a rigid and ideological adherence to discredited ideas. Almost a decade into this century, we still have no real strategy to compete in a  global economy . Just think of what we could have done. We could have made a real commitment to a world-class education for our kids, but instead we passed "No Child Left Behind," a law that  however well-intended  left the money behind and alienated teachers and principals instead of inspiring them. We could have done something to end our addiction to oil, but instead we continued down a path that that funds both sides of the war on terror, endangers our planet, and has left Americans struggling with four dollar a gallon gasoline. We could have invested in innovation and rebuilt our crumbling roads and bridges, but instead we've spent hundreds of billions of dollars fighting a war in Iraq that should've never been authorized and never been waged.
Worse yet, the price-tag for these failures is being passed to our children. The Clinton Administration left behind a surplus, but this Administration squandered it. We face  budget deficits  in the hundreds of billions and our nearly ten trillion dollars in debt. We've borrowed billions from countries like China to finance needless  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans and an unnecessary war, and yet Senator McCain is explicitly running to continue and expand these policies, without a realistic plan to pay for it.
The pundits talk about two debates  one on  national security  and one on the economy  but they miss the point. We didn't win the  Cold War  just because of the strength of our military. We also prevailed because of the vigor of our economy and the endurance of our ideals. In this century, we won't be secure if we bankroll terrorists and dictators through our dependence on oil. We won't be safe if we can't count on our infrastructure. We won't extend the promise of American greatness unless we invest in our  young people  and ask them to invest in America.
So there is a clear choice in this election. Instead of reaching for new horizons, George Bush has put us in a hole, and John McCain's policies will keep us there. I want to take us in a new and better direction. I reject the belief that we should either shrink from the challenge of globalization, or fall back on the same tired and failed approaches of the last eight years. It's time for new policies that create the jobs and opportunities of the future a competitiveness agenda built upon education and energy, innovation and infrastructure,  fair trade  and reform.
This agenda starts with education. Whether you're conservative or liberal, Republican or Democrat, practically every economist agrees that in this digital age, a highly-educated and skilled workforce will be the key not only to individual opportunity, but to the overall success of our economy as well. We cannot be satisfied until every child in America  and I mean every child  has the same chances for a good education that we want for our own children.
And yet, despite this consensus, we continually fail to deliver. A few years ago, I visited a  high school  outside Chicago. The  number one  concern I heard from those students was that the  school district  couldn't afford to keep teachers for a full day, so school let out at 1:30 every afternoon. That cut out critical classes like science and labs. Imagine that  these kids wanted more school. They knew they were being short-changed. Unfortunately, stories like this can be found across America. Only 20 percent of students are prepared to take college classes in English, math and science. We have one of the highest  dropout rates  of any  industrialized nation , and barely one tenth of our low-income students will graduate from college. That will cripple their ability to keep pace in this  global economy , and compromise our ability to compete as a nation.
Senator McCain doesn't talk about education much. But I don't accept the  status quo . It is morally unacceptable and economically untenable. It's time to make an historic commitment to education a real commitment that will require new resources and new reforms.
We can start by investing $10 billion to guarantee access to quality, affordable,  early childhood  education for every child in America. Every dollar that we spend on these programs puts our children on a path to success, while saving us as much as $10 in reduced  health care  costs, crime, and welfare later on.
We can fix the failures of No Child Left Behind, while focusing on accountability. That means providing the funding that was promised. More importantly, it means reaching high standards, but not by relying on a single,  high stakes  standardized test that distorts how teachers teach. Instead, we need to work with governors, educators and especially teachers to develop better assessment tools that effectively measure student achievement, and encourage the kinds of research, scientific investigation, and problem-solving that our children will need to compete.
And we need to recruit an army of new teachers. I'll make this pledge as President  if you commit your life to teaching, America will pay for your  college education . We'll recruit teachers in math and science, and deploy them to under-staffed  school districts  in our  inner cities  and rural America. We'll expand mentoring programs that pair experienced teachers with new recruits. And when our teachers succeed, I won't just talk about how great they are  I'll reward their greatness with better pay and more support.
But research shows that resources alone won't create the schools that we need to help our children succeed. We also need to encourage innovation  by adopting curricula and the school calendar to the needs of the 21st century; by updating the schools of education that produce most of our teachers; by welcoming charter schools within the  public schools  system, and streamlining the certification process for engineers or businesspeople who want to shift careers and teach.
We must also challenge the system that prevents us from promoting and rewarding excellence in teaching. We cannot ask our teachers to perform the impossible  to teach poorly prepared children with inadequate resources, and then punish them when children perform poorly on a standardized test. But if we give teachers the resources they need; if we pay them more, and give them time for professional development; if they are given ownership over the design of better assessment tools and a creative curricula; if we shape reforms with teachers rather than imposing changes on teachers, then it is fair to expect better results. Where there are teachers who are still struggling and underperforming, we should provide them with individual help and support. And if they're still underperforming after that, we should find a quick and fair way to put another teacher in that classroom. Our children deserve no less.
Finally, our commitment cannot end with a  high school  degree. The chance to get a  college education  must not be a privilege of the few  it should be a birthright of every single American. Senator McCain is campaigning on a plan to give more  tax breaks  to corporations. I want to give  tax breaks  to  young people , in the form of an annual $4,000  tax credit  that will cover two-thirds of the tuition at an average public college, and make  community college  completely free. In return, I will ask students to serve, whether it's by teaching, joining the  Peace Corps , or working in your community. And for those who serve in our military, we'll cover all of your tuition with an even more generous 21st Century  GI Bill . The idea is simple - America invests in you, and you invest in America. That's how we're going to ensure that America succeeds in this century.
Reforming our  education system  will require sustained effort from all of us  parents and teachers; federal, state and  local governments . The same is true for the second leg of our competitiveness agenda  a bold and sustainable  energy policy .
In the past, America has been stirred to action when a new challenge threatened our  national security . That was true when German and Japanese armies advanced across Europe and Asia, or when the Soviets launched Sputnik. The energy threat we face today may be less direct, but it is real. Our dependence on foreign oil strains family budgets and saps our economy. Oil money pays for the bombs going off from Baghdad to Beirut, and the bombast of dictators from Caracas to Tehran. Our nation will not be secure unless we take that leverage away, and our planet will not be safe unless we move decisively toward a  clean energy  future.
The dangers are eclipsed only by the opportunities that would come with change. We know the jobs of the 21st century will be created in developing  alternative energy . The question is whether these jobs will be created in America, or abroad. Already, we've seen countries like Germany, Spain and Brazil reap the benefits of  economic growth  from  clean energy . But we are decades behind in confronting this challenge. George Bush has spent most of his Administration denying that we have a problem, and making deals with Big Oil behind closed doors. And while John McCain deserves credit for speaking out against the threat of  climate change , his rhetoric is undercut by a record of voting time and again against important investments in  renewable energy  It's time to make  energy security  a leading priority. My energy plan will invest $150 billion over the next ten years to establish a green energy sector that will create up to 5 million jobs over the next two decades. Good jobs, like the ones I saw in Pennsylvania where workers make  wind turbines , or the jobs that will be created when  plug-in  hybrids or  electric cars  start rolling off the  assembly line  here in Michigan. We'll help manufacturers  particularly in the  auto industry   convert to green technology, and help workers learn the skills they need. And unlike George Bush, I won't wait until the  sixth year  of my presidency to sit down with the automakers. I'll meet with them during my campaign, and I'll meet with them as president to talk about how we're going to build the cars of the future right here in Michigan.
And when I'm President, we will invest in research and development of every form of  alternative energy   solar, wind, and biofuels, as well as technologies that can make coal clean and  nuclear power  safe. We will provide incentives to businesses and consumers to save energy and make buildings more efficient. That's how we're going to create jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. That's how we're going to win back control of our own destiny from oil-rich dictators. And that's how we'll solve the problem of $4 a gallon gas  not with another Washington gimmick like John McCain's gas tax holiday that would pad  oil company  profits while draining the highway fund that Michigan depends on.
Moreover, our commitment to manufacturing cannot end with Green Jobs. That's why I'll end  tax breaks  that ship jobs overseas, and invest in American jobs. Senator McCain has a different view. He's voted to keep  tax incentives  that encourage companies to move abroad. He should listen to leaders in Michigan like Carl Levin, who have put forward serious proposals to address the crisis in manufacturing. We need to support programs like Michigan's 21st Century Jobs Fund, and build on best practices across the country. That's why I'll create an Advanced Manufacturing Fund to invest in places hit hard by  job loss . I'll partner with  Community Colleges , so that we're training workers to meet the demands of local industry.
And we can't just focus on preserving existing industries. We have to be in the business of encouraging new ones  and that means science, research and technology. For two centuries, America led the world in innovation. But this Administration's hostility to science has taken a toll. At a time when technology is shaping our future, we devote a smaller and smaller share of our national resources to Research and Development. It's time for America to lead. I'll double  federal funding  for  basic research , and make the R&D  tax credit  permanent. We can ensure that the discoveries of the 21st century happen in America  in our labs and universities; at places like Kettering and the University of Michigan; Wayne State and Michigan State.
Encouraging new industry also means giving more support to American entrepreneurs. The other day, Senator McCain gave a speech to the  Small Business  Summit where he attacked my plan to provide  tax relief  for the  middle class . What he didn't say is that I've also proposed exempting all start-up companies from  capital gains taxes . In other words, John McCain would tax them. I won't. We'll work, at every juncture, to remove bureaucratic barriers for small and startup businesses  for example, by making the patent process more efficient and reliable. And we'll help with  technical support  to do everything we can to make sure the next Google or Microsoft is started here in America.
And we know that America won't be able to compete if skyrocketing costs cause companies like the Big Three to spend $1500 on  health care  for every car, and condemn millions of Americans to the risk of no coverage. That's why we need to commit ourselves to electronic medical records that enhance care while lowering costs. We need to invest in  biomedical research  and  stem cell  research, so that we're at the  leading edge  of prevention and treatment. And we need to finally pass universal  health care  so that every American has access to  health insurance  that they can afford, and our getting the preventive services that are the key to cutting  health care  costs. That's what I pledge to do in my first term as President.
A third part of our agenda must be a commitment to 21st century infrastructure. If we want to keep up with China or Europe, we can't settle for crumbling roads and bridges, aging water and sewer pipes, and faltering electrical grids that cost us billions to blackouts, repairs and travel delays. It's gotten so bad that the American Society of  Civil Engineers  gave our national infrastructure a "D." A century ago, Teddy Roosevelt called together leaders from business and government to develop a plan for 20th century infrastructure. It falls to us to do the same.
As President, I will launch a National Infrastructure Reinvestment Bank that will invest $60 billion over ten years  a bank that can leverage private investment in infrastructure improvements, and create nearly two million new jobs. The work will be determined by what will maximize our safety and security and ability to compete. We will fund this bank as we bring the war in Iraq to a responsible close. It's time to stop spending billions of dollars a week on a  blank check  for an Iraqi government that won't spend its own  oil revenues . It's time to strengthen transportation and to protect vulnerable targets from terrorism at home. We can modernize our  power grid , which will help conservation and spur on the development and distribution of  clean energy . We can invest in rail, so that cities like Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Louis are connected by high-speed trains, and folks have alternatives to  air travel . That's what we can do if we commit to rebuild a stronger America.
As part of this commitment to infrastructure, we need to upgrade our digital superhighway as well. When I looked at that map of the world mounted on the screen at Google, I was struck at first by the light generated by Internet searches coming from every corner of the earth. But then I was struck by the darkness. Huge chunks of Africa and parts of Asia where the light of the information revolution has yet to shine. And then I noticed portions of the  United States  where the thick cords of light dissolved into a few discrete strands.
It is unacceptable that here, in the country that invented the Internet, we fell to 15th in the world in broadband deployment. When kids in downtown Flint or rural Iowa can't afford or access high-speed Internet, that sets back America's ability to compete. As President, I will set a simple goal: every American should have the highest speed broadband access  no matter where you live, or how much money you have. We'll connect schools, libraries and hospitals. And we'll take on  special interests  to unleash the power of wireless spectrum for our safety and connectivity.
A revamped  education system . A bold new  energy strategy . A more efficient  health care  system. Renewed investment in  basic research  and our infrastructure. These are the pillars of a more competitive economy that will take advantage of the global marketplace's opportunities.
But even as we welcome competition, we need to remember that our  economic policies  must be supported by strong and smart  trade policies . I have said before, and will say again  I believe in  free trade . It can save money for our consumers, generate business for U.S. exporters, and expand global wealth. But unlike George Bush and John McCain, I do not think that any  trade agreement  is a good  trade agreement . I don't think an agreement that allows South Korea to import hundreds of thousands of cars into the U.S., but continues to restrict U.S. car exports into South Korea to a few thousand, is a smart deal. I don't think that  trade agreements  without labor or environmental agreements are in our  long term  interests If we continue to let our  trade policy  be dictated by  special interests , then American workers will continue to be undermined, and  public support  for robust trade will continue to erode. That might make sense to the Washington lobbyists who run Senator McCain's campaign, but it won't help our nation compete. Allowing subsidized and unfairly traded products to flood our markets is not  free trade  and it's not fair to the people of Michigan. We cannot stand by while countries manipulate currencies to promote exports, creating huge imbalances in the  global economy . We cannot let foreign regulatory policies exclude American products. We cannot let enforcement of existing  trade agreements  take a backseat to the negotiation of new ones. Put simply, we need tougher negotiators on our side of the table  to strike bargains that are good not just for Wall Street, but also for  Main Street . And when I am President, that's what we will do.
Finally, let me say a word about fiscal responsibility. I recognize that my agenda is ambitious  particularly in light of Bush Administration fiscal policies that have  run up  the  national debt  by over $4 trillion. Entitlement spending is bound to increase as the  Baby Boom  generation retires. But the answer to our fiscal problems is not to continue to short-change investments in education, energy, innovation and infrastructure  investments that are vital to long-term growth. Instead, we need to end the Iraq war, eliminate waste in existing government programs, generate revenue by charging polluters for the  greenhouse gases  they are sending into our atmosphere  and put an end to the reckless, special interest driven corporate loopholes and  tax cuts  for the wealthy that have been the centerpiece of the Bush Administration's  economic policy .
John McCain wants to double down on George Bush's disastrous policies  not only by making permanent the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy, but by $300 billion in new  tax cuts  that give a quarter of their revenue to households making over $2.8 million. Worse yet, he hasn't detailed how he would pay for this new  give-away . There is nothing fiscally conservative about this approach. It will continue to drive up deficits, force us to borrow massively from  foreign countries , and shift the burden on to working  people today  and our children tomorrow. Meanwhile, John McCain will shortchange investments in education, energy and innovation, making the next generation of Americans less able to compete. That's unacceptable. It's time to make tough choices so that we have a smarter government that pays its way and makes the right investments for America's future.
It falls to us to shape a new century. Every aspect of our government should be under review. We can ill-afford needless layers of bureaucracy and outmoded programs. My Administration will open up the doors of democracy. We'll put government data online, and use technology to shine a light on spending. We'll invite the service and participation of American citizens, and cut through the  red tape  to make sure that every agency is meeting  cutting edge  standards. We'll make it clear to the  special interests  that their days of setting the agenda in Washington are over, because the  American people  are not the problem in this 21st century  they are the answer.
We have a choice. We can continue the Bush  status quo   as Senator McCain wants to do  and we will become a country in which few reap the benefits of the  global economy , while a growing number work harder for less and depend upon an overburdened  public sector . An America in which we  run up  deficits and expose ourselves to the whims of oil-rich dictators while the opportunities for our children and grandchildren shrink. That is one course we could take.
Or, we can rise together. If we choose to change, just imagine what we can do. The great manufacturers of the 20th century can turn out cars that run on  renewable energy  in the 21st. Biotechnology labs can find new cures; new  rail lines  and roadways can connect our communities; goods made here in Michigan can be exported around the world. Our children can get a world-class education, and their dreams of tomorrow can eclipse even our greatest hopes of today.
We can choose to rise together. But it won't be easy. Every one of us will have to work at it by studying harder, training more rigorously, working smarter, and thinking anew. We'll have to slough off  bad habits , reform our institutions, and re-engage the world. We can do that, because this is America  a country that has been defined by a determination to believe in, and work for, things unseen.
Every so often, there are times when America must rise to meet a moment. So it has been for the generations that built the railroads and beat back the Depression; that worked on the first  assembly line  and that went to the moon. So it must be for us today. This is our moment. This is our time to unite in common purpose, to make this century the next American century. Because when Americans come together, there is no destiny too difficult or too distant for us to reach.
 
 
 
This is something of a homecoming for me. Because while I stand here today as a candidate for President of the  United States , I will never forget that the most important experience in  my life  came when I was doing what you do each day  working at the local level to bring about change in our communities.
As some of you may know, after college, I went to work with a group of churches as a community organizer in Chicago  so I could help lift up neighborhoods that were struggling after the local  steel plants  closed. And it taught me a fundamental truth that I carry with me to this day  that in this country, change comes not from the top-down, but from the bottom-up.
You see, back in those days, we weren't just focused on changing  federal policies  in Washington. And we weren't just focused on changing  state policies  in Springfield. No, we were focused on the place we knew could actually do the most, the fastest, to make a difference in our community  and that was the Mayor's Office.
It was the Mayor's Office we turned to when we wanted to open a  job training  center to put people back to work. It was the Mayor's Office we turned to when we wanted to make sure city housing was safe to live in. And it's the Mayors Office that Americans across this country rely on every day.
You may get more than your fair share of the blame sometimes. You may not always be appreciated. But when a disaster strikes  a Katrina, a shooting, or a six-alarm blaze  it's  City Hall  we lean on, it's  City Hall  we call first, and  City Hall  we depend on to get us through  tough times . Because whether it's a small town or a  big city , the government that people count on most is the one that's closest to the people.
And it's precisely because you're on the  front lines  in our communities that you know what happens when Washington fails to do its job. It may be easy for some in Washington to remain out of touch with the consequences of the decisions that are made there  but not you.
You know what happens when Washington puts out  economic policies  that work for Wall Street but not  Main Street   because it's your towns and cities that get hit when factories close their doors, and workers lose their jobs, and families lose their homes because of an unscrupulous lender. That's why you need a partner in the  White House .
You know what happens when Washington makes promises it doesn't keep and fails to fully fund No Child Left Behind  because it's your teachers who are overburdened, your teachers who aren't getting the support they need, and your teachers who are forced to teach to the test, instead of giving students the skills to compete in our  global economy . That's why you need a partner in the  White House .
You know what happens when Washington succumbs to petty partisanship and fails to pass comprehensive immigration reform  because it's your communities that are forced to take immigration enforcement into their own hands, your cities' services that are stretched, and your neighborhoods that are seeing rising cultural and economic tensions. That's why you need a partner in the  White House .
You know what happens when Washington listens to big oil and  gas companies  and blocks real energy reform  because it's your budgets that are being pinched by high energy costs, and your schools that are cutting back on textbooks to keep their buses running; it's the lots in your towns and cities that are brownfields. That's why you need a partner in the  White House .
Now, despite the absence of leadership in Washington, we're actually seeing a rebirth in many places. I'm thinking of my friend Rich Daley, who's made a deep and lasting difference in the  quality of life  for millions of Chicagoans. I'm thinking of Mayor Cownie, who's working to make his city green; Mayor Bloomberg, who's fighting to turn around the nation's largest  school system ; Mayor Rybak, who's done an extraordinary job helping the Twin Cities recover from the bridge collapse last year; and so many other mayors across this country, who are finding new ways to lift up their communities.
But you shouldn't be succeeding despite Washington  you should be succeeding with a hand from Washington. Neglect is not a policy for America's metropolitan areas. It's time  City Hall  had someone in the  White House  you could count on the way so many Americans count on you.
That's what this election is all about  because while Senator McCain is a true patriot, he won't be that partner. His priorities are very different from yours and mine. At a time when you're facing  budget deficits  and looking to Washington for the support you need, he isn't proposing a strategy for America's cities. Instead, he's calling for nearly $2 trillion in  tax breaks  for big corporations and the wealthiest Americans  and yet he's actually opposed more funding for the COPS program and the Community Development  Block Grant  program. That's just more of the same in Washington. And few know better than you why Washington needs to change.
But the truth is, what our cities need isn't just a partner. What you need is a partner who knows that the old ways of looking at our cities just won't do; who knows that our nation and our cities are undergoing a historic transformation. The change that's taking place today is as great as any we've seen in more than a century, since the time when cities grew upward and outward with immigrants escaping poverty, and tyranny, and misery abroad. Our population has grown by tens of millions in the past few decades, and it's projected to grow nearly 50% more in the decades to come. And this growth isn't just confined to our cities, it's happening in our suburbs, exurbs, and throughout our metropolitan areas.
This is creating new pressures, but it's also opening up new opportunities  because it's not just our cities that are hotbeds of innovation anymore, it's those growing metro areas. It's not just Durham or Raleigh  it's the entire Research Triangle. It's not just Palo Alto, it's cities  up and down  Silicon Valley. The top 100 metro areas generate two-thirds of our jobs, nearly 80% of patents, and handle 75% of all seaport tonnage through ports like the one here in Miami. In fact, 42 of our metro areas now rank among the world's 100 largest economies.
To seize the possibility of this moment, we need to promote strong cities as the backbone of regional growth. And yet, Washington remains trapped in an earlier era, wedded to an outdated  urban � agenda that focuses exclusively on the problems in our cities, and ignores our growing metro areas; an agenda that confuses anti-poverty policy with a metropolitan strategy, and ends up hurting both.
Now, let me be clear  we must help tackle areas of concentrated poverty. I say this not just as a former community organizer, but as someone who was shaped in part by the economic inequality I saw as a  college student  in cities like  Los Angeles  and New York.
That is why I've laid out an ambitious urban poverty plan that will help make sure no child begins the race of life behind the  starting line ; and create public-private business incubators to open up  economic opportunity . That's why I'll fully fund the COPS program, restore funding for the Community Development  Block Grant  program, and recruit more teachers to our cities, and pay them more, and give them more support. And that's why I've proposed real relief for struggling homeowners and a  trust fund  to provide affordable housing. And let me say this  if George Bush carries out his threat to veto the housing bill  a bill that would provide critical resources to help you solve the foreclosure crisis in your towns and cities  I will fight to overturn his veto and make sure you have the support you need.
So, yes we need to fight poverty. Yes, we need to fight crime. Yes, we need to strengthen our cities. But we also need to stop seeing our cities as the problem and start seeing them as the solution. Because strong cities are the  building blocks  of strong regions, and strong regions are essential for a strong America. That is the new metropolitan reality and we need a new strategy that reflects it  a strategy that's about South Florida as much as Miami; that's about Mesa and Scottsdale as much as Phoenix; that's about Stamford and Northern  New Jersey  as much as New York City. As President, I'll work with you to develop this kind of strategy and I'll appoint the first  White House  Director of Urban Policy to help make it a reality.
The stakes could not be higher. Our children will grow up competing with children in Beijing and Bangalore and Berlin. And make no mistake  their governments are doing everything they can to give their countries an edge by investing in regional growth. As Bruce Katz of Brookings has pointed out, China is developing an advanced network of ports and freight hubs, and an advanced network of universities modeled after our own. And Germany has launched rail and telecom projects to bind its major metro areas more closely together. Other governments are aggressively pursuing strategies to unlock the potential of their metro areas. To compete and win in our  global economy , we have to show the same kind of leadership.
There's no better place to start than by investing in the clusters of growth and innovation that are springing up across this country. Because what we've found time and time again is that when we take the different assets that are scattered throughout our communities  whether it's a skilled workforce or leading firms or institutions of  higher education   and bring them all together so they can learn from  one another  and share ideas, you get the kind of creative thinking that doesn't come in isolation.
And that can lead to more innovation, and entrepreneurship, and real  economic benefits  like new jobs and higher wages. That's what happened Pennsylvania, where something called Keystone Innovation Zones have led to the formation of nearly 200 new companies. And that's why, in my administration, we'll offer $200 million a year in competitive matching grants for state and  local governments  to plan and grow regional economies  because when it's working together, the sum of a metro area can be greater than its parts.
And we won't just unlock the potential of our individual regions; we'll unlock the potential of all our regions by connecting them with a 21st century infrastructure. You know why this is so important. You see the traffic along I-95 in Miami. You see the crumbling roads and bridges, the aging water and sewer pipes, the faltering electrical grids that cost us billions in blackouts, repairs, and travel delays. It's gotten so bad that the American Society of  Civil Engineers  gave our national infrastructure a  D. � And it's no wonder  because we're spending less on our infrastructure than at any time in the modern era.
This is putting enormous pressure on the Highway  Trust Fund , which can no longer keep up with all the repairs that have to be made. Yet Senator McCain is actually proposing a gas tax gimmick that would take $3 billion a month out of the Highway  Trust Fund  and hand it over to the  oil companies . Well, at a time when the Highway  Trust Fund  is beginning to run a deficit for the first time in history, I think that's the last thing we can afford to do.
And just the other day, Senator McCain traveled to Iowa to express his sympathies for the victims of the recent flooding. I'm sure they appreciated the sentiment, but they probably would have appreciated it more if he hadn't voted against funding for levees and  flood control  programs, which he seems to consider pork. Well, we do have to reform budget earmarks, cut genuine pork, and dispense with unnecessary spending, as we confront a  budget crisis  left by the most fiscally irresponsible administration in  modern times .
But when it comes to rebuilding America's essential but crumbling infrastructure, we need to do more, not less. Cities across the Midwest are under  water right  now or courting disaster not just because of the weather, but because we've failed to protect them. Maintaining our levees and dams isn't  pork barrel  spending, it's an urgent priority, and that's what we'll do when I'm President. I'll also launch a National Infrastructure Reinvestment Bank that will invest $60 billion over ten years, and create nearly two million new jobs. The work will be determined by what will maximize our safety, security, and shared prosperity. Instead of building bridges to nowhere, let's build communities that meet the needs and reflect the dreams of our families. That's what this bank will help us do.
And we will fund this bank as we bring the war in Iraq to a responsible close. It's time to stop fighting a war that's stretching our Guard, straining our Reserves, and leaving your police and  fire stations  understaffed; a war that hasn't made us safer, and should have never been authorized and never been waged. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq and start investing that money in Phoenix, Nashville, Seattle, and metro areas across this country.
Let's invest that money in a world-class  transit system . Let's re-commit federal dollars to strengthen mass transit and reform our  tax code  to give folks a reason to take the bus instead of driving to work  because investing in mass transit helps make metro areas more livable and can help our regional economies grow. And while we're at it, we'll partner with our mayors to invest in green energy technology and ensure that your buses and buildings are energy efficient. And we'll also invest in our ports, roads, and high-speed rails  because I don't want to see the fastest train in the world built halfway around the world in Shanghai, I want to see it built right here in the  United States  of America.
And let's also upgrade our digital superhighway. It is unacceptable that here, in the country that invented the Internet, we fell to 15th in the world in broadband deployment. When kids can't afford or access high-speed Internet, it sets back America's ability to compete. That's why as President, I will set a simple goal: every American should have broadband access  no matter where you live, or how much money you have. We'll connect our schools and libraries and hospitals. And we'll take on the  special interests  to realize the potential of wireless spectrum for our safety and connectivity.
Now is not the time for small plans. Now is the time for bold action to rebuild and renew America. We've done this before. Two hundred years ago, in 1808, Thomas Jefferson oversaw an infrastructure plan that envisioned the  Homestead Act , the transcontinental railroads, and the Erie Canal. One hundred years later, in 1908, Teddy Roosevelt called together leaders from business and government to develop a plan for a 20th century infrastructure. Today, in 2008, it falls on us to take up this call again  to re-imagine America's landscape and remake America's future. That is the cause of this campaign, and that will be the cause of my presidency.
But understand  while the change we seek will require major investments by a more accountable government, it will not come from government alone. Washington can't solve all our problems. The statehouse can't solve all our problems.  City Hall  can't solve all our problems. It goes back to what I learned as a community organizer all those years ago  that change in this country comes not from the top-down, but from the bottom up. Change starts at a level that's even closer to the people than our mayors  it starts in our homes. It starts in our families. It starts by raising our children right, by turning off the TV, and putting away the  video games ; by going to those parent-teacher conferences and helping our children with their homework, and setting a  good example . It starts by being good neighbors and good citizens who are willing to volunteer in our communities  to keep them clean, to keep them safe, and to serve as mentors and teachers to all of our children.
That's where change begins. That's how we'll bring about change in our neighborhoods. And if change comes to our neighborhoods, then change will come to our cities. And if change comes to our cities, then change will come to our regions. And if change comes to our regions, then I truly believe change will come to every corner of this country we love.
Throughout our history, it's been our cities that have helped tell the American story. It was Boston that rose up against an Empire, and Philadelphia where liberty first rung out; it was St. Louis that opened a gateway west, and Houston that launched us to the stars; it was the Motor City that built the  middle class ; Miami that built a bridge to the Americas; and New York that showed the world one clear September morning that America stands together in times of trial.
That's the proud tradition our cities uphold. That's the story our cities have helped write. And if you're willing to work with me and fight with me and stand with me this fall, then I promise you this  we will not only rebuild and renew our American cities, north and south, east and west, but you and I  together  will rebuild and renew the promise of America. Thank you.
 
 
 
I want to start by thanking the folks here at Springs Preserve for the wonderful tour we just had. What we are seeing here  from the  solar panels  that power this facility to the Bombard workers who built it  is that a green,  renewable energy  economy isn't some pie-in-the-sky, far-off future, it is now. It is creating jobs, now. It is providing cheap alternatives to $140-a-barrel oil, now. And it can create millions of additional jobs and entire new industries if we act now.
All across the country, local leaders and entrepreneurs and  small business  owners are providing the innovation and initiative needed to make this transformation possible. In Pennsylvania, an old steel mill has become the home of a new  wind turbine  factory because of the state's push for renewable portfolio standards that require the production of more  alternative energy . Wisconsin is poised to gain more than 14,000 jobs at existing  manufacturing facilities  because of its investment in wind power. Where we're standing in Southern Nevada happens to be one of the best sources for the generation of  solar power  in the world. Next week, our friend and Senate  Majority Leader  Harry Reid will come here to cut the ribbon on a new thermal solar technology plant. And between solar, wind, and geothermal energy, this state could create upwards of 80,000 new jobs by 2025.
The possibilities of  renewable energy  are limitless. But to truly harness its potential, we urgently need real leadership from Washington  leadership that has been missing for decades. We have been talking about energy independence since Americans were waiting in  gas lines  during the 1970s. We've heard promises about it in every State of the Union for the last three decades. But each and every year, we become more, not less, addicted to oil  a 19th century  fossil fuel  that is dirty, dwindling, and dangerously expensive. Why? It isn't because the resources and technology aren't there. We know this because countries like Spain, Germany, and Japan have already leapt ahead of us when it comes to  renewable energy  technology. Germany, a country as cloudy as the Pacific Northwest, is now a  world leader  in the  solar power  industry and the quarter million new jobs it has created. In less than eight years, before we'd ever see a drop of oil from offshore drilling, they have doubled their  renewable energy  output. And they did it by using technology that, in some cases, was paid for by the  American people  through our own Research and Development  tax credits . The difference is, their government harnessed that technology by providing the necessary investments and incentives to jumpstart a  renewable energy  industry. Washington hasn't done that.
What Washington has done is what Washington always does  it's peddled false promises, irresponsible policy, and cheap gimmicks that might get politicians through the next election, but won't lead America toward the next generation of  renewable energy . And now we're paying the price. Now we've fallen behind the rest of the world. Now we're forced to beg  Saudi Arabia  for more oil. Now we're facing gas prices over $4 a gallon  gas prices that are decimating the savings of families who are already struggling in this economy. Like the man I met in Pennsylvania who lost his job and couldn't even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one. That's how badly folks are hurting. That's how badly Washington has failed.
For decades, John McCain has been a part of this failure in Washington. Yes, he has gone further than some in his party in speaking out on  climate change . And that is commendable. But time and time again, he has opposed investing in the alternative  sources of energy  that have helped fuel some of the very same projects and businesses he's highlighting in this campaign. He's voted against biofuels. Against  solar power . Against wind power. Against a 2005 energy bill that represented the largest ever investment in renewable  sources of energy   a bill that Senator McCain's own campaign co-chair, called "the biggest legislative breakthrough we've had" since he's been in the Senate. That bill certainly wasn't perfect  it contained irresponsible  tax breaks  for  oil companies  that I consistently opposed, and that I will repeal as President. But the  tax credits  in that bill contributed to wind power growing 45% last year, the sharpest rise in decades. If John McCain had his way, those  tax credits  wouldn't exist. And if we don't renew key  tax incentives  for  alternative energy  production   tax incentives  that John McCain opposed continuing  we could lose up to 116,000 green jobs and $19 billion in investment just next year. And now he's talking about a  tax credit  for more efficient cars even though he helped George Bush block these credits twice in the last year.
After all those years in Washington, John McCain still doesn't get it. I commend him for his desire to accelerate the search for a battery that can power the cars of the future. I've been talking about this myself for the last few years. But I don't think a $300 million prize is enough. When John F. Kennedy decided that we were going to put a man on the moon, he didn't put a bounty out for some  rocket scientist  to win  he put the full resources of the  United States  government behind the project and called on the ingenuity and innovation of the  American people . That's the kind of effort we need to achieve energy independence in this country, and nothing less will do. But in this campaign, John McCain offering the same old gimmicks that will provide almost no short-term relief to folks who are struggling with high gas prices; gimmicks that will only increase our oil addiction for another four years.
Senator McCain wants a gas tax holiday that will save you  at most  thirty cents a day for three months. And that's only if the  oil companies  don't just jack up the price and pocket the savings themselves, which is exactly what they did when we tried to do the same thing in Illinois. He's willing to spend nearly $4 billion on more  tax breaks  for big  oil companies   including $1.2 billion for Exxon alone. He wants to open our coastlines to drilling  a proposal that his own top economic advisor admitted won't provide any short-term relief at the pump. It's a proposal that George Bush's Administration says will not provide a drop of oil  not a single drop  for at least ten years. And by the time the drilling is fully underway in twenty years, our own  Department of Energy  says that the effect on gas prices will be "insignificant." Insignificant.
Just yesterday, Senator McCain actually admitted this. In a  town hall  he said, and I quote, "I don't see an immediate relief" but "the fact that we are exploiting those reserves would have psychological impact that I think is beneficial." Psychological impact. In case you were wondering, that's Washington-speak for, "It polls well." It's an example of how Washington politicians try to convince you that they did something to make your life better when they really didn't. Well the  American people  don't need psychological relief or meaningless gimmicks to get politicians through the next election, they need real relief that will help them fill up their tanks and put food on their table. They need a long-term  energy strategy  that will reduce our dependence on foreign oil by investing in the renewable  sources of energy  that represent the future. That's what they need.
Meanwhile, the  oil companies  already own drilling rights to 68 million acres of  federal lands , onshore and offshore, that they haven't touched. 68 million acres that have the potential to nearly double America's total  oil production , and John McCain wants to give them more. Well that might make sense in Washington, but it doesn't make sense for America. In fact, it makes about as much sense as his proposal to build 45 new  nuclear reactors  without a plan to store the waste some place other than right here at Yucca Mountain. Folks, these are not serious  energy policies . They are not new  energy policies . And they are certainly not the kind of  energy policies  that will give families the relief they need or our country the oil independence we must have.
I realize that gimmicks like the gas tax holiday and offshore drilling might poll well these days. But I'm not running for President to do what polls well, I'm running to do what's right for America. I wish I could wave a  magic wand  and make gas prices go down, but I can't. What I can do  and what I will do  is push for a second stimulus package that will send out another round of rebate checks to the  American people . What I will do as President is tax the record profits of  oil companies  and use the money to help struggling families pay their energy bills. I will provide a $1,000  tax cut  that will go to 95% of all workers and their families in this country. And I will close the loophole that allows corporations like Enron to engage in unregulated speculation that ends up artificially driving up the price of oil. That's how we'll provide real relief to the  American people . That's the change we need.
I have a very different vision of what this country can and should achieve on energy in the next four years  in the next ten years. I have a plan to raise the fuel standards in our cars and trucks with technology we have on the shelf today  technology that will make sure we get more miles to the gallon. And we will provide  financial help  to our automakers and autoworkers to help them make this transition. I will invest $150 billion over the next ten years in alternative  sources of energy  like wind power, and  solar power , and advanced biofuels  investments that will create up to five million new jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; that will create billions of dollars in new business like you're already doing here in Nevada. And before we hand over more of our land and our coastline to  oil companies , I will charge those companies a fee for every acre that they currently lease but don't drill on. If that compels them to drill, we'll get more oil. If it doesn't, the fees will go toward more investment in renewable  sources of energy .
When all is said and done, my plan to increase our fuel standards will save American consumers from purchasing half a trillion gallons of gas over the next eighteen years. My entire energy plan will produce three times the oil savings that John McCain's ever could  and what's more, it will actually decrease our dependence on oil while his will only grow our addiction further.
And that's the choice that you face in this election. When you're facing $4 a gallon gas, do you want a gas tax gimmick that will save you at most thirty cents a day for three months and a drilling proposal that won't provide a drop of oil for ten years, or a second rebate check and $1,000  tax cut  to help your family pay the bills? When you look down the road five years from now or ten years from now, do you want to see an America that's begging dictators for more oil that we can't afford? An America that's fallen further behind the rest of the world when it comes to the jobs and industries of the future? Or do you want to see more places like Springs Preserve and Bombard Electric? More green jobs and green businesses? More innovation and ingenuity that helps this nation lead the way on affordable,  renewable energy ? That's the future I know we can have. That's the America I believe in. And that's where I will lead us if I have the chance to serve as your President. It will not be easy. It will not happen overnight. It will not come without cost or sacrifice. But it is possible. It is necessary. And places like this, and people like you, prove that we have the resources, and the skills, and the will to begin today. I look forward to joining you in that effort. Thank you.
 
 
 
I want to congratulate Senator Clinton on a hard-fought victory here in  New Hampshire .
A few weeks ago, no one imagined that we d have accomplished what we did here tonight. For most of this campaign, we were far behind, and we always knew our climb would be steep.
But in record numbers, you came out and spoke up for change. And with your voices and your votes, you made it clear that at this moment  in this election  there is something happening in America.
There is something happening when men and women in Des Moines and Davenport; in Lebanon and Concord come out in the snows of January to wait in lines that stretch block after block because they believe in what this country can be.
There is something happening when Americans who are young in age and in spirit  who have never before participated in politics  turn out in numbers we ve never seen because they know in their hearts that this time must be different.
There is something happening when people vote not just for the party they belong to but the hopes they hold in common  that whether we are rich or poor; black or white; Latino or Asian; whether we hail from Iowa or  New Hampshire , Nevada or South Carolina, we are ready to take this country in a fundamentally new direction. That is what s happening in America right now. Change is what s happening in America.
You can be the new majority who can lead this nation out of a long political darkness  Democrats, Independents and Republicans who are tired of the division and distraction that has clouded Washington; who know that we can disagree without being disagreeable; who understand that if we mobilize our voices to challenge the money and influence that s stood in our way and challenge ourselves to reach for something better, there s no problem we can t solve  no destiny we cannot fulfill.
Our new American majority can end the outrage of unaffordable, unavailable  health care  in our time. We can bring doctors and patients; workers and businesses, Democrats and Republicans together; and we can tell the drug and  insurance industry  that while they ll get a seat at the table, they don t get to buy every chair. Not this time. Not now.
Our new majority can end the  tax breaks  for corporations that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class  tax cut  into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.
We can stop sending our children to schools with corridors of shame and start putting them on a pathway to success. We can stop talking about how great teachers are and start rewarding them for their greatness. We can do this with our new majority.
We can harness the ingenuity of farmers and scientists; citizens and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil and save our planet from a point of no return.
And when I am President, we will end this war in Iraq and bring our troops home; we will finish the job against al Qaeda in Afghanistan; we will care for our veterans; we will restore our moral standing in the world; and we will never use 9/11 as a way to scare up votes, because it is not a tactic to win an election, it is a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century: terrorism and  nuclear weapons ;  climate change  and poverty; genocide and disease.
All of the candidates in this race share these goals. All have good ideas. And all are patriots who serve this country honorably.
But the reason our campaign has always been different is because it s not just about what I will do as President, it s also about what you, the people who love this country, can do to change it.
That s why tonight belongs to you. It belongs to the organizers and the volunteers and the staff who believed in our improbable journey and rallied so many others to join.
We know the battle ahead will be long, but always remember that no matter what obstacles stand in our way, nothing can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.
We have been told we cannot do this by a chorus of cynics who will only grow louder and more dissonant in the weeks to come. We ve been asked to pause for a reality check. We ve been warned against offering the people of this nation false hope.
But in the unlikely story that is America, there has never been anything false about hope. For when we have faced down impossible odds; when we ve been told that we re not ready, or that we shouldn t try, or that we can t, generations of Americans have responded with a simple creed that sums up the spirit of a people.
Yes we can.
It was a creed written into the founding documents that declared the destiny of a nation.
Yes we can.
It was whispered by slaves and abolitionists as they blazed a trail toward freedom through the darkest of nights.
Yes we can.
It was sung by immigrants as they struck out from distant shores and pioneers who pushed westward against an unforgiving wilderness.
Yes we can.
It was the call of workers who organized; women who reached for the ballot; a President who chose the moon as our new frontier; and a King who took us to the mountaintop and pointed the way to the  Promised Land .
Yes we can to justice and equality. Yes we can to opportunity and prosperity. Yes we can heal this nation. Yes we can repair this world. Yes we can.
And so tomorrow, as we take this campaign South and West; as we learn that the struggles of the textile worker in Spartanburg are not so different than the plight of the dishwasher in Las Vegas; that the hopes of the  little girl  who goes to a crumbling school in Dillon are the same as the dreams of the boy who learns on the streets of LA; we will remember that there is something happening in America; that we are not as divided as our politics suggests; that we are one people; we are one nation; and together, we will begin the next great chapter in America s story with three words that will ring from coast to coast; from sea to shining sea  Yes. We. Can.
 
 
 
NALEO  Opening Statement  I m proud to be here today not just as the Democratic nominee for President, but as the first  African American  nominee of my party, and I m hoping that somewhere out in this audience sits the person who will become the first Latino nominee of a major party.
You know, being here today is a reminder of why I m in this race. Because the reason I m running for President is to do what you do each day in your communities  help make a difference in the lives of ordinary Americans. And that s what I ve been working with Latino leaders to do ever since I entered  public service  more than twenty years ago.
We stood together when I was an organizer, lifting up neighborhoods in Chicago that had been devastated when the local  steel plants  closed. We stood together when I was a  civil rights  attorney, working with MALDEF and local Latino electeds to ensure that Latinos were being well represented in Chicago. And we marched together in the streets of Chicago to fix our broken immigration system. That s why you can trust me when I say that I ll be your partner in the  White House .
And that s what you need now more than ever. Because for eight long years, Washington hasn t been working for ordinary Americans. And few have been hit harder than Latinos and  African Americans . You know what I m talking about. You know folks like Felicitas and Fransisco, a couple I met in Las Vegas who were tricked into buying a home they couldn t afford. You know about the families all across this country who are out of work, or uninsured, or struggling to pay rising costs for everything from a tank of gas to a bag of groceries. And that s why you know that we need change in this country.
And while I respect John McCain, it s not change when he offers four more years of Bush  economic policies  that have failed to create jobs at a  living wage , or insure our workers, or help Americans afford the skyrocketing cost of college. That isn t change.
Now, one place where Senator McCain used to offer change was on immigration. He was a champion of comprehensive reform, and I admired him for it. But when he was running for his party s nomination, he walked away from that commitment and he s said he wouldn t even support his own legislation if it came up for a vote.
If we are going to solve the challenges we face, you need a President who will pursue genuine solutions day in and day out. And that is my commitment to you.
We need immigration reform that will secure our borders, and punish employers who exploit immigrant labor; reform that finally brings the 12 million people who are here illegally out of the shadows by requiring them to take steps to become legal citizens. We must assert our values and reconcile our principles as a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws. That is a priority I will pursue from my very first day.
And we can do something more. We can tear town the barriers that keep the  American dream  out of reach for so many Americans. We can end the  housing crisis  and create millions of new jobs. We can make sure that the millions of Latinos who are uninsured get the same  health care  that I get as a  member of Congress . We can improve our schools, recruit teachers to your communities, and make college affordable for anyone who wants to go. And we can finally start serving our brave Latino  fighting men  and women and all our soldiers as well as they are serving us. We can do all this. Si se puede.
But I can t do this on my own. I need your help. This election could well come down to how many Latinos turn out to vote. And I m proud that my campaign is working hard to register more Latinos, and bring them into the  political process . Because I truly believe that if we work together and fight together and stand together this fall, then you and I  together  will change this county and change this world.
NALEO Closing Statement You know, a few years ago, I attended a naturalization workshop at St. Pius Church in Chicago. And as I walked down the aisle, I saw people clutching small  American flags , waiting for their turn to be called up so they could begin the long process to become U.S. citizens.
And at one point, a young girl, seven or eight, came up to me with her parents, and asked for my autograph. She said she was studying government in school and wanted to show it to her third grade class. I asked her what her name was, and she said her name was Cristina. I told her parents they should be very proud of her.
And as I watched Cristina translate my words into Spanish for them, I was reminded that for all the noise and anger that too often surrounds the immigration debate, America has nothing to fear from today s immigrants. They have come here for the same reason that families have always come here, for the same reason my father came here  for the hope that in America, they could build a better life for themselves and their families. Like the  waves of immigrants  that came before them and the Hispanic Americans like Ken Salazar whose families have been here for generations, the recent arrival of Latino immigrants will only enrich our country.
Ultimately, then, the danger to the  American way of life  is not that we will be overrun by those who do not look like us or do not yet speak our language. The danger will come if we fail to recognize the humanity of Cristina and her family  if we withhold from them the opportunities we take for granted, and create a servant class in our midst.
More broadly, the danger will come if we continue to stand idly by as the gap between Wall Street and  Main Street  grows, as Washington grows more out of touch, and as America grows more unequal. Because America can only prosper when all Americans prosper  brown, black, white, Asian, and  Native American . That s the idea that lies at the heart of my campaign, and that s the idea that will lie at the heart of my presidency. Because we are all Americans. Todos somos Americanos. And in this country, we  rise and fall  together.
 
 
 
For a  fact sheet , click here .
Tomorrow, we'll mark the 4th of July with barbecues and parades; fireworks and  time off  with  loved ones . We'll also have the opportunity to give thanks for our troops and veterans. Their sacrifice has made possible the freedom that we enjoy. And keeping faith with those who serve must always be a core American value and a cornerstone of American patriotism. Because America's commitment to its servicemen and women begins at enlistment, and it must never end.
Without that commitment, I might not be here today. My grandfather - Stanley Dunham - enlisted after Pearl Harbor and went on to march in Patton's Army. My grandmother worked on a bomber  assembly line  while he was gone, and my mother was born at Fort Leavenworth. When he returned, it was to a country that gave him the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill ; to buy his first home with a loan from the FHA; to move his family west, all the way to Hawaii, where he and my grandmother helped raise me. Today, my grandfather is buried in the Punchbowl, the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific, where 776 victims of Pearl Harbor are laid to rest.
I knew him when he was older. But whenever I meet young men and women along the  campaign trail  who are serving in the military today, I think about what my grandfather was like when he enlisted - a fresh-faced man of twenty-three, with a hearty laugh and an easy smile.
These sons and daughters of America are the best and the bravest among us. When our troops go into battle, they serve no faction or party; they represent no race or region. They are simply Americans. They serve and fight and bleed together out of loyalty not just to a place on a map or a certain kind of people, but to a set of ideals that we have been striving for since the first shots rang out at Lexington and Concord - the idea that America could be governed not by men, but by laws; that we could be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we could be free to say what we want and write what we want and worship as we please; that we could have the right to pursue our individual dreams, but the obligation to help our  fellow citizens  pursue theirs.
Allegiance to these ideals has always been at the core of American patriotism - it's what unites a country of so many different opinions and beliefs. At the same time, we must never forget that honoring these ideals must mean honoring the men and women who defend them in the uniform of the  United States . This requires more than saluting our veterans as they march by in a 4th of July parade. It requires only sending them to war when we must, and giving them the equipment they need to complete their mission safely. It requires giving them the care and benefits they have earned. And it requires standing shoulder-to-shoulder with our veterans and their families after the guns fall silent and the cameras are turned off.
We know that over the last eight years, we've often fallen short of meeting this test. We learned about the deplorable conditions that were discovered at places like Fort Bragg and Walter Reed. We've walked by a veteran whose home is now a cardboard box on a  street corner  in the richest nation on Earth. We've heard about what it's like to navigate the broken bureaucracy of the VA - the impossibly long lines, or the repeated calls for help that get you nothing more than an  answering machine .
It doesn't have to be this way. Not in this country. There are many aspects of the war in Iraq that have gone inalterably wrong, but caring for our veterans is one thing we can still get right.
When I arrived in the Senate, I sought out a seat on the Veterans Affairs Committee so I could fight to serve our veterans as well as they have served us. We fought to make sure that the claims of disabled veterans in Illinois and other states were being heard fairly. We passed laws to get homeless veterans off the streets and to prevent at-risk veterans from getting there in the first place. I led a bipartisan effort to improve outpatient facilities at places like Walter Reed, and to slash  red tape , and reform the disability process - because recovering troops should go to the front of the line, and they shouldn't have to fight to get there. And we passed laws to give  family members   health care  while they care for injured troops, and a year of  job protection  so they never have to face a choice between caring for a  loved one  and keeping a job.
But there is so much more work that we need to do in this country. We have much further to go to keep our sacred trust with the men and women who serve.
That's why I've pledged to build a 21st century VA as President. It means no more  red tape  - it's time to give every service-member electronic copies of medical and service records upon discharge. It means no more shortfalls - we'll fully fund VA  health care , and add more Vet Centers, particularly in  rural areas . It means no more delays - we'll pass on-time budgets. It means no more means-testing - it's time to allow every veteran into the VA system. And it means we'll have a simple principle for veterans sleeping on our streets:  zero tolerance . As President, I'll build on the work I started in the Senate and expand housing vouchers, and launch a new supportive services  housing program  to prevent at-risk veterans and their families from sliding into homelessness.
I'll also build on the work I did in the Senate to confront one of the signature injuries of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan  Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. We have to understand that for far too many troops and their families, the war doesn't end when they come home. But only half of troops returning with PTSD receive the treatment they need. Think of how many we turn away - of how many we let fall through the cracks; of how many suffer in silence. We have to do better than this.
In the Senate, I've helped lead a bipartisan effort to stop the unfair practice of kicking out troops who suffer from PTSD. And when I'm President, we'll enhance  mental health  screening and treatment at all levels. We also need more  mental health  professionals, more training to recognize signs and to reject the stigma of seeking care. And we need to dramatically improve screening and treatment for the other signature injury of the war, Traumatic  Brain Injury . That's why I passed measures in the Senate to increase screening for these injuries, and that's why I'll establish clearer standards of care as President.
We have called on our troops and their families for so much during these last years, but we haven't always issued that call responsibly. We need to restore  twelve month  Army deployments, but we also need to restore adequate training and time at home between those deployments. My wife, Michelle, recently met with Army spouses in North Carolina who told her about the toll it takes to have your  loved one  leave for tour after  tour of duty . And they told her something we all need to remember: "We don't just deploy our troops overseas, we deploy families." That's why we also need to provide more counseling and resources to help families cope with multiple tours. That's what we owe our military families who have sacrificed so much for us.
And when our  loved ones  do come home, it is time for the  United States  of America to offer this generation of returning heroes the same thanks we offered that earlier, Greatest Generation - by giving every veteran the same opportunity that my grandfather had under the  GI Bill . That's why I was proud to be a strong supporter of the 21st Century  GI Bill  that was introduced by my friend Senator Jim Webb. This bill will provide every returning veteran with a real chance to afford a  college education , and it won't harm retention.
The brave Americans who fight today believe deeply in this country. And no matter how many you meet, or how many stories of heroism you hear, every encounter reminds that they are truly special. That through their service, they are living out the ideals that stir so many of us as Americans - pride, duty, and sacrifice.
Some of the most inspiring are those you meet at places like Walter Reed  Army Medical  Center. They are young men and women who may have lost a limb or even their ability to take care of themselves, but they will never lose the pride they feel for their country. It's this classically American optimism that makes you realize the quality of person we have serving in the  United States   Armed Forces .
This, after all, is what led them to wear the uniform in the first place - their unwavering belief in the idea of America. The idea that no matter where you come from, or what you look like, or who your parents are, this is a place where anything is possible; where anyone can make it; where we look out for each other, and take care of each other; where we  rise and fall  as one nation - as one people. It's an idea that's worth fighting for - an idea for which so many Americans have given that last full measure of devotion.
I can still remember the day that we laid my grandfather to rest. In a cemetery lined with the graves of Americans who have sacrificed for our country, we heard the solemn notes of Taps and the crack of guns fired in salute; we watched as a folded flag was handed to my grandmother. It was a nation's  final act  of service and gratitude to Stanley Dunham - an America that stood by my grandfather when he took off the uniform, and never left his side.
Abraham Lincoln once said, "I like to see a man proud of the place in which he lives. But I also like to see a man live so that his place will be proud of him." There is no doubt that we are a nation that is deeply proud of where we live. But it is now our task to live in a way that Stanley Dunham lived; to live the way that those heroes at Walter Reed have lived. It is now our task to live so that America will be proud of us. That is the true test of patriotism - the test that all of us must meet in the days and years to come. So as we mark this Independence Day, let us rededicate ourselves to meeting that challenge, and to serving those who have worn the uniform of the  United States  as well as they have served us.
 
 
 
On a spring morning in April of 1775, a simple band of colonists  farmers and merchants, blacksmiths and printers, men and boys  left their homes and families in Lexington and Concord to take up arms against the tyranny of an Empire. The odds against them were long and the risks enormous  for even if they survived the battle, any ultimate failure would bring  charges of treason , and death by hanging.
And yet they took that chance. They did so not on behalf of a particular tribe or lineage, but on behalf of a larger idea. The idea of liberty. The idea of God-given, inalienable rights. And with the first shot of that fateful day  a shot heard round the world  the  American Revolution , and America's experiment with democracy, began.
Those men of Lexington and Concord were among our first patriots. And at the beginning of a week when we celebrate the birth of our nation, I think it is fitting to pause for a moment and reflect on the meaning of patriotism  theirs, and ours. We do so in part because we are in the midst of war  more than one and a half million of our finest young men and women have now fought in Iraq and Afghanistan; over 60,000 have been wounded, and over 4,600 have been laid to rest. The costs of war have been great, and the debate surrounding our mission in Iraq has been fierce. It is natural, in light of such sacrifice by so many, to think more deeply about the commitments that bind us to our nation, and to each other.
We reflect on these questions as well because we are in the midst of a  presidential election , perhaps the most consequential in generations; a contest that will determine the course of this nation for years, perhaps decades, to come. Not only is it a debate about big issues   health care , jobs, energy, education, and retirement security  but it is also a debate about values. How do we keep ourselves safe and secure while preserving our liberties? How do we restore trust in a government that seems increasingly removed from its people and dominated by  special interests ? How do we ensure that in an increasingly  global economy , the winners maintain allegiance to the less fortunate? And how do we resolve our differences at a time of increasing diversity? Finally, it is worth considering the meaning of patriotism because the question of who is  or is not  a patriot all too often poisons our political debates, in ways that divide us rather than bringing us together. I have come to know this from my own experience on the  campaign trail . Throughout  my life , I have always taken my deep and abiding love for this country as a given. It was how I was raised; it is what propelled me into  public service ; it is why I am running for President. And yet, at certain times over the last sixteen months, I have found, for the first time, my patriotism challenged  at times as a result of my own carelessness, more often as a result of the desire by some to score political points and raise fears about who I am and what I stand for.
So let me say at this at outset of my remarks. I will never question the patriotism of others in this campaign. And I will not stand idly by when I hear others question mine.
My concerns here aren't simply personal, however. After all, throughout our history, men and women of far greater stature and significance than me have had their patriotism questioned in the midst of momentous debates. Thomas Jefferson was accused by the Federalists of selling out to the French. The anti-Federalists were just as convinced that John Adams was in cahoots with the British and intent on restoring monarchal rule. Likewise, even our wisest Presidents have sought to justify questionable policies on the basis of patriotism. Adams' Alien and Sedition Act, Lincoln's suspension of  habeas corpus , Roosevelt's internment of Japanese Americans  all were defended as expressions of patriotism, and those who disagreed with their policies were sometimes labeled as unpatriotic.
In other words, the use of patriotism as a political sword or a political shield is as old as the Republic. Still, what is striking about today's patriotism debate is the degree to which it remains rooted in the culture wars of the 1960s  in arguments that go  back forty  years or more. In the early years of the  civil rights  movement and opposition to the Vietnam War, defenders of the  status quo  often accused anybody who questioned the wisdom of  government policies  of being unpatriotic. Meanwhile, some of those in the so-called counter-culture of the Sixties reacted not merely by criticizing particular  government policies , but by attacking the symbols, and in extreme cases, the very idea, of America itself  by burning flags; by blaming America for all that was wrong with the world; and perhaps most tragically, by failing to honor those veterans coming home from Vietnam, something that remains a national shame to this day.
Most Americans never bought into these simplistic world-views  these caricatures of left and right. Most Americans understood that dissent does not make one unpatriotic, and that there is nothing smart or sophisticated about a cynical disregard for America's traditions and institutions. And yet the anger and turmoil of that period never entirely drained away. All too often our politics still seems trapped in these old, threadbare arguments  a fact most evident during our recent debates about the war in Iraq, when those who opposed  administration policy  were tagged by some as unpatriotic, and a general providing his best counsel on how to move forward in Iraq was accused of betrayal.
Given the enormous challenges that lie before us, we can no longer afford these sorts of divisions. None of us expect that arguments about patriotism will, or should, vanish entirely; after all, when we argue about patriotism, we are arguing about who we are as a country, and more importantly, who we should be. But surely we can agree that no party or political philosophy has a monopoly on patriotism. And surely we can arrive at a definition of patriotism that, however rough and imperfect, captures the best of America's common spirit.
What would such a definition look like? For me, as for most Americans, patriotism starts as a  gut instinct , a loyalty and love for country rooted in my earliest memories. I'm not just talking about the recitations of the  Pledge of Allegiance  or the Thanksgiving pageants at school or the fireworks on the Fourth of July, as wonderful as those things may be. Rather, I'm referring to the way the American ideal wove its way throughout the lessons my family taught me as a child.
One of my earliest memories is of sitting on my grandfather's shoulders and watching the astronauts come to shore in Hawaii. I remember the cheers and small flags that people waved, and my grandfather explaining how we Americans could do anything we set our minds to do. That's my idea of America.
I remember listening to my grandmother telling stories about her work on a bomber assembly-line during  World War II . I remember my grandfather handing me his dog-tags from his time in Patton's Army, and understanding that his defense of this country marked one of his greatest  sources of pride . That's my idea of America.
I remember, when living for four years in Indonesia as a child, listening to my mother reading me the first lines of the  Declaration of Independence   "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. That they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." I remember her explaining how this declaration applied to every American, black and white and brown alike; how those words, and words of the  United States  Constitution, protected us from the injustices that we witnessed other people suffering during those years abroad. That's my idea of America.
As I got older, that  gut instinct   that America is the greatest country on earth  would survive my growing awareness of our nation's imperfections: it's ongoing  racial strife ; the perversion of our  political system  laid bare during the Watergate hearings; the wrenching poverty of the Mississippi Delta and the hills of Appalachia. Not only because, in my mind, the joys of American life and culture, its vitality, its variety and its freedom, always outweighed its imperfections, but because I learned that what makes America great has never been its perfection but the belief that it can be made better. I came to understand that our revolution was waged for the sake of that belief  that we could be governed by laws, not men; that we could be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we could be free to say what we want and assemble with whomever we want and worship as we please; that we could have the right to pursue our individual dreams but the obligation to help our  fellow citizens  pursue theirs.
For a young man of  mixed race , without firm anchor in any particular community, without even a father's steadying hand, it is this essential American idea  that we are not constrained by the accident of birth but can make of our lives what we will  that has defined  my life , just as it has defined the life of so many other Americans.
That is why, for me, patriotism is always more than just loyalty to a place on a map or a certain kind of people. Instead, it is also loyalty to America's ideals  ideals for which anyone can sacrifice, or defend, or give their last full measure of devotion. I believe it is this loyalty that allows a country teeming with different races and ethnicities, religions and customs, to come together as one. It is the application of these ideals that separate us from Zimbabwe, where the  opposition party  and their supporters have been silently hunted, tortured or killed; or Burma, where tens of thousands continue to struggle for basic food and shelter in the wake of a monstrous storm because a  military junta  fears opening up the country to outsiders; or Iraq, where despite the heroic efforts of our military, and the courage of many ordinary Iraqis, even limited cooperation between various factions remains far too elusive.
I believe those who attack America's flaws without acknowledging the singular greatness of our ideals, and their proven capacity to inspire a better world, do not truly understand America.
Of course, precisely because America isn't perfect, precisely because our ideals constantly demand more from us, patriotism can never be defined as loyalty to any particular leader or government or policy. As Mark Twain, that greatest of American satirists and proud son of Missouri, once wrote, "Patriotism is supporting your country all the time, and your government when it deserves it." We may hope that our leaders and our government stand up for our ideals, and there are many times in our history when that's occurred. But when our laws, our leaders or our government are out of alignment with our ideals, then the dissent of ordinary Americans may prove to be one of the truest expression of patriotism.
The young preacher from Georgia, Martin Luther King, Jr., who led a movement to help America confront our tragic history of racial injustice and live up to the meaning of our creed  he was a patriot. The young soldier who first spoke about the prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib  he is a patriot. Recognizing a wrong being committed in this country's name; insisting that we deliver on the promise of our Constitution  these are the acts of patriots, men and women who are defending that which is best in America. And we should never forget that  especially when we disagree with them; especially when they make us uncomfortable with their words.
Beyond a loyalty to America's ideals, beyond a willingness to dissent on behalf of those ideals, I also believe that patriotism must, if it is to mean anything, involve the willingness to sacrifice  to give up something we value on behalf of a larger cause. For those who have fought under the flag of this nation  for the young veterans I meet when I visit Walter Reed; for those like John McCain who have endured physical torment in service to our country  no further proof of such sacrifice is necessary. And let me also add that no one should ever devalue that service, especially for the sake of a political campaign, and that goes for supporters on both sides.
We must always express our profound gratitude for the service of our men and women in uniform. Period. Indeed, one of the  good things  to emerge from the current conflict in Iraq has been the widespread recognition that whether you support this war or oppose it, the sacrifice of our troops is always worthy of honor.
For the rest of us  for those of us not in uniform or without  loved ones  in the military  the call to sacrifice for the country's greater good remains an imperative of citizenship. Sadly, in recent years, in the midst of war on two fronts, this call to service never came. After 9/11, we were asked to shop. The wealthiest among us saw their tax obligations decline, even as the costs of war continued to mount. Rather than work together to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and thereby lessen our vulnerability to a volatile region, our  energy policy  remained unchanged, and our oil dependence only grew.
In spite of this absence of leadership from Washington, I have seen a new generation of Americans begin to take up the call. I meet them everywhere I go,  young people  involved in the project of American renewal; not only those who have signed up to fight for our country in distant lands, but those who are fighting for a better America here at home, by teaching in underserved schools, or caring for the sick in understaffed hospitals, or promoting more sustainable  energy policies  in their local communities.
I believe one of the tasks of the next Administration is to ensure that this movement towards service grows and sustains itself in the years to come. We should expand AmeriCorps and grow the  Peace Corps . We should encourage  national service  by making it part of the requirement for a new college assistance program, even as we strengthen the benefits for those whose  sense of duty  has already led them to serve in our military.
We must remember, though, that true patriotism cannot be forced or legislated with a mere set of government programs. Instead, it must reside in the hearts of our people, and cultivated in the heart of our culture, and nurtured in the hearts of our children.
As we begin our fourth century as a nation, it is easy to take the extraordinary nature of America for granted. But it is our responsibility as Americans and as parents to instill that history in our children, both at home and at school. The loss of quality civic education from so many of our classrooms has left too many young Americans without the most basic knowledge of who our forefathers are, or what they did, or the significance of the founding documents that bear their names. Too many children are ignorant of the sheer effort, the risks and sacrifices made by previous generations, to ensure that this country survived war and depression; through the great struggles for civil, and social, and worker's rights.
It is up to us, then, to teach them. It is up to us to teach them that even though we have faced great challenges and made our share of mistakes, we have always been able to come together and make this nation stronger, and more prosperous, and more united, and more just. It is up to us to teach them that America has been a force for good in the world, and that other nations and other people have looked to us as the last, best hope of Earth. It is up to us to teach them that it is good to give back to one's community; that it is honorable to serve in the military; that it is vital to participate in our democracy and make our voices heard.
And it is up to us to teach our children a lesson that those of us in politics too often forget: that patriotism involves not only defending this country against external threat, but also working constantly to make America a better place for  future generations .
When we pile up mountains of debt for the next generation to absorb, or put off changes to our  energy policies , knowing full well the potential consequences of inaction, we are placing our short-term interests ahead of the nation's long-term well-being. When we fail to educate effectively millions of our children so that they might compete in a  global economy , or we fail to invest in the basic scientific research that has driven innovation in this country, we risk leaving behind an America that has fallen in the ranks of the world. Just as patriotism involves each of us making a commitment to this nation that extends beyond our own immediate  self-interest , so must that commitment extends beyond our own time here on earth.
Our greatest leaders have always understood this. They've defined patriotism with an eye toward posterity. George Washington is rightly revered for his leadership of the Continental Army, but one of his greatest acts of patriotism was his insistence on stepping down after two terms, thereby setting a pattern for those that would follow, reminding future presidents that this is a government of and by and for the people.
Abraham Lincoln did not simply win a war or hold the Union together. In his unwillingness to demonize those against whom he fought; in his refusal to succumb to either the hatred or  self-righteousness  that war can unleash; in his ultimate insistence that in the aftermath of war the nation would no longer remain half slave and half free; and his trust in the better angels of our nature  he displayed the wisdom and courage that sets a standard for patriotism.
And it was the most famous son of Independence, Harry S Truman, who sat in the  White House  during his  final days  in office and said in his Farewell Address: "When Franklin Roosevelt died, I felt there must be a million men better qualified than I, to take up the Presidential task ¦But through all of it, through all the years I have worked here in this room, I have been well aware than I did not really work alone  that you were working with me. No President could ever hope to lead our country, or to sustain the burdens of this office, save the people helped with their support." In the end, it may be this quality that best describes patriotism in my mind  not just a love of America in the abstract, but a very particular love for, and faith in, the  American people . That is why our heart swells with pride at the sight of our flag; why we shed a tear as the lonely notes of Taps sound. For we know that the greatness of this country  its victories in war, its enormous wealth, its scientific and cultural achievements  all result from the energy and imagination of the  American people ; their toil, drive, struggle, restlessness, humor and quiet heroism.
That is the liberty we defend  the liberty of each of us to pursue our own dreams. That is the equality we seek  not an equality of results, but the chance of every single one of us to make it if we try. That is the community we strive to build  one in which we trust in this sometimes messy democracy of ours, one in which we continue to insist that there is nothing we cannot do when we put our mind to it, one in which we see ourselves as part of a larger story, our own fates wrapped up in the fates of those who share allegiance to America's happy and singular creed.
Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
I've often said that this election represents a defining moment in our history. On  major issues  like the war in Iraq or the warming of our planet, the decisions we make in November and over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century.
That is especially true when it comes to our economy.
Most of you already know this  not just because you see headlines about  job loss  and foreclosures and recession, but because you feel the effects of all this in your own lives. You're working harder than ever to pay bills that are getting bigger than ever and there's not much left over at the end of the month. You're trying to juggle the demands of work and family. You're driving less and saving less. You're worried about the value of your home and whether you'll be able to afford college for your kids and still retire at a decent age.
For millions of families, these everyday worries and long-term anxieties have grown considerably worse over the last year. But they are rooted in fundamental changes in our economy that began years earlier.
Over the last few decades, revolutions in technology and communication have made it so that corporations can send good jobs anywhere in the world there's an internet connection. Children in Charlotte aren't just competing for the same good jobs with children from Boston, but with children in Bangalore and Beijing as well. Two-income families haven't just become more common, they've become a necessity to keep up with rising costs and wages that haven't grown.
But as our world and our economy have changed, only Washington has stood still. The progress we made during the 1990s was quickly reversed by an Administration with a single philosophy that is as old as it is misguided: reward not work, not success, but pure wealth. Give massive  tax breaks  to big corporations and multimillionaires and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. Sacrifice investments in  health care  and education and energy and technology to pay for these  tax breaks , and borrow the rest from countries like China, leaving our children to foot the bill.
Well it's painfully clear by now how badly this strategy has failed. And this is a fundamental issue in this campaign, because Senator McCain and I have very different views of where our economy is today, and where we need to go.
Senator McCain said earlier this year that America has made "great progress economically" over the past eight years. He believes we're on the right track, and he's launching a new economic tour today with policies that are very much the same as those we have seen from the Bush Administration.
In fact, the central component of Senator McCain's economic plan is $300 billion more in  tax cuts  for big corporations and multimillionaires  less than a quarter of which will benefit the 80% of American families that make up the bulk of our middle-class. Less than a quarter.
Under Senator McCain's economic plan, Exxon Mobil  a company that recently reported the biggest profit in history  would get $1.2 billion in  tax breaks , while less than a quarter of the benefits would go to the middle-class. What's worse  he has no concrete plan to pay for these  tax breaks , so his policies would actually add more than $2 or $3 trillion to the  national debt  over the next decade and weaken our economy even further. If this sounds familiar, it's because it's exactly what George Bush has done for the last eight years. It hasn't worked, it won't work, and it is time to try something new.
I won't stand here and pretend that we can or should undo the economic transformations that have taken place over the last few decades. There are jobs that aren't coming back and this world will always be more competitive. But I do believe that if all of us are willing to share the burdens and benefits of this new economy, then all of us will prosper  not just because government makes it so, but because we're willing to take responsibility as individuals to work harder and think more and innovate further.
I believe this because I know that in America, our prosperity has always risen from the bottom-up. From the earliest days of our founding, it has been the  hard work  and ingenuity of our people that's served as the wellspring of our  economic strength . That's why we built a system of free public  high schools  when we transitioned from a nation of farms to a nation of factories. That's why we sent my grandfather's generation to college on the  GI Bill , which helped create the largest middle-class in history. That's why we've invested in the science and research that have led to new discoveries and entire new industries. And that's what this country will do again when I am President of the  United States .
The other week I laid out what America needs to do to remain competitive in the 21st century. It's an agenda that will require us first and foremost to train and educate our workforce with the skills necessary to compete in a knowledge-based economy. We'll also need to place a greater emphasis on areas like science and technology that will define the workforce of the 21st century, and invest in the research and innovation necessary to create the jobs and industries of the future right here in America. One place where that investment would make an enormous difference is in a  renewable energy  policy that ends our addiction on foreign oil, provides real long-term relief from high fuel costs, and builds a green economy that could create up to five million well-paying jobs that can't be outsourced. We can also create millions of new jobs by rebuilding our schools, roads, bridges, and other critical infrastructure that needs repair.
And because we know that we can't or shouldn't put up walls around our economy, a long-term agenda will also find a way to make trade work for American workers. We do the cause of free-trade  a cause I believe in  no good when we pass  trade agreements  that hand out favors to  special interests  and do little to help workers who have to watch their factories close down. There is nothing protectionist about demanding that trade spreads the benefits of globalization as broadly as possible.
Those are the steps we can take to grow our economy and stay competitive as a nation. But today, I want to talk about my plan to not only ensure the economic security of middle-class families in the short-term, but to give them the chance to achieve economic success in the long-term; to make sure that Americans aren't just getting by, but getting ahead  that they're able to get a world-class education, build a  nest egg  and provide a better life for their children. We can make this new economy work for us if we finally change course in November.
The  first step  is to offer immediate relief to families who are struggling right now while helping to jumpstart  economic growth  and create jobs. Between a sluggish economy and gas prices rising above $4 a gallon, the  American people  cannot wait another six months for help. Instead of Washington gimmicks like a three-month gas tax holiday that will only pad  oil company  profits, we need to do what I called for months ago and pass a second stimulus package that provides energy rebate checks for working families, a fund to help families avoid foreclosure, and increased assistance for states that have been hard-hit by the  economic downturn . A few days ago I called on Senator McCain and all  members of Congress  to come together  Republicans and Democrats  in support of this $50 billion stimulus package. There are many policies we'll disagree on, but immediate relief for families who are struggling shouldn't be one of them. And so while I haven't received a response from Senator McCain yet, I look forward to hearing one soon.
The second step in my agenda is to help provide economic security for families who've been dealing with skyrocketing costs and stagnant wages for years. I believe it's time to reform our  tax code  so that it rewards work and not just wealth. So when I'm President, I'll shut down the corporate loopholes and  tax havens , and I'll use the money to help pay for a middle-class  tax cut  that will provide $1,000 of relief to 95% of workers and their families. We'll also eliminate  income taxes  for every retiree making less than $50,000 per year, because every senior deserves to live out their life in dignity and respect. And if Senator McCain wants a debate about taxes in this campaign, that's a debate I'm happy to have. Because if you're a family making less than $250,000, my plan will not raise your taxes  not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes , not any of your taxes. In fact, what Senator McCain should explain is why his  tax cut  for the  middle class  would leave out 101 million households, and why, for families that are lucky enough to get the  tax cut , it would be worth only about $125 in the  first year . The difference is  he trusts that prosperity will trickle down from corporations and the wealthiest few to everyone else. I believe that it's the  hard work  of middle-class Americans that fuels this nation's prosperity.
I'll also help families who are struggling under the crushing burden of  health care  costs by passing a plan that brings the  typical family 's premiums down by $2500 and guarantees coverage to everyone who wants it. Senator McCain's  health care  plan not only fails to cover every American and holds out less hope of cutting  health care  costs, it would actually tax your  health care  benefits for the first time ever. Over time this tax would grow and after just a few years it would be so large that middle-class families would face an overall  tax increase  from his plans. So that is a real choice in this election.
As we help families deal with rising costs, we also have to help those families who find themselves mired in debt. Since so many who are struggling to keep up with their mortgages are now shifting their debt to  credit cards , we have to make sure that  credit cards  don't become the next stage in the  housing crisis  because, once again, we failed to establish basic rules and oversight to protect consumers from predatory lending.
To make sure that Americans know what they're signing up for, I'll institute a five-star  rating system  to inform consumers about the level of risk involved in every  credit card . And we'll establish a  Credit Card   Bill of Rights  that will ban unilateral changes to  credit card  agreements; ban  rate hikes  on debt you already had; and ban interest charges on late fees. Americans need to pay what they owe, but you should pay what's fair, not just what fattens profits for some  credit card  company and they can get away with.
The same principle should apply to our bankruptcy laws. When I'm President, we'll reform our bankruptcy laws so that we give Americans who find themselves in debt a second chance. And we'll make sure that if you can demonstrate that you went bankrupt because of medical expenses, you can relieve that debt and get back on your feet.
But even as we take these steps, we also know that it's not enough to just get families back on their feet. We need to help hardworking families get ahead. We need to help the middle-class succeed because that's when our economy succeeds. That's why the third step in my agenda is to give families the help they need to build that  nest egg  and provide a better life for their children.
To make saving easier, we'll automatically enroll every worker in a workplace  pension plan  that stays with you from job to job. And for working families who earn under $75,000, we will start that  nest egg  for you by matching 50 percent of the first $1,000 you save and depositing it directly into your account.
To make a  college education  affordable for every American family, I'll make this promise to every student  your country will offer you $4,000 a year of tuition if you offer your country community or  national service  when you graduate. If you invest in America, America will invest in you.
To make it easier for families to own their own home and stay in that home, we'll crack down on predatory lenders, and help more Americans refinance their mortgages, and provide ten million homeowners a mortgage  tax credit  that will take ten percent off their  interest rate .
To help those mothers and fathers who are juggling work and family, I'll expand the  Child Care   Tax Credit , extend the Family Medical Leave Act to give more parents more time with their children, and make sure that every worker in America has access to seven days of paid  sick leave . I'll make sure that women get  equal pay  for an equal day's work, because that's what's right and that's what families need to get ahead. And to help those families who own  small businesses  that are the engine of prosperity in America, I will eliminate all  capital gains taxes  on start-ups and  small businesses  to encourage more innovation and  job creation .
There is no doubt that this agenda is ambitious. It will take resources in the wake of policies our debt like a war in Iraq that's costing us $10 billion a month. But the answer to our fiscal problems is not to short-change investments that will help our families get ahead  investments that are vital to our long-term growth as a nation. The answer is to make sure that we are finding a way to pay for these investments but cutting where we can. My plan is detailed and specific when it comes to cutting spending. In fact, all my new spending proposals would be more than paid for by spending reductions. I have a plan to responsibly end the war in Iraq and reduce overpayments for private plans in Medicare, something John McCain has no specific plan to do. I would also curb subsidies to banks making  student loans , return earmarks to their 2001 levels and reform no-bid contracts. I do this because I believe we can have a smarter government that pays its way while investing in our country's future.
You know, the Americans I've met over the last sixteen months in  town halls  and  living rooms ; on farms and front porches  they may come from different places and have different backgrounds, but they hold common hopes and dream the same simple dreams. They know government can't solve all their problems, and they don't expect it to. They believe in personal responsibility, and  hard work , and  self-reliance . They don't like seeing their  tax dollars  wasted.
But we also believe in fairness and opportunity  in an America where jobs are there for the willing; where  hard work  is rewarded with a decent living; where no matter how much you start with or where you come from or who your parents are, you can not just get by, but actually get ahead. That's the promise of this country, and I believe we can keep that promise together if we change course and get to work in the months and years ahead. Thank you.
 
 
 
In a few minutes, we'll open this up to a discussion about the changes that America must make to compete in the  global economy . I'm honored to be joined by leaders from government and the grassroots; from business and labor; from academia and the non-profit sector. Because for America to succeed, we'll have to join together to harness the energy and ingenuity of the  American people . This morning, I'd like to talk about how we're going to do just that.
For the last three weeks, I've been traveling around the country, talking about how we can change our economy so that it works for the  American people . I've also been listening.
I met with parents in Wisconsin who struggle to afford the groceries to let their family eat well, or the gas that takes them to and from work. I talked to a man in Missouri whose wife works two jobs and has arthritis that costs $1,500 a week to care for. I heard from a student in Minnesota who has done everything that's been asked of her, but worries that she won't be able to take her final tests because she's maxed out her  student loans . Stories like these can be found all across the country, because far too many Americans are working hard and doing their part, but still can't keep pace.
It's time for us to recognize that these  individual stories  connect to a larger American story. All of us have a stake in our common prosperity. When folks are struggling out on  Main Street , that pain is going to trickle up to Wall Street. And just as we must provide relief to Americans who are struggling, we also have to recognize that we're failing to put ourselves in a position to compete in the  global economy . Our country faces new challenges to our leadership in this young century. Our kids will grow up facing competition from their counterparts in Beijing and Bangalore. If we don't change course, there's no guarantee that the  American Dream  will be there for my daughters  or your sons  as it was there for us. America risks falling behind.
If we remain dependent on oil from dictators, we'll endanger our security, imperil our planet, pay more at the pump, and sit on the sidelines while the jobs of the future are created abroad.
If we can't give every child in America the chance to get a world-class education, we'll cripple their ability to make a living in a knowledge-based economy, and watch China and India move ahead in the race for the 21st century.
If we can't control skyrocketing  health care  costs, we'll confront a mounting moral crisis, and a major anchor on the ability of American business to compete.
If we don't rebuild our crumbling roads, rail bridges and electrical grid, we'll see our  standard of living  suffer, while we leave our communities less safe from terror or  natural disaster .
And if we don't invest in and encourage innovation, we could cede America's historic role as the engine of growth, and progress, and discovery for the  entire world .
These challenges are real. How we deal with them will shape the prosperity of every single American, and the future of America's leadership in the 21st century. Now, it falls to us to look at these problems, and to see the possibility embedded within them. It falls to us to do what generations of Americans have done before, and to remake the world as it should be.
My opponent in this campaign has served this country with honor, and I look forward to debating him on these issues. Because we have a very different view of the choices that America needs to make. He has supported and would continue  an agenda that has failed to keep pace with the challenges of the 21st century. I believe we must move in a new direction.
If we have the courage to commit to change, the  American people  can not just seize  but shape  the opportunities of the  global economy . Together, we can author our own story. Together, we can pursue a 21st century leadership agenda that's focused on five areas: energy, education,  health care , infrastructure, and innovation.
Success will not come from Washington  it must come from the dynamism, determination and ingenuity of the  American people ; through new partnerships between states and cities, the public and  private sector ; and through the active involvement of the  American people . But we also know that for our country to succeed, Washington has to change. Because at moments of great economic transformation, government must serve as a catalyst for change  to leverage all of the sectors of American society that are represented here today.
This can be the moment when we make a truly national effort to end our addiction to oil. Just as Roosevelt invested in an Arsenal of Democracy and Kennedy took us to the moon, we can be the generation that achieves  energy security , grows our economy, and saves our planet. American Presidents have been calling for this kind of effort since Nixon. But now is the time to act. We could have made that choice in 2000, but instead we got secret  task forces  and greater energy dependence. And we've watched as countries like Brazil and Germany have created hundreds of thousands of jobs. We have failed to act, and we've fallen behind.
I've proposed investing $150 billion in a green energy sector to create five million new jobs  good jobs that can't be outsourced. But this must merely be a spark for American industry and innovators to develop alternatives to oil and gas, and to create a new energy economy. If we do this, the great  assembly line  manufacturers of the 20th century can turn out cars that run on  renewable energy . The dictators who hold our security hostage will see their leverage disappear along with their revenue. The oceans will no longer rise, and our planet will be preserved. That's what we must do as a centerpiece of our competitiveness strategy as a nation.
This can be the moment when we make an historic commitment to education. Because we cannot be satisfied until every child in America  and I mean every child  has the same chance to get a world-class education that we want for our own children.
We need to commit $10 billion to give every child access to quality,  early childhood  education. But we also need a 50-state strategy that reaches down to the grassroots. To have successful schools, we need to recruit an army of new teachers, and provide them with better pay and more support  but we also have to develop new curricula and renewed accountability. To lift up our children, we need a national commitment  but we also need parents to get up off the couch, turn off the TV, and to read to their children. And to educate the best workforce in the world, a  college education  should be the birthright of every American  but we also have to ask our  young people  to invest in America through service, and we should work with our  Community Colleges  to provide new skills and lifelong learning. That's what we must do to extend the  American Dream .
This can be the moment when we finally come together to make  health care  affordable and accessible for every single American, and lower costs for all American families.
Here in Pittsburgh, we've seen the advances that can be made when we see the opportunities embedded in providing  health care . We can create a future where medical records are electronic, enhancing care and lowering costs. We can invest in new cures and put a new emphasis on prevention, so that we have a healthier and more productive population. We can forge new alliances between business and labor to ensure that workers are covered, and that corporations are no longer saddled with rising costs. That's how we're going to care for our people and help American businesses compete.
This can be the moment when we make a generational commitment to rebuild our infrastructure. That's what Teddy Roosevelt did when he brought together leaders from the public and  private sector  to plan for 20th century infrastructure. That's what we must do here in the 21st.
Washington can seed this effort. That's why I've proposed putting $60 billion into a National Infrastructure Reinvestment Bank to rebuild our roads and bridges, our rail and ports. This must leverage the kind of private investment that can create millions of jobs and remake our communities. Years from now, we could drive on new roads, depend on safe bridges and stronger levees, and connect our cities with high speed rail. We can begin the investment in a smart electrical grid to power  electric cars  and transmit  clean energy  across the country.
And we can achieve the simple goal of making sure that every American has access to the high speed broadband  no matter how much money you have, or where you come from, you should have access to this technology. That's what we must do to make sure that America runs on a strong, fair and efficient foundation.
And this can be the moment when we invest in the science and innovation that will shape our future. Because in a technology-driven economy, America must always stay on the  cutting edge .
That means reversing a trend where we devote a smaller and smaller share of our national resources to Research and Development. An innovation agenda must commit to funding  basic research  and making the R&D  tax credit  permanent. It must also exempt start-ups from  capital gains taxes , and remove bureaucratic barriers to entrepreneurs  for instance, by making our patent process more efficient and reliable. We need the discoveries of tomorrow to be made in our labs and universities  at Pitt and Carnegie Mellon. We need the  success stories  of tomorrow  the next Google, or the next Microsoft  to  take place  here in America.
This agenda is ambitious. It will take resources in the wake of policies that have  run up  our debt. But the answer to our fiscal problems is not to short-change investments in our ability to compete  investments that are vital to long-term growth. To stop mortgaging our children's future, we need to eliminate waste in existing programs, end the Iraq War, generate revenue by charging polluters for their emissions, and put an end to corporate loopholes and  tax cuts  for the wealthy. We can have a smarter government that pays its way while investing in our country's future.
That is how Washington must change to become a catalyst for growth. Because in cities and towns across America, I know that the  American people  are ready to rise to the challenge of a new moment  they just haven't been asked. It's time for that to change. Because there is nothing that Americans can't do when we choose to rise together.
For two hundred and fifty years, that is what has been done here in Pittsburgh. This is where U.S. Steel became the first billion dollar corporation, and turned out more steel at the dawn of the  Cold War  than the entire  Soviet Union . And just as that output built our cities and laid down the rails that connected them, the work that created that wealth was the foundation of a  middle class  where each generation's opportunities could extend a little further, and each individual's story could advance the larger American story. Many of the steel mills are gone. But this American city has found new opportunity through  health care  and IT; through finance and universities. Now, we must connect that local innovation and ingenuity to a national strategy.
The American story is never static. But as we move from one chapter to the next, we must always remember that our national greatness is advanced when we act on our fundamental goodness. America succeeds when the  playing field  is level and open, and people don't fall behind; when government is not an obstacle, but a catalyst for shared prosperity; when we come together to find new ways to expand the horizon of opportunity for each and every American. And with your help, that is the kind of America I want to build as President of the  United States .
 
 
 
Thank you, Mayor. And thank you for what you do every day as one of America's finest mayors. At heart, what Mayor Villaraigosa is doing today is the same thing he was doing as a fifteen year old when he volunteered to take part in a grape boycott led by Cesar Chavez  he's fighting to make this country more equal and just. And he is a shining example of what we can achieve when we build a government that reflects the diversity of the  United States  of America.
That's something I want to talk about because I'm told that today's theme is "diversity in government." So I've been thinking about why that's important and about what it means to have a government that represents all Americans. It's not just about making sure that men and women of every race, religion, and background are represented at every level of government  though that's a critical part of it. It's not just about sending a message to our children that everyone can lead and everyone can serve  although that too is important. It's about making sure that we have a government that knows that a problem facing any American is a problem facing all Americans.
It's about making sure our government knows that when there's a Hispanic girl stuck in a crumbling school who graduates without learning to read or doesn't graduate at all, that isn't just a Hispanic-American problem, that's an American problem.
When Hispanics lose their jobs faster than almost anybody else, or work jobs that pay less, and come with fewer benefits than almost anybody else, that isn't a Hispanic-American problem, that's an American problem.
When 12 million people live in hiding in this country and hundreds of thousands of people cross our borders illegally each year; when companies hire undocumented workers instead of legal citizens to avoid paying overtime or to avoid a union; and a nursing mother is torn away from her baby by an immigration raid, that is a problem that all of us  black, white, and brown  must solve as one nation.
A government that works for all Americans  that's the kind of government I'm talking about. And that's the kind of government I've been fighting to build throughout my over 20 years in  public service .
It's why I reached across the aisle in the Senate to fight for comprehensive immigration reform. It's why I brought Democrats and Republicans together in Illinois to put $100 million in  tax cuts  into the pockets of hardworking families, to expand  health care  to 150,000 children and parents, and to help end the outrage of Latinas making 57 cents for every dollar that many of their male coworkers make. It's why I worked with LULAC and MALDEF as a  civil rights  lawyer to register Latino voters and ensure that Hispanics had an equal voice in  City Hall .
And it's why I first moved to Chicago after college. As some of you know, I turned down more lucrative jobs and went to work for a group of churches so I could help turn around neighborhoods that were devastated when the local  steel plants  closed. I knew that change in those communities would not come easy. But I also knew that it wouldn't come at all if we didn't bring people together. So I reached out to  community leaders   black, brown, and white  and built a coalition on issues from failing schools to illegal dumping to unimmunized children. Together, we gave  job training  to the jobless, helped prevent students from dropping out of school, and taught people to stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them.
It was one of the most meaningful experiences of  my life   because it showed me that what holds this country together is that fundamental belief that we all have a stake in each other; that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper; and in this country, we  rise and fall  together.
It's an idea that's probably familiar to all of you because it's summed up by LULAC's founding creed  all for one and one for all. It's what led a group of immigrants who were tired of being sent to separate schools, and arrested for crimes they didn't commit and thrown in jail by juries they couldn't serve on, to come together and form this League nearly eighty years ago.
It's what led you to take up the cause of a fallen soldier from South Texas who'd returned from fighting fascism in a casket, but was denied burial beside the men he fought with and bled with because of the color of his skin. You've helped ensure that no one who's worn the proud uniform of the  United States  of America is denied the rights and respect they deserve.
It's what led a local LULAC council to forge a  better future  for children in Houston by launching a program that not only taught them English, and helped ensure they went on to graduate, but served as the basis for the  Head Start  program that's helped lift so many children out of poverty. It's what led you to make women equal partners in the battle for  civil rights  long before so many other organizations did the same. And it's what's driving you today in your communities to put opportunity, equality, and justice within reach for Latino families.
All for one and one for all. It's the idea that's at the heart of LULAC. It's the idea that's at the heart of America. And it's what this election is all about. It's about the future we can build together.
It's about all the people who are paying a price because of our broken immigration system; all the communities that are taking immigration enforcement into their own hands; and all the neighborhoods that are seeing rising tensions as citizens are pit against new immigrants. They need us to put an end to the petty partisanship that passes for politics in Washington and enact comprehensive immigration reform once and for all.
Now, I know Senator McCain used to buck his party on immigration by fighting for comprehensive reform, and I admired him for it. But when he was running for his party's nomination, he abandoned his courageous stance, and said that he wouldn't even support his own legislation if it came up for a vote. Well, for eight long years, we've had a President who made all kinds of promises to Latinos on the  campaign trail , but failed to live up to them in the  White House , and we can't afford that anymore. We need a President who isn't going to walk away from something as important as comprehensive reform when it becomes politically unpopular.
That's the commitment I'm making to you. I marched with you in the streets of Chicago to meet our immigration challenge. I fought with you in the Senate for comprehensive immigration reform. And I will make it a  top priority  in my  first year  as President  not only because we have an obligation to secure our borders and get control of who comes  in and out  of our country. And not only because we have to crack down on employers who are abusing  undocumented immigrants  instead of hiring citizens. But because we have to finally bring  undocumented immigrants  out of the shadows. Yes, they broke the law. And they should have to pay a fine, and learn English, and go to the back of the line. That's how we'll put them on a pathway to citizenship. That's how we'll finally fix our broken immigration system and avoid creating a servant class in our midst. It's time to reconcile our values and principles as a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws. That's what this election is all about.
It's about the couple I met in North Las Vegas who saved up for decades, only to be tricked into buying a home they couldn't afford, and are now struggling to raise their four daughters; it's about all the Latino families who are the first ones hurt by an  economic downturn  and the last ones helped by an economic upturn. They can't afford another four years of the Bush  economic policies  that Senator McCain is offering  policies that give  tax breaks  to big corporations and the wealthiest Americans, while doing little for the struggling families who need help most.
They need us to restore fairness to our economy by putting a  tax cut  into the pockets of workers and  small business  owners; by ending  tax breaks  for companies that ship jobs overseas and giving them to companies that create good jobs here at home; by solving the  housing crisis , and giving relief to struggling homeowners, and investing in infrastructure to create new jobs in the  construction industry  that's been so hard hit. That's what this election is about.
It's about the one in three Latinas who don't have  health care ; and the  small business  owners who are doing everything they can to succeed but are struggling to stay afloat because of the rising cost of  health care . They cannot afford another four years of the Bush  health care  policies that Senator McCain is offering  policies that won't solve our  health care  crisis, but will make you pay taxes on your  health care  for the first time ever.
They need us to stand up to the big drug and  insurance companies , guarantee  health insurance  for anyone who needs it, make it affordable for anyone who wants it, and cut costs for business and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses and conditions. That's what this election is about.
It's about the Latino students who are dropping out of school faster than nearly anybody else; the mother in L.A. who said she felt like the  education system  wasn't designed for people like her; and the children from West Chicago to the South Bronx who go to overflowing classes in underfunded schools taught by teachers who aren't getting the support they need. They cannot afford another four years of false promises and neglect.
They need us to invest in  early childhood  education, stop leaving the money behind for No Child Left Behind, recruit an army of new teachers to your communities and make college affordable for anyone who wants to go  because that's how we'll give every American the skills to compete in our  global economy . And that's what this election is all about.
It's about giving all Americans a fair shot at the  American dream . That's what most Americans are looking for. It's not a lot. Americans don't need government to solve all their problems, and they don't want it to. They just want to know that if they put in the work that's required, they'll be able to build a better life not just for themselves, but for their children and grandchildren. It's the idea that in this country, the only limit to success is how big you're willing to dream and how hard you're willing to work. And as my friend Henry Cisneros said to me the other day, nobody embodies this spirit more than the Latino community.
I was reminded of this a few years ago when I attended a naturalization workshop at St. Pius Church in Pilsen. As I was walking down the aisle, I saw people clutching small  American flags , waiting for their turn to be called up so they could begin the long process to become U.S. citizens.
And at one point, a young girl, seven or eight, came up to me with her parents, and asked for my autograph. She said her name was Cristina, and that she was studying government in school. I told her parents that they should be very proud of her.
And as I listened to Cristina translate my words into Spanish for them, it struck me that for all the noise and anger that so often clouds the discussion about immigration in this country, America has nothing to fear from our newcomers. They have come here for the same reason that families have always come here, for the same reason that my own father came here from Kenya so many years ago  in the hope that here, in America, you can make it if you try.
Ultimately, then, the danger to the  American way of life  is not that we will be overrun by those who do not look like us or do not yet speak our language. It will come if we fail to recognize the humanity of Cristina and her family  if we withhold from them the same opportunities we take for granted; or more broadly, if we stand idly by as our problems grow, as more and more Americans go without quality jobs, affordable  health care , or the skills they need to get ahead in the 21st century. Because America can only prosper if all Americans prosper.
It goes back to the idea that's at the heart of LULAC  that it's all for one and one for all. That's the idea we need to reclaim in this country. And that's the idea that we can reclaim in this election.
But I can't do this on my own. I need your help. This election could well be decided by Latino voters. Every four years some of the closest contests  take place  in Florida, Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico  states with large Latino communities. In 2004, 40,000 Latinos who were registered to vote in New Mexico didn't turn out on Election Day, and Senator Kerry lost that state by less than 6,000 votes. 6,000 votes. That's a small fraction of the number of Latinos who aren't even registered to vote in New Mexico today. So while I know how powerful a community you are, I also know how powerful you could be on November 4th if you translate your numbers into votes.
During the immigration marches back in 2006, we had a saying: "Today, we march. Tomorrow, we vote." Well, that was the time to march. And now comes the time to vote. And I truly believe that if we can register more Latinos, young and old, rich and poor, and turn them out to vote in the fall  then not only will we change the  political map , and not only will I win the presidency, but you will finally have a government that represents all Americans. And then you and I  together  will bring about the kind of change we've been marching for and fighting for, and lift up all your communities and every corner of the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
I've often said that the decisions we make in this election and in the next few years will set the course for the next generation. That is true of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It's true of our economy. And it is especially true of our  energy policy .
The urgency of this challenge is clear to anyone who's tried to fill up their tank with gas that's now over $4 a gallon. It's clear to the legions of scientists who believe that we are nearing a point of no return when it comes to our  global climate  crisis. And with each passing day, it is clear that our addiction to  fossil fuels  is one of the most serious threats to our  national security  in the 21st century.
For the last eight years, this Administration has narrowly defined security as fighting an open-ended war in Iraq. But in the interconnected world of this new century, new threats come from stateless terrorists, loose  nuclear weapons , the spread of pandemic disease, an inability to compete with rising powers in the  global economy , the threat of  global climate  change and our dependence on foreign oil. I'll be talking about these threats next week and in the weeks to come, and today I'd like to begin with those related to energy.
We now know that the  carbon emissions  released by countries across the globe are warming our planet, which leads to devastating  weather patterns , terrible storms, drought, and famine. In fact, studies show that by 2050, famine could displace more than 250 million people worldwide. That means people competing for food and water in the next fifty years in the very places that have known horrific violence in the last fifty: Africa, the  Middle East , and South Asia. That is a threat to our security.
An even more immediate and direct security threat comes from our dependence on foreign oil. The price of a  barrel of oil  is now one of the most dangerous weapons in the world. Tyrants from Caracas to Tehran use it to prop up their regimes, intimidate the  international community , and hold us hostage to a market that is subject to their whims. If Iran decided to shut down the petroleum-rich Strait of Hormuz tomorrow, they believe oil would skyrocket to $300-a-barrel in minutes, a price that one speculator predicted would result in $12-a-gallon gas. $12 a gallon.
The nearly $700 million a day we send to unstable or hostile nations also funds both sides of the war on terror, paying for everything from the madrassas that plant the seeds of terror in young minds to the bombs that go off in Baghdad and Kabul. Our oil addiction even presents a target for Osama bin Laden, who has told al Qaeda, "focus your operations on oil, since this will cause [the Americans] to die off on their own." If we stay on our current course, the rapid growth of nations like China and India will rise about one-third by 2030. In that same year, Middle Eastern regimes will be sitting on 83% of our global  oil reserves . Imagine that  the very  source of energy  that fuels nearly all of our transportation, controlled almost entirely by some of the world's most unstable and undemocratic governments.
This is not the future I want for America. We are not a country that places our fate in the hands of dictators and tyrants  we are a nation that controls our own destiny. That's who we are. That's who we've always been. It's what led us to wage a revolution that brought down an Empire. It's why we built an Arsenal of Democracy to defeat Fascism, and stopped the spread of Communism with the power of our ideals. And it's why we must end the tyranny of oil in our time.
This is a debate we've been having in this campaign, but it's also an issue we've been talking about for decades. We have heard promises about energy independence from every single U.S. President since Richard Nixon. We've heard talk about curbing our use of  fossil fuels  in nearly every State of the Union address since the  oil embargo  1973. Back then we imported about a third of our oil. Today we import over half.
Now, a few days ago, Senator McCain said, "Our dangerous dependence on foreign oil has been thirty years in the making, and was caused by the failure of politicians in Washington to think long-term about the future of the country." I couldn't agree more. The only problem is that out of those thirty years, Senator McCain was in Washington for twenty-six of them. And in that time he has achieved little to help reduce our dependence on foreign oil. He's voted against raising our fuel mileage standards and joined George Bush in opposing legislation twice in the last year that included  tax credits  for more efficient cars. He's voted against alternative  sources of energy . Against clean biofuels. Against  solar power . Against wind power. Against an energy bill that represented the largest investment in renewable  sources of energy  in the history of this country.
So when he talks about the failure of politicians in Washington to do anything about our  energy crisis , understand that Senator McCain has been a part of that failure. When he proposes policies that give $4 billion in  tax breaks  to  oil companies  but only pennies a day to Americans struggling with high gas prices, understand that that's not part of the solution in Washington, that's part of the problem in Washington. When he offers a plan that doesn't make any real investment in alternative  sources of energy , that represents a failure to think long-term about our nation's future. That's what we've had in this country for too many years, and that's why we need change in November.
I won't pretend this change will be easy or that it will come without significant cost or some measure of sacrifice from the  American people . Achieving energy independence is one of the greatest challenges we've ever faced, and it will be the great project of our generation. But I've seen that progress is possible.
When I arrived in the U.S. Senate, I worked with Democrats and Republicans to pass a law that will give more Americans the chance to fill up their cars with clean biofuels. I also passed a law that will fuel the research needed to develop a car that could get up to 500 miles to the gallon. And I reached across the aisle to come up with a plan to raise the mileage standards in our cars for the first time in thirty years  a plan that won support from Democrats and Republicans who had never supported raising fuel standards before.
Today, with oil and gas prices this high, we hear a lot of plans and proposals coming out of Washington since politicians are finally paying attention. The problem is, they're reacting instead of acting. They're searching for easy answers to get them through the next election instead of serious, long-term solutions that will offer real relief and real security for America.
I understand the politics. In a country desperate for action, ideas like a gas tax holiday or expanded  oil drilling  in the waters off our coasts are popular. And I'll say this  if there were real evidence that these steps would actually provide real, immediate relief at the pump and advance the long-term goal of energy independence, of course I'd be open to them. But so far there isn't.
As good as they sound, the history of gas tax holidays is that the prices go up to fill in the gap, and the big winners end up being the retailers and  oil companies   not the  American people . That's what happened when we had a gas tax holiday in Illinois that I supported, and that's why we ended up repealing it. It didn't work. And it would also drain the federal highway fund of billions of dollars and cost hundreds of thousands of American jobs.
When it comes to offshore drilling, even Senator McCain has acknowledged that it won't provide short-term relief. In fact, if we started drilling today, we wouldn't see a drop of oil for seven years, and even then it would have little if any impact on prices.
Meanwhile, the  oil companies  currently have the rights to drill on 68 million acres of land and offshore areas that they haven't touched. I believe that before we give the  oil companies  any more land, it's time we tell them to start drilling on the land they already have or turn it over to someone who will, because we need that oil. We should also invest in the technology that can help us recover more oil from existing fields. And we should also look to our substantial  natural gas  reserves to tap a  source of energy  that's already powering buses and cars here and around the world.
In the long-term, however, we have to remember that these domestic resources are finite. Even if you opened up every  square inch  of our land and our coasts to drilling, America still has only 3% of the world's  oil reserves . Senator McCain may believe otherwise, but that is not a real solution to our  energy crisis .
What we need are real ideas to give hardworking Americans relief from high gas prices, and serious, long-term investments to permanently reduce our dependence on foreign oil. That's exactly what my plan does.
To provide immediate relief, I've proposed a second, $50 billion stimulus package that would send energy rebate checks to every American. I've asked Senator McCain to join me in passing such a plan, and I extend that invitation again today. I've also proposed a $1,000 middle-class  tax cut  that will go to 95% of all workers and their families. And I'll crack down on oil speculators who may be artificially driving up the price of oil.
But to truly reduce our long-term dependence on foreign oil, my plan will fast-track $150 billion of investment in a  clean energy  fund to help create the fuel-efficient cars and alternative  sources of energy  that will secure this nation and jumpstart a green economy. It's a plan that will reduce our oil consumption 10 million barrels per day by 2030, which is more than all the oil we're expected to import from OPEC nations in that same year.
First, we'll double our fuel mileage standards over the next two decades utilizing much of the technology we have on the shelf today  a step that will save this country half a trillion gallons of gasoline, the equivalent of cutting the price of a gallon of gas in half. And I will provide  tax credits  and loan guarantees for our automakers to help them make this transition.
Second, we'll launch a  Venture Capital  Fund that will provide $50 billion over five years to get the most promising  clean energy  technologies out of the lab and into the marketplace. A principal focus of this fund will be continuing the work I began in the Senate and investing in  plug-in  hybrid batteries that will allow cars to get up to 500 miles per gallon. I'm glad that Senator McCain now understands the importance of this battery technology, but it will take a lot more than a  cash prize  to achieve this goal. It will take a serious investment.
Third, to create a market for alternative  sources of energy  like solar, wind, , I'll require that 25% of our electricity comes renewable sources by 2025, and that we produce two billion gallons of advanced cellulosic biofuels by 2013. We'll also invest in finding cleaner ways to use coal, our nation's most abundant  energy source , and safer ways to use  nuclear power  and store  nuclear waste .
Fourth, we'll use our  clean energy  fund to invest over $1 billion a year to re-tool and modernize our factories and build the  advanced technology  cars, trucks and SUVs of the future  so that the jobs and industries of the future are created right here in the  United States  of America.
Finally, one of the fastest, easiest, and cheapest ways to conserve energy and use less oil is to make America more energy efficient and more competitive with the world. That's why, when I'm President, I will call on businesses, government, and the  American people  to make America 50% more energy efficient by 2030.
When all is said and done, my plan to invest $150 billion in  alternative energy  will create entire new industries, thousands of new businesses, and up to five million new, green jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. And we pay for all of it by taking away  tax breaks  for  oil companies  and putting a price on carbon pollution  a step that will also reduce our  carbon emissions  80% by 2050.
Most importantly, this plan will ensure that we control the energy we use with resources and technology that are available today. The steps I just spoke about are not far-off, pie-in-the-sky solutions, they are now. Today, there are  waiting lists  for fuel-efficient cars. There's an old steel mill in Pennsylvania that has become the home of a new  wind turbine  factory. I've seen a  small business  in Nevada powered entirely by  solar power . Across the planet, countries like Germany and the  United Kingdom  have already implemented  clean energy  polices that are reducing their  carbon emissions  right now, and leaders like Tony Blair and Angela Merkel have done a great job of raising the visibility of  climate change  within the G8. Now it's our turn to lead  to show that this future is possible for America.
In the last century, during the days that followed the attack on Pearl Harbor, the  American people  were asked, almost overnight, to transform a peacetime economy that was still climbing out from the depths of depression into an Arsenal of Democracy that could wage war across three continents.
Many doubted whether this could be achieved in time, or even at all. President Franklin Roosevelt's own advisors told him that his goals for wartime production were unrealistic and impossible to meet. But the President simply waved them off, saying, believe me, "the production people can do it if they really try." The challenge we face from our energy dependence is great. Meeting it will take time, and it will not be easy. But if we're willing to work at it, and invest in it, and sacrifice for it; if we're willing to summon the same spirit of optimism and possibility that has defined this country's greatest progress, then I believe that we too will be able to do it if we really try. And I look forward to trying with you. Thank you.
 
 
 
Thank you, Hillary. And thanks to all of you for joining us here today.
I want to start by saying a few words about the woman you just heard from. As someone who took the same historic journey as Senator Clinton  who shared a stage with her many times over those sixteen months  I know firsthand how tough she is, how passionate she is, how committed she is to the causes that bring us here today. I know that what drives her today  and every day  is exactly what led her to the Children's Defense Fund years ago; it's what led her to reform struggling schools in Arkansas and fight for  health care  as  First Lady ; it's what has made her an outstanding Senator from New York and a historic candidate for the presidency  an unyielding desire to improve the lives of ordinary Americans.
And you can rest assure that when we finally win the battle for universal  health care  in this country, it will be because of her tireless work. When we finally transform our  energy policy , and lift our children out of poverty, and make our economy work for working families again, it will be because she helped make it happen.
I've admired her as a leader, I've learned from her as a candidate, I am proud to call her my friend, and I know how much we'll need both Hillary Clinton and Bill Clinton as a party and a country in the months and years to come.
Hillary and I may have started with separate goals in this campaign, but together, we shattered barriers that have stood firm since the founding of this nation. Of course, we all know that one election can't erase the biases and outdated attitudes we're still wrestling to overcome. And we know there were times during this campaign when those biases emerged. But while this campaign has shown us how far we have to go, we also know that because of what Hillary accomplished, my daughters and yours look at themselves a little differently today. They're dreaming a little bigger and setting their sights a little higher today.
And the question we face now is, what kind of future are we going to build for them? It's a question I ask not just as a candidate for President, but as a father thinking about the challenges my girls will face as they start careers and families of their own. It's a question I ask as a son, a grandson, and a husband who's seen some of the women I love most in the world confront so many of these challenges themselves.
I saw my mother, a young,  single mom , put herself through school, and follow her passion for helping others while raising me and my sister. But I also saw how she struggled to provide for us, worrying at times about how she'd pay the bills.
I saw my grandmother, who helped raise me, work her way up from a secretary at a bank to become one of the first  women bank   vice presidents  in the state. But I also saw how she ultimately hit a glass ceiling  how men no more qualified than she was kept moving up the corporate ladder ahead of her.
And I've see my wife, Michelle, the rock of the Obama family, juggle jobs and parenting with more skill and grace than anyone I know. But I've also seen how it tears at her. How sometimes, when she's with the girls, she's worrying about work  and when she's at work, she's worrying about the girls. It's a feeling I share every day  especially these days, when I'm away so much out on the  campaign trail .
It's something I hear all the time from working parents, especially  working women   many of whom are working more than one job to make ends meet. And then there are the jobs you have once the workday ends: whether it's cleaning the house or paying the bills or buying the groceries, helping with that  science project  or enforcing those bedtimes. The jobs you don't get paid for, but that hold our families together. Jobs that still, even in the year 2008, far too often fall to women.
But let's be clear: these issues   equal pay , work/family balance, childcare  these are by no means just women's issues. When a job doesn't offer family leave, that also hurts men who want to help care for a new baby or an ailing parent. When there's no affordable childcare or afterschool programs, that hurts children who wind up in second rate care, or spending afternoons alone in front of the TV. When women still make just 77 cents for every dollar men make  black and Latina women even less  that doesn't just hurt women, it hurts families who find themselves with less income, and have to work even harder just to get by.
So you'd think solving these problems would be one of our highest  national priorities . But while some politicians in Washington make a lot of noise about  family values , when it comes to what people actually need to support their families, and care for their families, and spend time with their families  they get awfully quiet, don't they? And year after year, it just gets harder for working parents  especially  working women   to make a living while raising their kids.
We take it for granted that women are the backbone of our families, but we too often ignore the fact that women are also the backbone of our  middle class . And we won't truly have an economy that puts the needs of the  middle class  first until we ensure that when it comes to pay and benefits at work, women are treated like the equal partners they are.
As the son, grandson and husband of hard- working mothers , I don't accept an America that makes women choose between their kids and their careers. It's unacceptable that women are denied jobs or promotions because they've got kids at home. It's unacceptable that 22 million  working women  don't have a single paid sick day. It's unacceptable that millions of  working mothers  could actually be fired for taking  maternity leave   and that 78 percent of workers who have family leave can't afford to take it because it's not paid.
No matter what you do for living  I think we can all agree that raising our children and caring for our  loved ones  is the most important job we have. And it's time we started making that job a  little bit  easier, especially for  working women .
That means giving working parents  tax credits  to help with childcare and providing afterschool and summer learning programs and  early childhood  education to keep our kids safe and ensure they start school ready to learn.
It means dramatically expanding the Family and Medical Leave Act to reach millions of people who aren't covered today  and ensuring people can take leave not just to  stay home  with a new baby, but also to care for elderly parents and participate in school activities like parent-teacher conferences and assemblies.
It means standing up for paid leave, and paid  sick leave , because no one should be punished for getting sick or dealing with a family crisis.
And it means fighting for  equal pay  for women. In 2008, when 62 percent of  working women  in America earn half  or more than half  of their  family's income , you'd think the pay gap would be a  thing of the past . Or that we'd at least be united in our determination to guarantee that women are paid fairly for their work.
But Senator McCain and I have a real difference on this issue. He thinks the  Supreme Court  got it right last year when they handed down the Ledbetter decision that makes it more difficult for women to challenge pay discrimination at work. He opposed legislation that I co-sponsored to reverse that decision. He suggested that the reason women don't have  equal pay  isn't discrimination on the job  it's because they need more education and training.
Well let's be clear: the problem in these kinds of cases isn't that women are somehow unqualified or unprepared for higher-paying positions. The problem is that some employers aren't paying women fairly. The problem is that too many women aren't able to challenge employers who are underpaying them. And the solution is to finally close that gap and pay women what they've earned, nothing less.
This isn't just an economic issue for millions of Americans and their families. It's a question of who we are as a country  of whether we're going to live up to our values as a nation.
And let's be clear, the  Supreme Court 's ruling on  equal pay  is just the  tip of the iceberg  in terms of what's at stake in this election. Usually, when we talk about the Court, it's in the context of reproductive rights and Roe v. Wade. And make no mistake about it, that's a critical issue in this election. Senator McCain has made it abundantly clear that he wants to appoint justices like Roberts and Alito  and that he hopes to see Roe overturned. Well, I stand by my votes against confirming Justices Roberts and Alito. And I've made it equally clear that I will never back down in defending a woman's right to choose.
But the  Supreme Court  also affects women's lives in so many other ways  from decisions on  equal pay , to workplace discrimination, to Title IX, to  domestic violence , to  civil rights  and workers' rights. And the question we face in this election is whether we'll have judges who demonstrate sound judgment and empathy, who understand how law operates in our daily lives, who are committed to upholding the values at the core of our Constitution  or judges who put ideology before justice, with our fundamental rights as the first casualty.
And that's just the beginning. In this election, we also face questions about the fundamental issues that will shape the world in which our sons and daughters live.
We face questions about whether we'll allow the divide between  Main Street  and Wall Street to grow as our economy continues to struggle  or build an economy that works for all our families, where our prosperity is once again the tide that lifts every boat.
Whether we'll continue to spend ten billion dollars a month in Iraq and leave our troops there for the next twenty years, or fifty years, or one hundred years  or start bringing them home, refocusing on al Qaeda in Afghanistan, rebuilding our military, and taking care of our veterans.
Whether we'll continue to stand by as  health care  costs push more people into bankruptcy and the number of uninsured keeps rising  or finally guarantee quality, affordable coverage to every single American.
Whether we'll watch a generation of children graduate without the skills they need to compete in a  global economy   or give all our children a world class education, from  early childhood  all the way to college.
Whether we'll keep depending on dictators for our energy, giving billions in  tax breaks  to  oil companies , and destroying our planet in the process  or decide that solving our  energy crisis  will be the great project of this generation.
These are the choices in this election. This is what I think about when I get the chance to tuck my girls in at night. How I want my daughters  and all our daughters  to have no limits on their dreams, no obstacles to their achievement, no opportunities beyond their reach. How I want them to have opportunities their mother and grandmother never could've imagined.
We've come so much closer to fulfilling that goal because of the extraordinary woman with whom I shared a stage so many times during this campaign as an opponent  and now have the privilege of doing so as a partner  my friend, Senator Hillary Clinton.
And I'm honored that all of you are joining us as we finish this journey. Together, we'll turn the page on the failed policies of the past. We'll bring new energy and new ideas to meet the challenges we face. We'll ensure that our daughters have the same rights, the same dreams, the same freedom to pursue their version of happiness as our sons. And we won't just win an election  we will transform this nation.
Thank you.
 
 
 
It is always humbling to speak before the NAACP. It is a powerful reminder of the debt we all owe to those who marched for us and fought for us and stood up on our behalf; of the sacrifices that were made for us by those we never knew; and of the giants whose shoulders I stand on here today.
They are the men and women we read about in history books and hear about in church; whose lives we honor with schools, and boulevards, and federal holidays that bear their names. But what I want to remind you tonight - on Youth Night - is that these giants, these icons of America's past, were not much older than many of you when they took up freedom's cause and made their mark on history.
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was but a 26-year old pastor when he led a  bus boycott  in Montgomery that mobilized a movement. John Lewis was but a 25-year old activist when he faced down  Billy clubs  on the bridge in Selma and helped arouse the conscience of our nation. Diane Nash was even younger when she helped found SNCC and led  Freedom Rides  down south. And your chairman Julian Bond was but a 25-year old state legislator when he put his own shoulder to the wheel of history.
It is because of them; and all those whose names never made it into the history books - those men and women, young and old, black, brown and white, clear-eyed and straight-backed, who refused to settle for the world as it is; who had the courage to remake the world as it should be - that I stand before you tonight as the Democratic nominee for President of the  United States  of America.
And if I have the privilege of serving as your next President, I will stand up for you the same way that earlier generations of Americans stood up for me - by fighting to ensure that every single one of us has the chance to make it if we try. That means removing the barriers of prejudice and misunderstanding that still exist in America. It means fighting to eliminate discrimination from every corner of our country. It means changing hearts, and changing minds, and making sure that every American is treated equally under the law.
But  social justice  is not enough. As Dr. King once said, "the inseparable twin of racial justice is economic justice." That's why Dr. King went to Memphis in his  final days  to stand with striking  sanitation workers . That's why the march that Roy Wilkins helped lead forty five years ago this summer wasn't just named the March on Washington, and it wasn't just named the March on Washington for Freedom; it was named the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.
What Dr. King and Roy Wilkins understood is that it matters little if you have the right to sit at the front of the bus if you can't afford the  bus fare ; it matters little if you have the right to sit at the  lunch counter  if you can't afford the lunch. What they understood is that so long as Americans are denied the decent wages, and good benefits, and fair treatment they deserve, the dream for which so many gave so much will remain out of reach; that to live up to our founding promise of equality for all, we have to make sure that opportunity is open to all Americans.
That is what I've been fighting to do throughout my over 20 years in  public service . That's why I've fought in the Senate to end  tax breaks  for companies that ship jobs overseas and give those  tax breaks  to companies that create good jobs here in America. That's why I brought Democrats and Republicans together in Illinois to put $100 million in  tax cuts  into the pockets of hardworking families, to expand  health care  to 150,000 children and parents, and to end the outrage of  black women  making just 62 cents for every dollar that many of their male coworkers make.
And that's why I moved to Chicago after college. As some of you know, I turned down more lucrative jobs because I was inspired by the  Civil Rights  Movement and I wanted to do my part in the ongoing battle for opportunity in this country. So I went to work for a group of churches to help turn around neighborhoods that were devastated when the local  steel plants  closed. And I reached out to  community leaders  - black, brown, and white - and together, we gave  job training  to the jobless, set up afterschool programs to help keep kids off the streets, and block by block, we helped turn those neighborhoods around.
So I've been working my entire  adult life  to help build an America where  social justice  is being served and economic justice is being served; an America where we all have an equal chance to make it if we try. That's the America I believe in. That's the America you've been fighting for over the past 99 years. And that's the America we have to keep marching towards today.
Our work is not over.
When so many of our nation's schools are failing, especially those in our poorest rural and urban communities, denying millions of young Americans the chance to fulfill their potential and live out their dreams, we have more work to do.
When CEOs are making more in ten minutes than the average worker earns in a year, and millions of families lose their homes due to unscrupulous lending, checked neither by a sense of corporate ethics or a vigilant government; when the dream of entering the  middle class  and staying there is fading for  young people  in our community, we have more work to do.
When any  human being  is denied a life of dignity and respect, no matter whether they live in Anacostia or Appalachia or a village in Africa; when people are trapped in extreme poverty we know how to curb or suffering from diseases we know how to prevent; when they're going without the medicines that they so desperately need - we have more work to do.
That's what this election is all about. It's about the responsibilities we all share for the future we hold in common. It's about each and every one of us doing our part to build that more perfect union.
It's about the responsibilities that corporate America has - responsibilities that start with ending a culture on Wall Street that says what's good for me is good enough; that puts their  bottom line  ahead of what's right for America. Because what we've learned in such a dramatic way in recent months is that pain in our economy trickles up; that Wall Street can't thrive so long as  Main Street  is struggling; and that America is better off when the well-being of American business and the  American people  are aligned. Our CEOs have to recognize that they have a responsibility not just to grow their  profit margins , but to be fair to their workers, and honest to their shareholders and to help strengthen our economy as a whole. That's how we'll ensure that economic justice is being served. And that's what this election is about.
It's about the responsibilities that Washington has - responsibilities that start with restoring fairness to our economy by making sure that the  playing field  isn't tilted to benefit the  special interests  at the expense of ordinary Americans; and that we're rewarding not just wealth, but the work and workers who create it. That's why I'll offer a  middle class   tax cut  so we can lift up hardworking families, and give relief to struggling homeowners so we can end our  housing crisis , and provide training to  young people  to work the green jobs of the future, and invest in our infrastructure so we can create millions of new jobs.
And that's why I'll end the outrage of one in five  African Americans  going without the  health care  they deserve. We'll guarantee  health care  for anyone who needs it, make it affordable for anyone who wants it, and ensure that the quality of your  health care  does not depend on the color of your skin. And we're not going to do it 20 years from now or 10 years from now, we're going to do it by the end of my first term as President of the  United States  of America.
And here's what else we'll do - we'll make sure that every child in this country gets a world-class education from the day they're born until the day they graduate from college. Now, I understand that Senator McCain is going to be coming here in a couple of days and talking about education, and I'm glad to hear it. But the fact is, what he's offering amounts to little more than the same tired rhetoric about vouchers. Well, I believe we need to move beyond the same debate we've been having for the past 30 years when we haven't gotten anything done. We need to fix and improve our  public schools , not throw our hands up and walk away from them. We need to uphold the ideal of  public education , but we also need reform.
That's why I've introduced a comprehensive strategy to recruit an army of new quality teachers to our communities - and to pay them more and give them more support. And we'll invest in  early childhood  education programs so that our kids don't begin the race of life behind the  starting line  and offer a $4,000  tax credit  to make college affordable for anyone who wants to go. Because as the NAACP knows better than anyone, the fight for  social justice  and economic justice begins in the classroom.
But it doesn't end there. We have to fight for all those young men standing on  street corners  with little hope for the future besides ending up in jail. We have to break the cycle of poverty and violence that's gripping too many neighborhoods in this country.
That's why I'll expand the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  - because it's one of the most successful anti-poverty measures we have. That's why I'll end the Bush policy of taking cops off the streets at the moment they're needed most - because we need to give  local law  enforcement the support they need. That's why we'll provide  job training  for ex-offenders - because we need to make sure they don't return to a  life of crime . And that's why I'll build on the success of the Harlem Children's Zone in New York and launch an all-hands-on-deck effort to end poverty in this country - because that's how we'll put the dream that Dr. King and Roy Wilkins fought for within reach for the next generation of children.
And if people tell you that we cannot afford to invest in education or  health care  or fighting poverty, you just remind them that we are spending $10 billion a month in Iraq. And if we can spend that much money in Iraq, we can spend some of that money right here in Cincinnati, Ohio and in  big cities  and small towns in every corner of this country.
So yes, we have to demand more responsibility from Washington. And yes we have to demand more responsibility from Wall Street. But we also have to demand more from ourselves. Now, I know some say I've been too tough on folks about this responsibility stuff. But I'm not going to stop talking about it. Because I believe that in the end, it doesn't matter how much money we invest in our communities, or how many 10-point plans we propose, or how many government programs we launch - none of it will make any difference if we don't seize more responsibility in our own lives.
That's how we'll truly honor those who came before us. Because I know that Thurgood Marshall did not argue Brown versus  Board of Education  so that some of us could stop doing our jobs as parents. And I know that nine little children did not walk through a schoolhouse door in Little Rock so that we could stand by and let our children drop out of school and turn to gangs for the support they are not getting elsewhere. That's not the freedom they fought so hard to achieve. That's not the America they gave so much to build. That's not the dream they had for our children.
That's why if we're serious about reclaiming that dream, we have to do more in our own lives, our own families, and our own communities. That starts with providing the guidance our children need, turning off the TV, and putting away the  video games ; attending those parent-teacher conferences, helping our children with their homework, and setting a  good example . It starts with teaching our daughters to never allow images on television to tell them what they are worth; and teaching our sons to treat women with respect, and to realize that responsibility does not end at conception; that what makes them men is not the ability to have a child but the courage to raise one. It starts by being good neighbors and good citizens who are willing to volunteer in our communities - and to help our synagogues and churches and  community centers  feed the hungry and care for the elderly. We all have to do our part to lift up this country.
That's where change begins. And that, after all, is the true genius of America - not that America is, but that America will be; not that we are perfect, but that we can make ourselves more perfect; that brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand, people who love this country can change it. And that's our most enduring responsibility - the responsibility to  future generations . We have to change this country for them. We have to leave them a planet that's cleaner, a nation that's safer, and a world that's more equal and more just.
So I'm grateful to you for all you've done for this campaign, but we've got work to do and we cannot rest. And I know that if you put your shoulders to the wheel of history and take up the cause of perfecting our union just as earlier generations of Americans did before you; if you take up the fight for opportunity and equality and prosperity for all; if you march with me and fight with me, and get your friends registered to vote, and if you stand with me this fall - then not only will we help close the responsibility deficit in this country, and not only will we help achieve  social justice  and economic justice for all, but I will  come back  here next year on the 100th anniversary of the NAACP, and I will stand before you as the President of the  United States  of America. And at that moment, you and I will truly know that a new day has come in this country we love. Thank you.
 
 
 
Hello, everybody. I'm sorry I can't join you all in person today, but thank you for letting me say a few words. First and foremost, I am honored to have your endorsement, and I appreciate the commitment you're making to help us win in November.
I want to thank your president, Ed McElroy, your Secretary-Treasurer, Nat LaCour, and your Executive  Vice President , Toni Cortese. Ed and Nat, congratulations on your retirements. We are all grateful for your steady leadership and tireless efforts to guarantee our students their fundamental right to a quality education. And I look forward to working with your new officers.
And I want to say hello to my friends from Illinois  Ed Geppert, the President of the Illinois Federation of Teachers; Marilyn Stewart, the president of the Chicago Teachers Union; and AFT  Vice President  Jim Dougherty, and all my allies with whom I've worked so closely.
Over the course of this campaign, I've had the opportunity to visit schools and talk to teachers and students; paraprofessionals and  support staff ; college faculty and employees;  public employees , nurses and  health care  workers all across this country. But so much of what informs my visits comes from an experience I had a few years ago at Dodge  Elementary School  in Chicago, not far from where you're assembled today.
I asked a young teacher there what she saw as the biggest challenge facing her students. She gave me an answer I had never heard before. She talked about what she called "These Kids Syndrome"  the tendency to explain away the shortcomings and failures of our  education system  by saying "these kids can't learn" or "these kids don't want to learn" or "these kids are just too far behind." And after a while, "these kids" become somebody else's problem.
And she looked at me and said, "When I hear that term, it drives me crazy. They're not 'these kids.' They're our kids. All of them." She's absolutely right. These children are our children. Their future is our future. And it's time we understood that their education is our responsibility.
I am running for President to guarantee that all of our children have the best possible chance in life. And I am tired of hearing you blamed for our problems. I want to lead a  new era  of mutual responsibility in education, where we all come together: parents and educators, the AFT and leaders in Washington, citizens all across America; united for the sake of our children's success.
Bringing about that future begins with fixing the broken promises of No Child Left Behind. Now, I believe that the goals of this law  educating every child with an excellent teacher, closing the achievement gap, ensuring more accountability and higher standards  were right. But promising all this while leaving the resources behind is wrong. Labeling a school and its students as failures one day and then abandoning them the next is wrong.
We must fix the failures of No Child Left Behind by providing the funding that was promised, giving states the resources they need, and finally meeting our commitment to  special education . But that alone is not an  education policy . It's just a  starting point .
Now, John McCain is an honorable man and I respect his service to our country, but he won't even get us to that  starting point . For someone who's been in Washington nearly 30 years, he's got a pretty slim record on education, and when he has taken a stand, it's been the wrong one.
He voted against increased funding for No Child Left Behind to preserve billions in  tax breaks  for the wealthiest Americans   tax breaks  he wants to extend without saying how he'd pay for them. He voted against increasing funds for  Head Start , and Pell Grants, and the hiring of 100,000 new teachers again and again and again.
In fact, his only proposal seems to be recycling tired rhetoric about vouchers and  school choice . Now, I've been a proponent of  public school  choice throughout my career. I applaud AFT for your leadership in representing charter  school teachers  and  support staff  all across this country, and for even operating your own charters in New York. Because we know well-designed public charter schools have a lot to offer, and I've actually helped pass legislation to expand them. But what I do oppose is using public money for private school vouchers. We need to focus on fixing and improving our  public schools ; not throwing our hands up and walking away from them.
Real change is finally giving our kids everything they need to have a  fighting chance  in today's world. That begins with recognizing that the single most important factor in determining a child's achievement is not the color of their skin or where they come from; it's not who their parents are or how much money they have. It's who their teacher is. It's the paraprofessionals and  support staff  and all of you in this room. It's those who spend their own money on books and supplies, come early and stay late comparing lesson plans, who devote their lives to our next generation and serve as  role models  for the children who need one most because you believe that's what makes the extra difference. And it does. After all, I have two daughters. I know what their teachers mean to them.
So it's time to start treating our teachers properly. That means residency programs that supply exceptional recruits to high-need schools. That means mentoring programs that pair experienced, successful teachers with new ones. That means service scholarships that say if you commit your life to teaching, America will commit to paying for your  college education .
And when our educators succeed, I won't just talk about how great they are; I will reward them for it. Under my plan, districts will be able to give teachers who mentor, or teach in underserved areas, or take on added responsibilities, or learn new skills to serve students better, or consistently excel in the classroom, the salary increase they deserve. And whether it's the plans AFT helped create in Cincinnati or Chicago, you've shown that it is possible to find new ways to increase teacher pay that are developed with teachers, not imposed on them.
And together, we will begin changing the odds for our at-risk children by providing quality, affordable  early childhood  education for all our children. To address the achievement gap, we'll expand afterschool and summer learning opportunities. To address the dropout crisis that condemns so many futures, we'll intervene much earlier in a child's education  because the forces that lead a  high school  student to drop out start well before the ninth grade.
But there is no program and no policy that can substitute for a parent who is involved in their child's education from  day one , who makes sure that child is in school on time, helps them with their homework, and attends those parent-teacher conferences; who is willing to turn off the TV once in awhile, put away the  video games , and read to their child. Responsibility for our children's education starts at home. We have to set high standards for them, and spend time with them, and love them. We have to hold ourselves accountable.
This is the commitment we must make to our kids. This is the chance they must have. We all know there are too many young men and women in America right now who are slipping away from us as we speak  students who've lost all hope that they can make something of their lives. You know these kids. And I know these kids. I began my career over two decades ago in communities on Chicago's South Side. And I worked with parents and teachers and local leaders to fight for their future. We set up after school programs and protested outside  government offices  so that we could get those who had dropped out into  alternative schools . And in time, we changed the odds for our children.
But while I know hopelessness, I also know hope. In May, I visited a  high school  in Colorado where just three years ago, only half of the seniors were accepted to college. But thanks to the  hard work  of caring parents, innovative educators, and some very committed students, all forty-four seniors of this year's class were accepted to more than seventy colleges and universities across the country. And the example they set trickles down. While there, I met an eighth grader named Theo Rodriguez, who now sets his sights a little higher  he wants to go to Oxford and study criminology.
That's what hope is. That's the promise of education in America  that no matter what we look like or where we come from or who our parents are, each of us should have the opportunity to fulfill our God-given potential. Each of us should have the chance to achieve the  American Dream .
That's why I'm running for President, AFT. To make sure all our kids have that chance. But I need your help to get there. From your earliest days in Chicago, you've stood up for change  when minorities weren't allowed full  union membership ; when parents fought to integrate our schools; when it was time to take the march for  civil rights  to Washington, you stood up.
And if you stand up with me these next four months; if you march with me and knock on doors and make  phone calls  and register voters, and talk to your friends and  co-workers  and neighbors; then I promise you this: we will win this election; we will change education in this country; and we will bring about a  better future  for our children and for this country we love. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's great to be back in Indiana with such a terrific group of experts. In a few moments, we'll open this up to a discussion, but first I'll make a few comments about some of the emerging threats that we face in the 21st century, and offer some ideas about how we can face those threats.
Throughout our history, America has confronted constantly evolving danger. From the oppression of an empire to the lawlessness of the frontier; from the bombs that fell on Pearl Harbor to the threat of nuclear annihilation - Americans have adapted to the threats posed by an ever-changing world.
For most of our history, the most significant danger to our security came from states. The physical safety of our people was protected by oceans. The  national security  of the  United States  was buttressed by our  economic strength , and a powerful military that answered every call. Today, the dangers extend beyond states alone to transnational security threats that respect no borders. These are threats that can arise from any part of the globe and spread anywhere, including to our own shores - dangers like pandemic disease,  nuclear weapons  proliferation,  environmental degradation , international criminal networks, and terrorism. Of course, we have long struggled against terrorism, and in the closing decades of the 20th century, we tragically lost American lives on our soil and abroad. But it was hard to change a mindset that saw the extremism, the resentment, the terrorist  training camps , and the killers as distant threats in the dark corners of the world, far away from the American homeland.
Then, one Tuesday morning in 2001, everything changed. I remember hearing the news on my  car radio  in downtown in Chicago: a plane had hit the World Trade Center. By the time I got to my meeting, the second plane had hit, and we were told to evacuate. People gathered in the streets and looked up at the sky and the Sears Tower. We feared for our families and our country. We mourned the terrible loss suffered by our  fellow citizens  in those two  office towers , at the Pentagon, and in a simple field in Pennsylvania. Back at my office, I watched the images from New York: a plane vanishing into glass and steel; men and women clinging to windowsills, then letting go; tall towers crumbling to dust. It seemed all of the misery and all of the evil in the world were in that rolling black cloud, blocking out the September sun.
What we saw that morning forced us to recognize that in a new world of threats, we are no longer protected by the size of oceans or solely by our  military power . In a globalized world, the power to destroy can lie with individuals - not just states. The terrorists use a world of globalization to travel freely, to transfer money, to use telecommunications to carry out their plots. On 9/11, they used our  open society  to kill on a terrible scale, but even more terrifying was the thought that they could get their hands on the world's most deadly technology.
Since then, we have taken many steps to strengthen our defense. Some of the most visible address the attacks - or failed attacks - that have already taken place. So after 9/11, airline security tightened and plastic knives replaced metal ones. After the so-called shoe bomber, we started having our shoes screened. After a plot detected in London to ignite dangerous liquids, we started to check our gels and shampoos.
The danger, though, is that we are constantly fighting the last war - responding to the threats that have come to fruition, instead of staying one step ahead of the threats of the 21st century. This is what the 9/11 Commission called our  failure of imagination. � And, after 9/11, nowhere was this more apparent than in our invasion of Iraq. Instead of adjusting to the stateless threats of the 21st century, we invaded and occupied a state that had no collaborative relationship with al Qaeda. Instead of taking aggressive steps to secure the world's most dangerous technology, we have spent almost a trillion dollars to occupy a country in the heart of the  Middle East  that no longer had any  weapons of mass destruction .
It's time to update our  national security  strategy to stay one step ahead of the terrorists - to see clearly the emerging threats of our young century, and to take action to make the  American people  more safe and secure. It's time to look ahead  at the dangers of today and tomorrow rather than those of yesterday. America cannot afford another president who doesn't understand the threats that confront us now and in the future.
Today, we will focus on nuclear, biological, and cyber threats - three 21st century threats that have been neglected for the last eight years. It's time to break out of Washington's conventional thinking that has failed to keep pace with unconventional threats. In doing so, we'll better ensure the safety of the  American people , while building our capacity to deal with other challenges - from  public health  to privacy.
It starts with the gravest danger we face - nuclear terrorism. One of the terrible ironies of the Iraq War is that President Bush used concern over this threat to invade a country that had no  nuclear weapons program . In the meantime, Pakistani scientist AQ Khan was spreading to hostile nations the technology to produce  nuclear weapons  and the warheads to deliver them. But the fact that the President misled us into a misguided war doesn't diminish the threat of a terrorist with a  weapon of mass destruction  - in fact, it has only increased it.
We used to worry about our nuclear stalemate with the  Soviet Union . Now, we worry about 50 tons of highly  enriched uranium  - some of it poorly secured - at civilian nuclear facilities in over forty countries around the world. Now, we worry about the breakdown of a  non-proliferation  framework that was designed for the bipolar world of the  Cold War . Now, we worry - most of all - about a rogue state or  nuclear scientist  transferring the world's deadliest weapons to the world's most dangerous people: terrorists who won't think twice about killing themselves and hundreds of thousands in Tel Aviv or Moscow, in London or New York. And yet, despite initiatives that cost billions of  taxpayer dollars , we still don't have an adequate strategy for detecting nuclear and biological materials, a problem that's being discussed at hearings in Congress today.
We cannot wait any longer to protect the  American people . I've made this a priority in the Senate, where I've worked with Indiana's own Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law accelerating our pursuit of loose  nuclear materials . And I'll lead a global effort to secure all loose  nuclear materials  around the world during my first term as President.
But we need to do much more. It's time to send a clear message to the world: America seeks a world with no  nuclear weapons . As long as  nuclear weapons  exist, we'll retain a strong deterrent. But we'll make the goal of eliminating all  nuclear weapons  a central element in our nuclear policy. We'll negotiate with Russia to achieve deep reductions in both our  nuclear arsenals  and we'll work with other nuclear powers to reduce global stockpiles dramatically. We'll seek a verifiable  global ban  on the production of  fissile material  for weapons. And we'll work with the Senate to ratify the Comprehensive  Test Ban Treaty  and then seek its earliest possible entry into force.
By keeping our commitment under the Nuclear  Non-Proliferation  Treaty, we'll be in a better position to rally international support to bring pressure to bear on nations like North Korea and Iran that violate it. Both of these nations have a history of support for terror. Both should face strong and increasing sanctions if they refuse to verifiably abandon their illicit  nuclear programs . And both demand sustained, aggressive, and direct diplomatic attention from the  United States , and that's what I'll provide as President.
Just as we must guard against the spread of nuclear terrorism, it's time for a comprehensive effort to tackle bio-terror. We have still failed to solve the  anthrax attacks  that killed Americans on our soil in 2001. We know that al Qaeda was attempting to develop  biological weapons  in Afghanistan. And we know that the successful deployment of a  biological weapon  - whether it is sprayed into our cities or spread through our  food supply  - could kill tens of thousands of Americans and deal a crushing blow to our economy.
As President, I will launch an effort across our government to stay ahead of this threat. To prevent bio-terrorism, we need to invest in our analysis, enhance our information-sharing, and give our  intelligence agencies  the capacity to identify and interdict dangerous bio-weapons around the world. To strengthen our efforts with friends and partners, I've proposed a Shared  Security Partnership  that invests $5 billion over 3 years to forge an international intelligence and  law enforcement  infrastructure to take down  terrorist networks .
Just as we step up our ability to prevent an attack, we must also bolster our capacity to protect against - and respond to - the threats that may come. When it comes to bio-terror, this can mean the difference between a contained incident and a catastrophe. That's why we need to invest in new vaccines, to reduce the risk posed by those who would use disease as a weapon. That's why we must develop the technology to detect attacks and to trace them to their origin, so that we can react in a timely fashion. And to care for our citizens who are infected, we must provide our  public health  system across the country with the surge capacity to confront a crisis.
Making these changes will do more than help us tackle bioterror - it will create new jobs, support a healthier population, and improve America's capability to respond to any major disaster. And just as we'll find additional benefits to our action against bio-terror, we can - and must - strengthen our cyber defenses in the 21st century.
Every American depends - directly or indirectly - on our system of  information networks . They are increasingly the backbone of our economy and our infrastructure; our  national security  and our personal well-being. But it's no secret that terrorists could use our  computer networks  to deal us a crippling blow. We know that cyber-espionage and common crime is already on the rise. And yet while countries like China have been quick to recognize this change, for the last eight years we have been dragging our feet.
As President, I'll make cyber security the  top priority  that it should be in the 21st century. I'll declare our cyber-infrastructure a strategic asset, and appoint a National Cyber Advisor who will report directly to me. We'll coordinate efforts across the  federal government , implement a truly national cyber- security policy , and tighten standards to secure information - from the networks that power the  federal government , to the networks that you use in your  personal lives .
To protect our  national security , I'll bring together government, industry, and academia to determine the best ways to guard the infrastructure that supports our power. Fortunately, right here at Purdue we have one of the country's leading cyber programs. We need to prevent terrorists or spies from hacking into our  national security  networks. We need to build the capacity to identify, isolate, and respond to any cyber-attack. And we need to develop new standards for the cyber security that protects our most important infrastructure - from electrical grids to  sewage systems ; from  air traffic control  to our markets.
All of this will demand the greatest resource that America has - our people. In the  Cold War , we didn't defeat the Soviets just because of the strength of our arms - we also did it because at the dawn of the  atomic age  and the onset of the  space race , the smartest scientists and most innovative workforce was here in America. For the last few months, I've talked about how America's  economic competitiveness  depends on education. The same holds true for our security. If we're not investing in math and  science education , our nation will fall behind. And if we're not educating the best and brightest scientists, engineers, and  computer programmers  here in the  United States , we won't be able to keep America safe.
That is the task that lies before us. We must never let down our guard, nor suffer another failure of imagination. It's time for sustained and aggressive action - to take the offense against new dangers abroad, while shoring up our defenses at home. As President, I will call on the excellence and expertise of men and women like the people here today. And I will speak clearly and candidly with the  American people  about what can be done - what must be done - to protect our country and our communities. Now, I'd like to turn to an open discussion.
 
 
 
Sixty-one years ago, George Marshall announced the plan that would come to bear his name. Much of Europe lay in ruins. The  United States  faced a powerful and ideological enemy intent on world domination. This menace was magnified by the recently discovered capability to destroy life on an unimaginable scale. The  Soviet Union  didn't yet have an  atomic bomb , but before long it would.
The challenge facing the greatest generation of Americans - the generation that had vanquished fascism on the battlefield - was how to contain this threat while extending freedom's frontiers. Leaders like Truman and Acheson, Kennan and Marshall, knew that there was no single decisive blow that could be struck for freedom. We needed a new overarching strategy to meet the challenges of a new and dangerous world.
Such a strategy would join overwhelming  military strength  with sound judgment. It would shape events not just through military force, but through the force of our ideas; through economic power, intelligence and diplomacy. It would support strong allies that freely shared our ideals of liberty and democracy;  open markets  and the  rule of law . It would foster new international institutions like the  United Nations , NATO, and the  World Bank , and focus on every corner of the globe. It was a strategy that saw clearly the world's dangers, while seizing its promise.
As a general, Marshall had spent years helping FDR wage war. But the Marshall Plan - which was just one part of this strategy - helped rebuild not just allies, but also the nation that Marshall had plotted to defeat. In the speech announcing his plan, he concluded not with tough talk or definitive declarations - but rather with questions and a call for perspective. "The  whole world  of the future," Marshall said, "hangs on a proper judgment." To make that judgment, he asked the  American people  to examine distant events that directly affected their security and prosperity. He closed by asking: "What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done?" What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Today's dangers are different, though no less grave. The power to destroy life on a catastrophic scale now risks falling into the hands of terrorists. The future of our security - and our planet - is held hostage to our dependence on foreign oil and gas. From the cave-spotted mountains of northwest Pakistan, to the centrifuges spinning beneath Iranian soil, we know that the  American people  cannot be protected by oceans or the sheer might of our military alone.
The attacks of September 11 brought this new reality into a terrible and ominous focus. On that bright and beautiful day, the world of peace and prosperity that was the legacy of our  Cold War  victory seemed to suddenly vanish under rubble, and twisted steel, and clouds of smoke.
But the depth of this tragedy also drew out the decency and determination of our nation. At  blood banks  and vigils; in schools and in the  United States  Congress, Americans were united - more united, even, than we were at the dawn of the  Cold War . The world, too, was united against the perpetrators of this evil act, as old allies, new friends, and even long-time adversaries stood by our side. It was time - once again - for America's might and moral suasion to be harnessed; it was time to once again shape a new security strategy for an ever-changing world.
Imagine, for a moment, what we could have done in those days, and months, and years after 9/11.
We could have deployed the full force of American power to hunt down and destroy Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda, the Taliban, and all of the terrorists responsible for 9/11, while supporting real security in Afghanistan.
We could have secured loose  nuclear materials  around the world, and updated a 20th century  non-proliferation  framework to meet the challenges of the 21st.
We could have invested hundreds of billions of dollars in alternative  sources of energy  to grow our economy, save our planet, and end the tyranny of oil.
We could have strengthened old alliances, formed new partnerships, and renewed international institutions to advance peace and prosperity.
We could have called on a new generation to step into the strong currents of history, and to serve their country as troops and teachers,  Peace Corps  volunteers and  police officers .
We could have secured our homeland investing in sophisticated new protection for our ports, our trains and our  power plants .
We could have rebuilt our roads and bridges, laid down new rail and broadband and electricity systems, and made college affordable for every American to strengthen our ability to compete.
We could have done that.
Instead, we have lost thousands of American lives, spent nearly a trillion dollars, alienated allies and neglected emerging threats - all in the cause of fighting a war for well over five years in a country that had absolutely nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks.
Our men and women in uniform have accomplished every mission we have given them. What's missing in our debate about Iraq - what has been missing since before the war began - is a discussion of the strategic consequences of Iraq and its dominance of our  foreign policy . This war distracts us from every threat that we face and so many opportunities we could seize. This war diminishes our security, our standing in the world, our military, our economy, and the resources that we need to confront the challenges of the 21st century. By any measure, our single-minded and open-ended focus on Iraq is not a sound strategy for keeping America safe.
I am running for President of the  United States  to lead this country in a new direction - to seize this moment's promise. Instead of being distracted from the most pressing threats that we face, I want to overcome them. Instead of pushing the entire burden of our  foreign policy  on to the brave men and women of our military, I want to use all elements of American power to keep us safe, and prosperous, and free. Instead of alienating ourselves from the world, I want America - once again - to lead.
As President, I will pursue a tough, smart and principled  national security  strategy - one that recognizes that we have interests not just in Baghdad, but in Kandahar and Karachi, in Tokyo and London, in Beijing and Berlin. I will focus this strategy on five goals essential to making America safer: ending the war in Iraq responsibly; finishing the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban; securing all  nuclear weapons  and materials from terrorists and rogue states; achieving true  energy security ; and rebuilding our alliances to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
My opponent in this campaign has served this country with honor, and we all respect his sacrifice. We both want to do what we think is best to defend the  American people . But we've made different judgments, and would lead in very different directions. That starts with Iraq.
I opposed going to war in Iraq; Senator McCain was one of Washington's biggest supporters for war. I warned that the invasion of a country posing no imminent threat would fan the flames of extremism, and distract us from the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban; Senator McCain claimed that we would be greeted as liberators, and that democracy would spread across the  Middle East . Those were the judgments we made on the most important strategic question since the  end of the Cold War .
Now, all of us recognize that we must do more than look back - we must make a judgment about how to move forward. What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Senator McCain wants to talk of our tactics in Iraq; I want to focus on a new strategy for Iraq and the wider world.
It has been 18 months since President Bush announced the surge. As I have said many times, our troops have performed brilliantly in lowering the  level of violence . General Petraeus has used new tactics to protect the Iraqi population. We have talked directly to Sunni tribes that used to be hostile to America, and supported their fight against al Qaeda. Shiite militias have generally respected a  cease-fire . Those are the facts, and all Americans welcome them.
For weeks, now, Senator McCain has argued that the gains of the surge mean that I should change my commitment to end the war. But this argument misconstrues what is necessary to succeed in Iraq, and stubbornly ignores the facts of the broader strategic picture that we face.
In the 18 months since the surge began, the strain on our military has increased, our troops and their families have borne an enormous burden, and American taxpayers have spent another $200 billion in Iraq. That's over $10 billion each month. That is a consequence of our current strategy.
In the 18 months since the surge began, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated. June was our highest casualty month of the war. The Taliban has been on the offensive, even launching a brazen attack on one of our bases. Al Qaeda has a growing sanctuary in Pakistan. That is a consequence of our current strategy.
In the 18 months since the surge began, as I warned at the outset - Iraq's leaders have not made the political progress that was the purpose of the surge. They have not invested tens of billions of dollars in  oil revenues  to rebuild their country. They have not resolved their differences or shaped a new political compact.
That's why I strongly stand by my plan to end this war. Now,  Prime Minister  Maliki's call for a timetable for the removal of U.S. forces presents a real opportunity. It comes at a time when the American general in charge of training Iraq's  Security Forces  has testified that Iraq's Army and Police will be ready to assume responsibility for Iraq's security in 2009. Now is the time for a responsible redeployment of our  combat troops  that pushes Iraq's leaders toward a political solution, rebuilds our military, and refocuses on Afghanistan and our broader  security interests .
George Bush and John McCain don't have a strategy for success in Iraq - they have a strategy for staying in Iraq. They said we couldn't leave when violence was up, they say we can't leave when violence is down. They refuse to press the Iraqis to make tough choices, and they label any timetable to redeploy our troops "surrender," even though we would be turning Iraq over to a sovereign Iraqi government - not to a terrorist enemy. Theirs is an endless focus on tactics inside Iraq, with no consideration of our strategy to face threats beyond Iraq's borders.
At some point, a judgment must be made. Iraq is not going to be a perfect place, and we don't have unlimited resources to try to make it one. We are not going to kill every al Qaeda sympathizer, eliminate every trace of Iranian influence, or stand up a flawless democracy before we leave - General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker acknowledged this to me when they testified last April. That is why the accusation of surrender is false rhetoric used to justify a failed policy. In fact, true success in Iraq - victory in Iraq - will not  take place  in a surrender ceremony where an enemy lays down their arms. True success will  take place  when we leave Iraq to a government that is taking responsibility for its future - a government that prevents sectarian conflict, and ensures that the al Qaeda threat which has been beaten back by our troops does not reemerge. That is an achievable goal if we pursue a  comprehensive plan  to press the Iraqis stand up.
To achieve that success, I will give our military a new mission on my first day in office: ending this war. Let me be clear: we must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in. We can safely redeploy our combat brigades at a pace that would remove them in 16 months. That would be the summer of 2010 - one year after Iraqi  Security Forces  will be prepared to stand up; two years from now, and more than seven years after the war began. After this redeployment, we'll keep a residual force to perform specific missions in Iraq: targeting any remnants of al Qaeda; protecting our  service members  and diplomats; and training and supporting Iraq's  Security Forces , so long as the Iraqis make political progress.
We will make tactical adjustments as we implement this strategy - that is what any responsible Commander-in-Chief must do. As I have consistently said, I will consult with commanders on the ground and the Iraqi government. We will redeploy from secure areas first and volatile areas later. We will commit $2 billion to a meaningful  international effort  to support the more than 4 million displaced Iraqis. We will forge a new coalition to support Iraq's future - one that includes all of Iraq's neighbors, and also the  United Nations , the  World Bank , and the  European Union  - because we all have a stake in stability. And we will make it clear that the  United States  seeks no permanent bases in Iraq.
This is the future that Iraqis want. This is the future that the  American people  want. And this is what our  common interests  demand. Both America and Iraq will be more secure when the terrorist in Anbar is taken out by the Iraqi Army, and the criminal in Baghdad fears Iraqi Police, not just coalition forces. Both America and Iraq will succeed when every Arab government has an embassy open in Baghdad, and the child in Basra benefits from services provided by Iraqi dinars, not American  tax dollars .
And this is the future we need for our military. We cannot tolerate this strain on our forces to fight a war that hasn't made us safer. I will restore our strength by ending this war, completing the increase of our  ground forces  by 65,000 soldiers and 27,000 marines, and investing in the capabilities we need to defeat conventional foes and meet the unconventional challenges of our time.
So let's be clear. Senator McCain would have our troops continue to fight tour after  tour of duty , and our taxpayers keep spending $10 billion a month indefinitely; I want Iraqis to take responsibility for their own future, and to reach the political accommodation necessary for long-term stability. That's victory. That's success. That's what's best for Iraq, that's what's best for America, and that's why I will end this war as President.
In fact - as should have been apparent to President Bush and Senator McCain - the central front in the war on terror is not Iraq, and it never was. That's why the second goal of my new strategy will be taking the fight to al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
It is unacceptable that almost seven years after nearly 3,000 Americans were killed on our soil, the terrorists who attacked us on 9/11 are still at large. Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahari are recording messages to their followers and plotting more terror. The Taliban controls parts of Afghanistan. Al Qaeda has an expanding base in Pakistan that is probably no farther from their old Afghan sanctuary than a  train ride  from Washington to Philadelphia. If another attack on our homeland comes, it will likely come from the same region where 9/11 was planned. And yet today, we have five times more troops in Iraq than Afghanistan.
Senator McCain said - just months ago - that "Afghanistan is not in trouble because of our diversion to Iraq." I could not disagree more. Our troops and our NATO allies are performing heroically in Afghanistan, but I have argued for years that we lack the resources to finish the job because of our commitment to Iraq. That's what the Chairman of the  Joint Chiefs of Staff  said earlier this month. And that's why, as President, I will make the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban the  top priority  that it should be. This is a war that we have to win.
I will send at least two additional combat brigades to Afghanistan, and use this commitment to seek greater contributions - with fewer restrictions - from NATO allies. I will focus on training Afghan  security forces  and supporting an Afghan judiciary, with more resources and incentives for American officers who perform these missions. Just as we succeeded in the  Cold War  by supporting allies who could sustain their own security, we must realize that the 21st century's frontlines are not only on the field of battle - they are found in the  training exercise  near Kabul, in the  police station  in Kandahar, and in the  rule of law  in Herat.
Moreover, lasting security will only come if we heed Marshall's lesson, and help Afghans grow their economy from the bottom up. That's why I've proposed an additional $1 billion in non- military assistance  each year, with meaningful safeguards to prevent corruption and to make sure investments are made - not just in Kabul - but out in Afghanistan's provinces. As a part of this program, we'll invest in alternative livelihoods to poppy-growing for Afghan farmers, just as we crack down on heroin trafficking. We cannot lose Afghanistan to a future of narco-terrorism. The Afghan people must know that our commitment to their future is enduring, because the security of Afghanistan and the  United States  is shared.
The greatest threat to that security lies in the tribal regions of Pakistan, where terrorists train and insurgents strike into Afghanistan. We cannot tolerate a terrorist sanctuary, and as President, I won't. We need a stronger and sustained partnership between Afghanistan, Pakistan and NATO to secure the border, to take out terrorist camps, and to crack down on cross-border insurgents. We need more troops, more helicopters, more satellites, more Predator drones in the Afghan  border region . And we must make it clear that if Pakistan cannot or will not act, we will take out high-level  terrorist targets  like bin Laden if we have them in our sights.
Make no mistake: we can't succeed in Afghanistan or secure our homeland unless we change our Pakistan policy. We must expect more of the Pakistani government, but we must offer more than a  blank check  to a General who has lost the confidence of his people. It's time to strengthen stability by standing up for the aspirations of the Pakistani people. That's why I'm cosponsoring a bill with Joe Biden and Richard Lugar to triple non- military aid  to the Pakistani people and to sustain it for a decade, while ensuring that the  military assistance  we do provide is used to take the fight to the Taliban and al Qaeda. We must move beyond a purely  military alliance  built on convenience, or face mounting popular opposition in a nuclear-armed nation at the nexus of terror and radical Islam.
Only a strong Pakistani democracy can help us move toward my third goal - securing all  nuclear weapons  and materials from terrorists and rogue states. One of the terrible ironies of the Iraq War is that President Bush used the threat of nuclear terrorism to invade a country that had no active  nuclear program . But the fact that the President misled us into a misguided war doesn't diminish the threat of a terrorist with a  weapon of mass destruction  - in fact, it has only increased it.
In those years after  World War II , we worried about the deadly atom falling into the hands of the Kremlin. Now, we worry about 50 tons of highly  enriched uranium  - some of it poorly secured - at civilian nuclear facilities in over forty countries. Now, we worry about the breakdown of a  non-proliferation  framework that was designed for the bipolar world of the  Cold War . Now, we worry - most of all - about a rogue state or  nuclear scientist  transferring the world's deadliest weapons to the world's most dangerous people: terrorists who won't think twice about killing themselves and hundreds of thousands in Tel Aviv or Moscow, in London or New York.
We cannot wait any longer to protect the  American people . I've made this a priority in the Senate, where I worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law accelerating our pursuit of loose  nuclear materials . I'll lead a global effort to secure all loose  nuclear materials  around the world during my first term as President. And I'll develop new defenses to protect against the 21st century threat of  biological weapons  and cyber-terrorism - threats that I'll discuss in more detail tomorrow.
Beyond taking these immediate, urgent steps, it's time to send a clear message: America seeks a world with no  nuclear weapons . As long as  nuclear weapons  exist, we must retain a strong deterrent. But instead of threatening to kick them out of the G-8, we need to work with Russia to take U.S. and Russian  ballistic missiles  off hair-trigger alert; to dramatically reduce the stockpiles of our  nuclear weapons  and material; to seek a  global ban  on the production of  fissile material  for weapons; and to expand the U.S.-Russian ban on intermediate-range missiles so that the agreement is global. By keeping our commitment under the Nuclear  Non-Proliferation  Treaty, we'll be in a better position to press nations like North Korea and Iran to keep theirs. In particular, it will give us more credibility and leverage in dealing with Iran.
We cannot tolerate  nuclear weapons  in the hands of nations that support terror. Preventing Iran from developing  nuclear weapons  is a vital  national security  interest of the  United States . No tool of statecraft should be taken off the table, but Senator McCain would continue a failed policy that has seen Iran strengthen its position, advance its  nuclear program , and stockpile 150 kilos of low  enriched uranium . I will use all elements of American power to pressure the Iranian regime, starting with aggressive, principled and direct diplomacy - diplomacy backed with strong sanctions and without preconditions.
There will be careful preparation. I commend the work of our European allies on this important matter, and we should be  full partners  in that effort. Ultimately the measure of any effort is whether it leads to a change in Iranian behavior. That's why we must pursue these tough negotiations in full coordination with our allies, bringing to bear our full influence - including, if it will advance our interests, my meeting with the appropriate Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing.
We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If you abandon your  nuclear program , support for terror, and threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives. If you refuse, then we will ratchet up the pressure, with stronger unilateral sanctions; stronger multilateral sanctions in the  Security Council , and sustained action outside the UN to isolate the Iranian regime. That's the diplomacy we need. And the Iranians should negotiate now; by waiting, they will only face mounting pressure.
The surest way to increase our leverage against Iran in the long-run is to stop bankrolling its ambitions. That will depend on achieving my fourth goal: ending the tyranny of oil in our time.
One of the most dangerous weapons in the world today is the price of oil. We ship nearly $700 million a day to unstable or hostile nations for their oil. It pays for terrorist bombs going off from Baghdad to Beirut. It funds petro-diplomacy in Caracas and radical madrasas from Karachi to Khartoum. It takes leverage away from America and shifts it to dictators.
This immediate danger is eclipsed only by the long-term threat from  climate change , which will lead to devastating  weather patterns , terrible storms, drought, and famine. That means people competing for food and water in the next fifty years in the very places that have known horrific violence in the last fifty: Africa, the  Middle East , and South Asia. Most disastrously, that could mean destructive storms on our shores, and the disappearance of our coastline.
This is not just an economic issue or an environmental concern - this is a  national security  crisis. For the sake of our security - and for every American family that is paying the price at the pump - we must end this dependence on foreign oil. And as President, that's exactly what I'll do. Small steps and political gimmickry just won't do. I'll invest $150 billion over the next ten years to put America on the path to true  energy security . This fund will  fast track  investments in a new green energy business sector that will end our addiction to oil and create up to 5 million jobs over the next two decades, and help secure the future of our country and our planet. We'll invest in research and development of every form of  alternative energy  - solar, wind, and biofuels, as well as technologies that can make coal clean and  nuclear power  safe. And from the moment I take office, I will let it be known that the  United States  of America is ready to lead again.
Never again will we sit on the sidelines, or stand in the way of global action to tackle this global challenge. I will reach out to the leaders of the biggest carbon emitting nations and ask them to join a new Global Energy Forum that will lay the foundation for the next generation of climate protocols. We will also build an alliance of oil-importing nations and work together to reduce our demand, and to break the grip of OPEC on the  global economy . We'll set a goal of an 80% reduction in global emissions by 2050. And as we develop  new forms  of  clean energy  here at home, we will share our technology and our innovations with all the nations of the world.
That is the tradition of American leadership on behalf of the global good. And that will be my fifth goal - rebuilding our alliances to meet the common challenges of the 21st century.
For all of our power, America is strongest when we act alongside strong partners. We faced down fascism with the greatest war-time alliance the world has ever known. We stood shoulder to shoulder with our NATO allies against the Soviet threat, and paid a far smaller price for the first  Gulf War  because we acted together with a broad coalition. We helped create the  United Nations  - not to constrain America's influence, but to amplify it by advancing our values.
Now is the time for a  new era  of  international cooperation . It's time for America and Europe to renew our common commitment to face down the threats of the 21st century just as we did the challenges of the 20th. It's time to strengthen our partnerships with Japan, South Korea, Australia and the world's largest democracy - India - to create a stable and prosperous Asia. It's time to engage China on  common interests  like  climate change , even as we continue to encourage their shift to a more open and market-based society. It's time to strengthen NATO by asking more of our allies, while always approaching them with the respect owed a partner. It's time to reform the  United Nations , so that this imperfect institution can become a more perfect forum to share burdens, strengthen our leverage, and promote our values. It's time to deepen our engagement to help resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, so that we help our ally Israel achieve true and lasting security, while helping Palestinians achieve their legitimate aspirations for statehood.
And just as we renew longstanding efforts, so must we shape new ones to meet new challenges. That's why I'll create a Shared  Security Partnership  Program - a new alliance of nations to strengthen cooperative efforts to take down global  terrorist networks , while standing up against torture and brutality. That's why we'll work with the African Union to enhance its ability to keep the peace. That's why we'll build a new partnership to roll back the trafficking of drugs, and guns, and gangs in the Americas. That's what we can do if we are ready to engage the world.
We will have to provide meaningful resources to meet critical priorities. I know development assistance is not the most popular program, but as President, I will make the case to the  American people  that it can be our best investment in increasing the common security of the  entire world . That was true with the Marshall Plan, and that must be true today. That's why I'll double our  foreign assistance  to $50 billion by 2012, and use it to support a stable future in failing states, and sustainable growth in Africa; to halve global poverty and to roll back disease. To send once more a message to those yearning faces beyond our shores that says, "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now." This must be the moment when we answer the call of history. For eight years, we have paid the price for a  foreign policy  that lectures without listening; that divides us from  one another  - and from the world - instead of calling us to a common purpose; that focuses on our tactics in fighting a war without end in Iraq instead of forging a new strategy to face down the true threats that we face. We cannot afford four more years of a strategy that is out of balance and out of step with this defining moment.
None of this will be easy, but we have faced great odds before. When General Marshall first spoke about the plan that would bear his name, the rubble of Berlin had not yet been built into a wall. But Marshall knew that even the fiercest of adversaries could  forge bonds  of friendship founded in freedom. He had the confidence to know that the purpose and pragmatism of the  American people  could outlast any foe. Today, the dangers and divisions that came with the dawn of the  Cold War  have receded. Now, the defeat of the threats of the past has been replaced by the transnational threats of today. We know what is needed. We know what can best be done. We know what must done. Now it falls to us to act with the same  sense of purpose  and pragmatism as an earlier generation, to join with friends and partners to lead the world anew.
 
 
 
Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and  Foreign Minister  Steinmeier for welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.
I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen - a proud citizen of the  United States , and a  fellow citizen  of the world.
I know that I don't look like the Americans who've previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew up herding goats in Kenya. His father - my grandfather - was a cook, a  domestic servant  to the British.
At the height of the  Cold War , my father decided, like so many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning - his dream - required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody, somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.
That is why I'm here. And you are here because you too know that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that better life.
Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.
On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had swept across  Eastern Europe , while in the West, America, Britain, and France took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.
This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.
The size of our forces was no match for the much larger Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across Europe. Where the last war had ended, another  World War  could have easily begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.
And that's when the airlift began - when the largest and most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this city.
The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a  heavy fog  filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.
But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard the city's mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. "There is only one possibility," he said. "For us to stand together united until this battle is won ¦The people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your duty ¦People of the world, look at Berlin!" People of the world - look at Berlin! Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on the field of battle.
Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our common security.
Look at Berlin, where the  bullet holes  in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never forget our common humanity.
People of the world - look at Berlin, where a wall came down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge too great for a world that stands as one.
Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again. History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When you, the German people, tore down that wall - a wall that divided East and West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope - walls came tumbling down around the world. From Kiev to  Cape Town ,  prison camps  were closed, and the doors of democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history.
The fall of the  Berlin Wall  brought new hope. But that very closeness has given rise to new dangers - dangers that cannot be contained within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean.
The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the globe on American soil.
As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are melting the  ice caps  in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.
Poorly secured  nuclear material  in the former  Soviet Union , or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur shames the conscience of us all.
In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it has become easy to forget this truth. And if we're honest with each other, we know that sometimes, on  both sides of the Atlantic , we have drifted apart, and forgotten our shared destiny.
In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common. In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe's role in our security and our future. Both views miss the truth - that Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.
Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe. No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike will be required to do more - not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity.
That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls to divide us from  one another .
The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the least cannot stand. The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants; Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear down.
We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife, the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage  war criminals  to justice; and in  South Africa , where the struggle of a courageous people defeated apartheid.
So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy; of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn from each other and, most of all, trust each other.
That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation, strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we stand today. And this is the moment when our nations - and all nations - must summon that spirit anew.
This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the  Soviet Union , we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali; in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the  vast majority  of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.
This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing that NATO's first mission beyond Europe's borders is a success. For the people of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to turn back now.
This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world without  nuclear weapons . The two superpowers that faced each other across the wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose  nuclear materials ; to stop the  spread of nuclear weapons ; and to reduce the arsenals from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of a world without  nuclear weapons .
This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this century, we need a strong  European Union  that deepens the security and prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century - in this city of all cities - we must reject the  Cold War   mind-set  of the past, and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.
This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that  open markets  have created, and share its benefits more equitably. Trade has been a cornerstone of our growth and global development. But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.
This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new dawn in the  Middle East . My country must stand with yours and with Europe in sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.
This is the moment when we must come together to save this planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us resolve that all nations - including my own - will act with the same seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This is the moment to stand as one.
And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left behind in a globalized world. We must remember that the  Cold War  born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust - not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.
Now the world will watch and remember what we do here - what we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by security and justice? Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time? Will we stand for the  human rights  of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe? Will we give meaning to the words "never again" in Darfur? Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture and stand for the  rule of law ? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands, and shun discrimination against those who don't look like us or worship like we do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people? People of Berlin - people of the world - this is our moment. This is our time.
I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we've struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people. We've made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best intentions.
But I also know how much I love America. I know that for more than two centuries, we have strived - at great cost and great sacrifice - to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom - indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its imprint on ours; every  point of view  is expressed in our public squares. What has always united us - what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America's shores - is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.
These are the aspirations that joined the fates of all nations in this city. These aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us apart. It is because of these aspirations that the airlift began. It is because of these aspirations that all free people - everywhere - became citizens of Berlin. It is in pursuit of these aspirations that a new generation - our generation - must make our mark on the world.
People of Berlin - and people of the world - the scale of our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable hope. With an eye toward the future, with resolve in our hearts, let us remember this history, and answer our destiny, and remake the world once again.
 
 
 
I've often said that this election represents a defining moment in our history. On  major issues  like the war in Iraq or the warming of our planet, the decisions we make in November and over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century.
That is especially true when it comes to our economy.
Most of you probably know this - not just because whenever you open the paper or turn on the TV, you see reports of more  job losses , more foreclosures, and prices rising at the pump, but because you feel the effects of all this every single day. You're working harder than ever to pay bills that are bigger than ever. You're driving less and saving less. You're struggling to balance work and family. You're worried about the value of your home and whether you'll be able to afford college for your kids and still retire at a decent age.
For millions of families, these anxieties seem to be growing worse with each passing day, causing many people to lose faith in that fundamental promise of America - that no matter where you come from, or what you look like, or who your parents are, this is a country where you can make it if you try.
Now, part of the reason people are struggling is due to fundamental changes in our economy. Over the last few decades, revolutions in technology and communication have made it so that corporations can send good jobs wherever there's an internet connection. Children here in Missouri aren't just growing up competing for good jobs with children in California or Indiana, but with children in China and India as well.
But what we also have to remember is that it wasn't simply globalization or a normal part of the  business cycle  that got us where we are today. It was irresponsible decisions that were made on Wall Street and in Washington. In the past few years, we have relearned the essential truth that in the  long run , we cannot have a thriving Wall Street and a struggling  Main Street . When wages are flat, prices are rising and more and more Americans are mired in debt, the economy as a whole suffers. When a reckless few game the system, as we've seen in this  housing crisis , millions suffer and we're all impacted. When  special interests  put their thumb too heavily on the scale, and distort the  free market , those who compete by the rules come in last. And when government fails to meet its obligation - to provide sensible oversight and stand on the side of working people and invest in their future - America pays a heavy price.
So we have a choice to make in this election. We can either choose a new direction for our economy, or we can keep doing what we've been doing. My opponent believes we're on the right course. He's said our economy has made great progress these past eight years. He's embraced the Bush  economic policies  and promises to continue them. Our country and the working families of Missouri cannot afford that.
These policies haven't worked for the past eight years and they won't work now. We need to leave these policies in the past where they belong. It's time for something new. It's time to restore balance and fairness to our economy so it works for all Americans, recognizing that we must grow together, Wall Street and  Main Street , profits and wages.
That starts with giving immediate relief to families who are one illness or foreclosure or  pink slip  away from disaster. To help folks who are having trouble filling up their  gas tank , I'll provide an energy rebate. To help hardworking Americans meet rising costs, I'll put a $1,000  tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families, including 3 million folks here in Missouri. To help end this  housing crisis , I'll provide relief to struggling homeowners. And to protect retirement security, I'll eliminate taxes for seniors making under $50,000 a year.
If Senator McCain wants a debate about taxes in this campaign, that's a debate I'm happy to have. Because while we're both proposing  tax cuts , the difference is who we're cutting taxes for. Senator McCain would cut taxes for those making over $3 million. I'll cut taxes for  middle class families  by three times as much as my opponent. Let me be clear: if you're a family making less than $250,000, my plan will not raise your taxes - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes , not any of your taxes. And unlike my opponent, I'll pay for my plan - by cutting wasteful spending, shutting corporate loopholes and  tax havens , and rolling back the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans.
But in this election, we can do something more than just provide short-term relief. We can secure our long-term prosperity and strengthen America's competitiveness in the 21st century. It won't be easy. It won't happen overnight. But I refuse to accept that we cannot meet the challenges of our  global economy . I'm running for President because I believe we can choose our own economic destiny.
We can choose to go another four years with the same reckless fiscal policies that have busted our budget, wreaked havoc in our economy, and mortgaged our children's future on a mountain of debt; or we can restore fiscal responsibility in Washington.
We can go another four years with a broken  health care  system that's leaving millions uninsured, driving millions more to  financial ruin , and making it harder for manufactures to compete; or we can finally solve our  health care  crisis once and for all. We can guarantee  health care  for anyone who wants it, make it affordable for anyone who needs it, and cut costs for businesses and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses and conditions.
We can choose to do nothing about disappearing jobs and shuttered factories for another four years, or we can encourage  job creation  in the  United States  of America. We can end  tax breaks  for corporations that ship jobs overseas and give them to companies that create jobs here in this country. We can make sure that our  trade agreements  work for both Wall Street and  Main Street . And we can create nearly two million jobs by investing in our crumbling infrastructure and building new schools, roads, and bridges.
And if anybody tells you we can't afford to make these investments, you just tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can invest some of that money right here in the  United States  of America. That's what we can do in this election. The choice is ours.
We can go another four years without truly solving our  energy crisis ; we can choose my opponent's plan to give $4 billion in  tax breaks  to  oil companies  at a time when they're making record profits, or we can finally make America energy independent so that we're less vulnerable to  oil price  shocks and $4 a gallon gas. We can invest in  renewable energies  like wind power,  solar power , and the next generation biofuels. And we can create up to five million new, green jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. That's what we can choose to do in this election.
We can choose to stay mired in the same education debate that's consumed Washington for decades, or we can provide every child with a world-class education so they have the skills to compete and succeed in our  global economy . We can invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of  qualified teachers  with better pay and more support, and finally make college affordable by offering an annual $4,000  tax credit  in exchange for community or  national service .
These are the choices we face in November. We can choose to remain on the path that's gotten our economy into so much trouble, or we can reclaim the idea that in this country, opportunity is open to anyone who's willing to work for it.
In the end, that's all most Americans are asking for. It's not a lot. The people I've met during this campaign in  town halls  and  living rooms ; on farms and front porches - they know that government can't solve all their problems, and they don't expect it to. They're willing to do their part - to work harder and study more and replace the  remote controls  and  video games  with books and homework. They believe in personal responsibility and  self-reliance . They don't like seeing their  tax dollars  wasted.
But they also believe in an America where jobs are there for the willing; where  hard work  is rewarded with a decent living; and where you can actually build a better life for your children and grandchildren. That's the promise of this country, and I believe we can keep it if we choose a new direction for our economy, a different course for our country, and get to work in the months and years ahead. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's great to be back in Cedar Rapids, where we've made so many friends throughout this campaign.
This morning I met with some folks who've been devastated by the recent floods. Like so many people across the Midwest, they've seen their homes damaged, their lives turned upside down, and their future filled with uncertainty.
I've seen the  flood damage  here in Iowa and I've visited communities that have been devastated in my  home state  of Illinois. Now is the time for America to stand by those who have suffered so much, while helping them get back on their feet. We need to make sure that these communities have access to the disaster assistance that can help businesses reopen and people rebuild their lives. And we must make a  firm commitment  to rebuild stronger levees and higher floodwalls so that we prevent this kind of devastation instead of simply responding to it.
We know that Cedar Rapids needs more than immediate assistance, because the problems that you're facing in your daily lives go beyond this year's storms. I've often said that this election represents a defining moment in our history. You're working harder for less, and for too many Americans, the dream of opportunity is slipping away. That's why the decisions we make over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century.
Given the seriousness of the issues, you'd think we could have a serious debate. But so far, even the media has pointed out that Senator McCain has fallen back on predictable political attacks and demonstrably  false statements . But here's the problem. All of those negative ads that he's running won't do a thing to lower your gas prices or to lift up the debate in this country. The fact is, these Washington tactics do the  American people  a disservice by trying to distract us from the very real challenges that we face.
That starts with energy. For decades, Washington has failed the  American people  on energy, and that failure has led directly to our current crisis. George Bush's approach was to let the  oil companies  write his  energy policy . Now, we can't afford four more years of more of the same. We can't afford to let dictators hold our  national security  hostage because of our energy dependence. We can't afford to endanger our planet because we can't shake an addiction to oil. And we can't afford more  tax breaks  for  oil companies  while they make record profits and you pay $4 for a gallon of gas.
Just today, we learned that Exxon Mobil made nearly $12 billion  last quarter . Think about that  12 billion dollars. No U.S. corporation has ever made that much in a quarter. But while big oil is making record profits, you are paying  record prices  at the pump, and our economy is leaving working people behind. For far too long, we've had an  energy policy  that has worked for the  oil companies   I think it's time that we had an  energy policy  that worked for the  American people , and that's a change that we can't wait any longer to make.
The choice in this campaign could not be clearer. Senator McCain's proposing a  corporate tax  plan that would give $4 billion each year to the  oil companies , including $1.2 billion for Exxon-Mobil alone. He's proposing a gas tax holiday that will pad  oil company  profits and save you  at best  half a tank of gas over the course of an entire summer. So under my opponent's plan, the  oil companies  get billions more and we stay in the same cycle of dependence on big oil that got us into this crisis. That's a risk that we just can't afford to take. Not this time.
Instead of offering any real plan to lower gas prices, Senator McCain touts his support for George Bush's plan for offshore  oil drilling . But even the Bush Administration acknowledges that offshore  oil drilling  will have little impact on prices. It won't lower prices today. It won't lower prices during the next Administration. In fact, we won't see a drop of oil from this drilling for almost ten years. While this won't save you at the pump, it sure has done a lot to raise campaign dollars. Last month, Senator McCain raised more than a million dollars from oil and  gas company  executives and employees  most of which came after he announced his drilling plan in front of a bunch of oil executives in Houston. This is not a strategy designed to end our  energy crisis   it's a strategy designed to get politicians through an election, and that's exactly why Washington has failed to do anything about our energy dependence for the last thirty years.
It's time to ease the burden on working families. That's why I support energy rebates that will provide immediate relief for the  American people . You won't have to trust the  oil companies  to pass the savings on to you  you will get these rebates directly.
We do need to bring down gas prices, and as President, I will. It's time to crack down on speculators who manipulate the market. It's time to close the loopholes that allow them to game the system. It's time to make Washington work for the  American people , not the  special interests . That's what we can do to bring down gas prices.
And we do need to increase domestic production, and as President, I will. Right now,  oil companies  have access to 68 million acres where they aren't drilling, including 40 million offshore. Instead of simply giving the  oil companies  more, it's time to give them a choice: use the land you have, or lose access to it. If we drill in the 68 million acres that are available, we can double our domestic  oil production  and increase  natural gas  production by 75 percent.
Now if I thought that we could solve all our problems by opening up areas for drilling outside the existing moratorium, I'd be for it. But the truth is, that kind of drilling is not the answer to this crisis. America consumes 25 percent of the world's produced oil, but our nation holds less than 3 percent of the world's proven  oil reserves . Even more drilling will leave us with a permanent oil deficit, while we'd still be dangerously energy dependent. I don't want to look up in four years and see that  oil companies  and OPEC still have our economy in their grip. We can't have a policy that tinkers around the margins while going down an  oil company 's  wish list   it's time to fundamentally transform our energy economy so that it works for the  American people . My plan makes that change, my opponent's doesn't, and that's the clear difference in this election.
My energy plan will invest $150 billion over the next ten years to establish a new American energy sector, and Senator McCain's won't. We'll create up to five million American jobs  good jobs, jobs that can't be outsourced. And we'll help American manufacturers  particularly in the  auto industry   convert to green technology, and help workers learn the skills they need to stay ahead in the  global economy .
I've supported investments in  alternative energy , and Senator McCain has opposed them. And as President, I'll invest in  renewable energies  like wind power,  solar power , and the next generation of homegrown biofuels. That's how America is going to free itself from our dependence on foreign oil  not through short-term gimmicks, but through a real, long-term commitment to transform our energy sector. That's what we can choose to do in this election.
We've also got to change how we use energy. I've fought for higher fuel efficiency standards in the Senate, and when I'm President, we'll double our fuel mileage standards over the next two decades. This will save America half a trillion gallons of gas  that's the equivalent of cutting the price of a gallon of gas in half. And I'll provide  tax credits  and loan guarantees for our automakers to help them make this transition.
Finally, one of the fastest, easiest, and cheapest ways to conserve energy and use less oil is to make America more energy efficient and more competitive with the world. That's why, when I'm President, I will call on business, government, and the  American people  to make America 50 percent more energy efficient by 2030.
When all is said and done, my plan will create entire new industries and thousands of new businesses, while working to strengthen our  national security  and save our planet. These steps are not far-off, pie-in-the-sky solutions  the  American people  are ready to make this change. Today, there are  waiting lists  for fuel-efficient cars. I've seen a steel mill in Pennsylvania that has become the home of a new  wind turbine  factory, a  small business  in Nevada powered entirely by  solar power , and farmers here in Iowa who are testing the new, efficient generation of biofuels that can drive our economy. Across the planet, countries like Germany and the  United Kingdom  have already implemented  clean energy  polices. Now it's America's turn to lead.
This election  at this moment in history  is too important for half-measures. We started this campaign over eighteen months ago on the steps of the old statehouse in Springfield with a simple belief that it was time for the  American people  to seize control of our destiny so that we could take this country in a new direction.
After I announced my run for the presidency, our very first campaign stop was right here in Cedar Rapids. It was the  dead of winter . The skeptics predicted we wouldn't get very far. The cynics dismissed us as a lot of hype and a little too much hope. And by the fall, the pundits in Washington had all but counted us out.
But the people of Iowa believed that this moment could be different. You believed that Democrats, Independents, and Republicans could come together behind a common purpose. You believed that with our nation at war and our  American Dream  slipping away, this time, Washington had to change. That's what it's going to take to work for a new energy future. Now is the time to rise above the old politics and a broken  energy policy . Now is the time to move in a bold, new direction that lifts up our economy and secures our country.
 
 
 
I've often said that this election is a defining moment in our history. On  major issues  like the war in Iraq or the warming of our planet, the decisions we make in November and over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century. Nowhere is that more true than when it comes to our economy.
Just today, we learned that 51,000 jobs were lost last month alone, the seventh straight month of  job loss  - now totaling over 460,000 jobs lost since the beginning of this year. This follows yesterday's news that in the last year, wages and benefits fell further behind inflation than at any time in over twenty-five years. Meanwhile, gas prices are out of control.  Food prices  are soaring. If you're lucky enough to have  health care , your copays, deductibles, and premiums are skyrocketing. College is becoming less affordable. And we've seen more foreclosures than at any time since the  Great Depression . Back in the 1990s, your incomes grew by $6,000, and over the last several years, they've actually fallen by nearly $1,000.
So for many families, these anxieties are getting worse, not better. People are starting to lose faith in the  American dream , which is the idea that if you work hard, you can build a better life not just for yourselves but for your children and grandchildren. A lot of people feel like that dream is slipping further out of reach. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States  - because America is supposed to be the place where you can make it if you try.
And a lot of people are trying, but they're having a tough time making it. Part of it has to do with changes in the way our economy works. Over the last few decades, revolutions in technology and communication have made it so that corporations can send good jobs wherever there's an internet connection. Children in St. Petersburg aren't just growing up competing for good jobs with children in Boston or Chicago, but with children in Beijing and Bangalore.
But what we also have to remember is that our economic problems aren't simply due to changes in how our economy works, and they aren't just a normal part of the  business cycle . They're also due to irresponsible decisions that were made on Wall Street and in Washington. In recent years, we have relearned the essential truth that in the  long run , we cannot have a thriving Wall Street and a struggling  Main Street . When wages are flat, prices are rising, and more Americans are mired in debt, the economy as a whole suffers. When a reckless few game the system, as we've seen in this  housing crisis , millions suffer and we're all affected. When  special interests  put their thumb on the scale, and distort the  free market , the people who compete by the rules come in last. And when our government fails to meet its obligation - to provide sensible oversight and stand on the side of working people and invest in their future - America pays a heavy price.
So we have a choice to make in this election. We can either choose a new direction for our economy, or we can keep doing what we've been doing. My opponent believes we're on the right course. He's said our economy has made great progress these past eight years. He's embraced the Bush  economic policies  and promises to continue them. Well, our country and families in Florida cannot afford to keep doing the same thing over and over again and expect a different result. That's a gamble we just can't take.
It's time for something new. It's time to restore balance and fairness to our economy so it works for all Americans. That's why as President, I will put a  middle class   tax cut  into the pockets of 95% of workers, provide relief to struggling homeowners, and eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making less than $50,000 a year. And I'll end  tax breaks  for companies that ship jobs overseas and give them to companies that create good jobs here at home. But you can't wait that long. You need immediate relief.
Now, I've already called for a stimulus package on two different occasions this year, and much of what I've proposed has passed in Congress. These efforts have made some difference. But with  job losses  mounting, prices rising, increased turbulence in our  financial system , and a growing  credit crunch , we need to do more. I discussed these issues with my top  economic advisers  at a meeting on Monday and we agreed that the main risk we face today is doing too little in the face of our growing economic troubles. That's why today, I'm announcing a two-part  emergency plan  to help struggling families make ends meet and get our economy back on track.
The first part of my plan is a $1,000 emergency energy rebate that could go out to families as soon as this fall. This rebate will be enough to offset the increased cost of gas for a working family over the next 4 months. Or, if you live in a state where it gets very cold in the winter, it will be enough to cover the entire increase in your  heating bills . Or you could use the rebate for any of your other bills or even to pay down debt.
As we provide relief, we must also be mindful of the swelling  budget deficit . That is why I am proposing that we pay for this rebate by taxing the  windfall profits  of  oil companies  like Exxon Mobil - a company that announced yesterday that it made nearly $12 billion  last quarter , more than any U.S. corporation has ever made in a single quarter. It's time we used some of their record profits to help you pay  record prices .
The second part of my plan is a $50 billion stimulus to help  jump-start   job creation  and help local communities that are struggling due to our  economic downturn . Half of this stimulus will go to  state governments  that are facing big budget shortfalls. When  state governments  are forced to cut spending on essential services like police or firefighters, it doesn't just undermine the safety of our communities, it makes our economic problems even worse. By offering $25 billion to  state governments , we can help ensure that they don't have to let workers go or freeze their salaries or raise  property taxes  on families who are hurting. And we can also help ensure that they continue providing foreclosure counseling and other services to help families stay in their homes in areas that have been hard-hit by our  housing crisis .
We'll invest the other half of this $50 billion in our national infrastructure so we can create new jobs and save over one million jobs that are in danger of being cut. With  construction costs  rising, the Highway  Trust Fund  is facing a deficit for the first time ever - and that means that current  infrastructure projects  are being delayed and new ones are being postponed. This is part of the reason we've lost 600,000 jobs in the  construction industry  in recent years. So what we'll do is replenish the  Trust Fund  and make a down-payment on my plan to create a National Infrastructure Bank to rebuild our crumbling roads and bridges. We'll also invest some of this money to repair our crumbling schools - because that won't just help make sure our children are getting a world-class education, it will spur job-growth and boost our local economies.
Now my opponent has a very different economic philosophy. He's proposing to cut the gasoline tax paid by the  oil companies  and trust that they will pass on the savings in the form of lower prices at the pump. It's a plan that strips $9 billion from our highway  construction funds , which means we will lose over 300,000  construction jobs . And he's also proposing  tax cuts  for corporations and the wealthiest Americans in the hope that a  little bit  of it will trickle down to you.
Well, I do not believe that giving $4 billion in new  tax cuts  to  oil companies  - including $1.2 billion to Exxon-Mobil alone - will create any jobs or save you any money. Instead, I believe America is at its strongest when our economy is growing from the bottom-up. If we want relief for families, we should give relief to families. If we want to create jobs, we should do more to make work pay for ordinary Americans. That's what my plan does - because that's how we'll bring America the change we need right now.
But we have to do more than just provide short-term relief. We have to secure our long-term prosperity and strengthen America's competitiveness in the 21st century. It won't be easy. It won't happen overnight. But I refuse to accept that we cannot meet the challenges of our  global economy . I'm running for President because I believe we can seize our own economic destiny.
But we do have a choice to make in November. We can choose to go another four years without truly solving our  energy crisis ; or we can make America energy independent so we're less vulnerable to  oil price  shocks and $4 a gallon gas. We can build an  American green  energy sector by investing in  renewable energies  like wind power,  solar power , and the next generation biofuels. And we can create up to five million new green jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. That's what we can choose to do in this election.
We can choose to go another four years with the same reckless fiscal policies that have busted our budget, wreaked havoc in our economy, and mortgaged our children's future on a mountain of debt; or we can restore fiscal responsibility in Washington by starting to wind down a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month, by cutting wasteful spending, by shutting corporate loopholes and  tax havens , and by rolling back the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans.
We can go another four years with a broken  health care  system; or we can say that if we're spending more money on  health care  per capita than any other nation on earth, we shouldn't have 47 million people without  health care . We shouldn't have families going bankrupt just because they got sick. We shouldn't have businesses struggling to stay afloat because they can't afford rising  health care  costs. We should be guaranteeing  health care  for anyone who wants it, making it affordable for anyone who needs it, and cutting costs for businesses and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses and conditions. And that's what we'll do by the end of my first term as President of the  United States .
We can choose to stay mired in the same education debate that's consumed Washington for decades, or we can provide every child with a quality education so they have the skills to succeed in our  global economy . We can invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of  qualified teachers  with better pay and more support, and finally make college affordable by offering an annual $4,000  tax credit  in exchange for community or  national service . America will invest in you, you'll invest in America, and together, we'll move this country forward.
These are the choices we face in November. And yet, instead of talking about these real choices, my opponent is running an increasingly negative campaign that's distorting my record and using the same old Washington political attacks that are trotted out every four years. Just yesterday, your own St. Petersburg Times wrote that their campaign has taken a "nasty turn into the gutter." The  American people  deserve better. You deserve a serious discussion about our nation's challenges. And you deserve real solutions to our economic problems - solutions that will help ensure that here in this country, opportunity is open to anyone who's willing to work for it.
In the end, that's all most Americans are asking for. It's not a lot. You don't expect government to solve all your problems. You want to be self-reliant and independent. You want to be responsible for your own lives and take care of your own families. But what you do expect is a government that isn't run by the  special interests . What you do expect is that if you're willing to work, you should be able to find a job that pays a decent wage, that you shouldn't go bankrupt when you get sick, and that you should be able to send your child to college even if you're not rich. You do expect that you should be able to retire with dignity and respect.
That's what you should expect. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States . And if you're willing to stand with me and work with me and vote for me, then we will not just win Florida, we will win this election, and then you and I together will change this country and change this world.
 
 
 
I stand here before you today feeling no small amount of gratitude. Because I know that my story, and so many other improbable stories, would not be possible without all that the Urban League has done to put opportunity within reach of every American. It's because of the doors you've opened, because of the battles you've fought and won, because of the sacrifices of people in this room and all those who came before you, that I come here today as a candidate for President of  United States  of America.
And I'll never forget how my journey began. I'll never forget that I got my start as a  foot soldier  in the movement the Urban League built - the movement to bring opportunity to every corner of our cities.
As some of you know, after college, I moved to Chicago and went to work for a group of churches to help families that had been devastated when the local  steel plants  closed down. I knew change in those communities wouldn't come easily - but I also knew it wouldn't come at all if we didn't start bringing people together. So I reached out to  community leaders , and we worked together to set up  job training  to get people back to work and afterschool programs to keep kids safe, and to help people stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them.
That work taught me a fundamental truth that has guided me to this day: that change doesn't come from the top down, it comes from the bottom up. Change happens when you teach a child to read, or get a worker a job, or help an entrepreneur set up shop. It happens when you send a young person to college or help a family keep their home. That's the kind of change all of you are making every single day.
Because you know that  civil rights  and equal treatment under the law are necessary, but not sufficient, to seize America's promise - as Dr. King once said, "the inseparable twin of racial justice is economic justice."
You know that you can't take that seat at the front of the bus if you can't afford the  bus fare . You can't live in an integrated neighborhood if you can't afford the house. And it doesn't mean a whole lot to sit down at that  lunch counter  if you can't afford the lunch.
You know that there was a reason why the march your fourth  executive director , Whitney Young, addressed  forty-five  years ago this summer wasn't just called the March on Washington; and it wasn't just called the March on Washington for Freedom; it was called the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.
On that hot August day, Whitney Young declared that the  civil rights  for which they were marching were "...not negotiable...." But he also described other marches that lay ahead: the march from "ghettos to decent, wholesome, unrestricted  residential areas "; the march from "relief rolls" to "retraining centers"; the march from "ill-equipped schools which breed dropouts and which smother motivation" to "well-equipped, integrated facilities throughout the cities."
And he concluded, "Our march is a march for America."
Our march is a march for America.
Not black America or white America. Not rich America or poor America, rural America or urban America. But all America. An America where no child's destiny is determined before she's born - and no one's future is confined to the neighborhood he's born into. An America where  hard work  is still a ticket to the  middle class  - and you can make it if you try.
But somewhere along the way, we got off course. Somewhere along the way, we let a reckless few game the system, we let  special interests  tilt the scale and distort the  free market , we stopped making the investments in our children and our workers to help us all rise together.
And today, we're all paying the price. Today, we stand at a defining moment in our history. With seven straight months of  job losses ; with the highest percentage of homes in foreclosure since the Depression; with  family incomes  down $1,000 and the costs of gas, groceries and  health care  up a whole lot more than that - so many people are looking at their children, wondering if they'll be able to give them the same chances they had.
Our cities have been especially hard hit - facing shrinking  tax bases , growing  budget deficits , and  social services  that just can't keep up with people's needs.
And let's be very clear: when more than 80 percent of Americans live in metro areas; when the top 100 metro areas generate two-thirds of our jobs; when 42 of our metro areas now rank among the world's 100 largest economies - the problems of our cities aren't just "urban" problems any more.
When rising foreclosures mean vacant homes, abandoned streets and rising crime that spills over  city limits  - that's a suburban problem and an ex-urban problem too.
When tens of millions of people in our cities are uninsured, and our urban  emergency rooms  are overflowing - that's a suburban and ex-urban problem too.
When urban roads, bridges and  transit systems  are crumbling; when  urban schools  aren't giving  young people  the skills to compete, so companies decide to take their business and their jobs elsewhere - that's a suburban and ex-urban problem too.
As President Kennedy once said, "We will neglect our cities to our peril, for in neglecting them we neglect the nation."
So we've got a decision to make. We can continue President Bush's  economic policies  - the policies that got us here in the first place. That's the course Senator McCain would have us follow. He's said we've made "great progress economically" under President Bush.
Well, I disagree. We face serious issues in this election - and have real differences. But I'm not going to assault Senator McCain's character. I'm not going to compare him to  pop stars . I will, however, compare our two visions for our  economic future .
Senator McCain wants to keep giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas. I want to end them and start giving incentives to companies that create jobs here at home. Because I don't think 463,000 lost jobs this year is economic progress.
He wants to give $300 billion worth of  tax breaks  to big corporations and the wealthiest Americans. Under his plan, more than 100 million  middle class families  won't see a penny in  direct tax  relief. I want to put a  tax cut  of up to $1,000 into the pockets of 95% of working Americans. And if you're a family making less than $250,000 a year, my plan won't raise your taxes one penny - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes , not any of your taxes.
Senator McCain is opposed to regular increases in the minimum wage - I want to index it so that it rises with rising costs. He thinks the  Earned Income   Tax Credit  is fine as it is - I want to expand it. He has no plans to make childcare more affordable or help people get paid  sick leave  - while I do.
In the end, Senator McCain's plans, if you're doing spectacularly well now, you'll do even better. Otherwise, you'll likely be stuck running in place - or fall even further behind.
Well, I don't think that's good enough. Those policies haven't worked for the past eight years, they won't work now, and it's time for something new. It's time for policies that reflect the fundamental truth that we rise or fall as one nation. That's the truth at the heart of your Opportunity Compact - that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street and a struggling  Main Street . That when wages are flat, prices are rising, and more and more Americans are mired in debt, our economy as a whole suffers. Our competitiveness as a nation suffers. Our children's future suffers.
So we all have a stake here. That's why your opportunity agenda is a compact - not a guarantee, not a promise - but a call to responsibility. Because we know that government can't solve all our problems, and government can't and shouldn't do for us what we should be doing for ourselves: raising our kids the right way, being good neighbors and good citizens, becoming leaders in our industries and communities. We know that the  American dream  isn't something that happens to you - it's something you strive for and work for and seize with your own two hands. And we've got a responsibility as a nation to keep that dream alive for all of our people.
That's what I was trying to do working with folks on the South Side of Chicago all those years ago. Those folks weren't asking for a handout or an easy  way out . They wanted to work, they wanted to contribute, they wanted to give their kids every opportunity to succeed. They just needed a chance, an opportunity to start climbing - the same thing we all want in life. And that's what this election is about.
This election is about the 47 million people who don't have  health care  - including 1 in 5  African Americans  - people for whom one accident, one illness could mean  financial ruin . That's why, when I'm President, we'll bring down  health care  costs by $2,500 for the  typical family  and prevent  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who need care most. We'll guarantee  health care  for anyone who needs it, make it affordable for anyone who wants it, and ensure that the quality of your  health care  doesn't depend on the color of your skin.
This election is about the couple I met in North Las Vegas who saved up for decades only to be tricked into buying a home they couldn't afford - and all those families whose dream of owning a home has been shattered by that grim foreclosure notice in the mail.
Unfortunately, Senator McCain's housing plan doesn't do anything to help many of the 2.5 million homeowners facing foreclosure - even as he supported spending billions to bail out Wall Street.
I've got a  different approach . Two years ago, I offered a proposal to crack down on mortgage fraud. I worked with Senator Chris Dodd and Congressman Barney Frank to pass a housing bill that will help families refinance their mortgages and stay in their homes. And I support  tax credits  to help low and middle-income Americans afford their  mortgage payments . Because if we can bail out the  investment banks  on Wall Street who helped create this crisis, then we can certainly extend a hand to folks bearing the brunt of it on  Main Street .
This election is also about every child sitting in a crumbling classroom; every child taught by a teacher who isn't getting the support he or she needs. It's about the 1.2 million students who fail to graduate  high school  each year - including 100,000 last year in Florida. It's about the "catastrophe," as Colin Powell put it, of children in our nation's largest cities who have a 50-50 chance - literally a coin toss - of graduating on-time.
Now, I think it's interesting that Senator McCain came before you yesterday and attacked my record on  education reform . For someone who's been in Washington nearly 30 years, he's got a pretty slim record on education, and when he has taken a stand, it's been the wrong one. So I'm happy to put my record and ideas up against his any day.
He voted against increased funding for No Child Left Behind to preserve billions in  tax breaks  for the wealthiest Americans -  tax breaks  he wants to extend without saying how he'd pay for them. He voted against increasing funds for  Head Start , and Pell Grants, and the hiring of 100,000 new teachers again and again and again. He even applauded the idea of abolishing the Department of Education.
In fact, his only proposal seems to be recycling tired rhetoric about vouchers. Now, I've been a proponent of  public school  choice throughout my career. I also believe that well-designed public charter schools have a lot to offer. That's why I helped pass legislation to double the number of charter schools in Chicago. But what I do oppose is using public money for private school vouchers. We need to focus on fixing and improving our  public schools ; not throwing our hands up and walking away from them. We need to stop the tired old attacks, and start getting results for our children.
That's why I've been working to reform our schools for years. That's why I introduced a  comprehensive plan  last fall to recruit, prepare and retain effective teachers across America and why I added a program to the education bill that passed just yesterday to prepare high quality teachers in  urban areas . That's why I introduced legislation to lower the  dropout rate , starting in  middle school . That's why, when I'm President, we'll give every child access to high quality pre-kindergarten programs, recruit an army of new teachers for our communities, stop leaving the money behind for No Child Left Behind, and make college affordable for anyone who wants to go. That's how we'll give every young person the skills to get a good job; that's how we'll ensure that America can compete in the twenty-first century  global economy .
And if people tell you that we can't afford to invest in education or  health care  or good jobs, you just remind them that we're spending $10 billion a month in Iraq. And if we can spend that much money in Iraq, we can spend some of that money right here in America, in cities all across this country.
We know the difference we can make when we work together to open the doors of opportunity wide enough for everyone to walk through. Today, I'm thinking of one particular example from your history.
Back in January of 1949, the Urban League brought representatives from General Electric to Howard University to recruit graduating seniors. It was the first time in history that a company like that had come to a black  university campus  to hire students. The next year, thirteen companies recruited at Howard. Soon after that, more than 500 corporate representatives came to half a dozen other colleges and universities. And today, national and  multinational companies  recruit  African American  students at HBCUs and colleges and universities across this country.
Think about all the careers launched, the wealth built, the homes bought, the tuition paid, and the dreams realized - think about all the grandparents looking back on their achievements with pride, and the children looking forward to their futures with hope - all, at least in part, because of what the Urban League started on a  winter day  nearly 60 years ago.
That is the march for America that Whitney Young spoke of all those years ago. The march that led so many of our parents and grandparents north to our cities, looking to start a new life, unafraid of  hard work , determined to give their children opportunities they never had. As the poet Alice Walker once wrote, "...they knew what we must know without knowing a page of it themselves."
That's what we've always done in America: dream big for ourselves - and even bigger for our children and grandchildren. And if you're willing to work with me, and fight with me, and stand with me this fall, then I promise you, we will build a nation worthy of their future.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
 
 
 
I've often said that this election is a defining moment in our history. On  major issues  like the war in Iraq or the warming of our planet, the decisions we make in November and over the next few years will shape a generation, if not a century. Nowhere is that more true than when it comes to our economy.
You don't have to watch TV or read the newspaper to know what's happening - you feel it in your own lives and in your own communities. July was the seventh straight month of  job loss . Gas prices are out of control.  Food prices  are soaring. If you're lucky enough to have  health care , your copays, deductibles, and premiums are skyrocketing. College is becoming less affordable. And we've seen more foreclosures than at any time since the  Great Depression . Back in the 1990s, your incomes grew by $6,000, and over the last several years, they've actually fallen by nearly $1,000.
So for millions of families, these anxieties are growing worse. Many people are losing faith in that fundamental promise of America - that if you work hard, you'll be able to build a better life not just for yourself, but for your children and grandchildren.
Part of it has to do with fundamental changes in our economy. Over the last few decades, revolutions in technology and communication have made it so that corporations can send good jobs wherever there's an internet connection. Children here in Titusville aren't just growing up competing for good jobs with children in California or Indiana, but with children in Beijing and Bangalore.
But what we also have to remember is that our economic problems aren't simply due to changes in how our economy works, and they aren't just a normal part of the  business cycle . They're also due to irresponsible decisions that were made on Wall Street and in Washington. In recent years, we have relearned the essential truth that in the  long run , we cannot have a thriving Wall Street and a struggling  Main Street . When wages are flat, prices are rising, and more Americans are mired in debt, the economy as a whole suffers. When a reckless few game the system, as we've seen in this  housing crisis , millions suffer and we're all affected. When  special interests  put their thumb on the scale, and distort the  free market , the people who compete by the rules come in last. And when our government fails to meet its obligation - to provide sensible oversight and stand on the side of working people and invest in their future - America pays a heavy price.
So we have a choice to make in this election. We can either choose a new direction for our economy, or we can keep doing what we've been doing. My opponent believes we're on the right course. He's said our economy has made great progress these past eight years. He's embraced the Bush  economic policies  and promises to continue them.
Well, I just want to ask you a  simple question . Are you better off now than you were four years ago or eight years ago? Can you afford another four years of the same  economic policies  that we've had under George W. Bush?
We've tried those policies. They haven't worked. It's time to leave them in the past where they belong. It's time for something new. It's time to restore balance and fairness to our economy so it works for all Americans, recognizing that we must grow together, Wall Street and  Main Street , profits and wages.
That starts with easing the burden on hardworking families. If I'm elected President, I'll put a $1,000  tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families. I'll provide relief to struggling homeowners. I'll eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000 a year. And I'll give working parents the support they need by making childcare affordable and expanding paid leave - and we'll make sure that women get  equal pay  for equal work.
But you need relief right now. That's why yesterday, I announced a two-part  emergency plan  to help struggling families make ends meet and get our economy back on track. The first part of my plan is to tax the  windfall profits  of  oil companies  and use some of that money to help you pay the rising price of gas. Now, this is an area where my opponent and I disagree - because he opposes using this money to help you pay your bills.
The other day, we learned that Exxon Mobil made nearly $12 billion  last quarter . To put it another way, they made $1,500 every second. That's more than $300,000 in the time it takes you to fill up a tank of gas. And Senator McCain actually wants to give  oil companies  like Exxon another $4 billion in  tax cuts . Well, I don't think we should be giving  tax breaks  to  oil companies  that are doing better than ever at a time when you're struggling more than ever. It's time to use some of their record profits to help you pay  record prices  by putting a $1,000 emergency energy rebate in the pockets of working families.
The second part of my plan is a $50 billion stimulus to help  jump-start   job creation  and help local communities that are struggling due to our  economic downturn . Half of this stimulus will go to  state governments  that are facing big budget shortfalls. And we'll invest the other half in our national infrastructure so we can create new jobs and save over one million jobs that are in danger of being cut, rebuild our crumbling roads and bridges, and repair our crumbling schools.
And we have to do more than provide short-term relief. We have to secure our long-term prosperity and strengthen America's competitiveness in the 21st century. One of the areas where we are in danger of losing our  competitive edge  is our  space program . When I was growing up, NASA inspired the world with achievements we are still proud of. Today, we have an administration that has set ambitious goals for NASA without giving NASA the support it needs to reach them. As a result, they've had to cut back on research, and trim their programs, which means that after the  Space Shuttle  shuts down in 2010, we're going to have to rely on Russian spacecraft to keep us in orbit.
We cannot cede our leadership in space. That's why I will help close the gap and ensure that our  space program  doesn't suffer when the Shuttle goes out of service by working with Senator Bill Nelson to add at least one additional  Space Shuttle  flight beyond 2010; by supporting continued funding for NASA; by speeding the development of the Shuttle's successor; and by making sure that all those who work in the space industry in Florida do not lose their jobs when the Shuttle is retired - because we cannot afford to lose their expertise.
More broadly, we need a real vision for space exploration. To help formulate this vision, I'll reestablish the National Aeronautics and Space Council so that we can develop a plan to explore the  solar system  - a plan that involves both human and robotic missions, and enlists both international partners and the  private sector . And as America leads the world to long-term exploration of the moon, Mars, and beyond, let's also tap NASA's ingenuity to build the airplanes of tomorrow and to study our own planet so we can combat  global climate  change. Under my watch, NASA will inspire the world, make America stronger, and help grow the economy here in Florida.
That's what this election is all about. It's about raising our sights, seizing this moment, and reclaiming our destiny in this country. And yet, at a time when the stakes could not be higher - when the challenges facing our country could not be greater - my opponent is talking about Britney and Paris. Well, I think the  American people  deserve better. Senator McCain and I have real differences and that's what we should be talking about - because we have a real choice to make in November.
We can choose to go another four years without truly solving our  energy crisis ; or we can invest in  renewable energies , create up to five million green jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced, and build an  American green  energy sector so that we're less vulnerable to  oil price  shocks and $4 a gallon gas. That's what we can choose to do in this election.
We can choose to do nothing about disappearing jobs and shuttered factories for another four years, or we can encourage  job creation  in the  United States  of America. We can end  tax breaks  for corporations that ship jobs overseas and give them to companies that create jobs here in this country.
We can choose to go another four years with a broken  health care  system; or we can finally guarantee  health care  for anyone who wants it, make it affordable for anyone who needs it, and cut  health care  costs for manufactures to help make them more competitive. That's a choice we can make in this election.
We can choose to stay mired in the same education debate that's consumed Washington for decades, or we can invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of  qualified teachers  with better pay and more support, and make college affordable by offering an annual $4,000  tax credit  in exchange for community or  national service . That's how we'll prepare every American to compete and succeed in our  global economy .
We can choose to go another four years with the same reckless fiscal policies that have busted our budget, wreaked havoc on our economy, and mortgaged our children's future on a mountain of debt; or we can restore fiscal responsibility in Washington by winding down a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month, by cutting wasteful spending, by shutting corporate loopholes and  tax havens , and by rolling back the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans.
These are the choices we face in November. We can choose to remain on the path that has led our economy into so much trouble, or we can reclaim the idea that here in this country, you can make it if you try.
In the end, that's all most Americans are asking for. It's not a lot. You don't expect government to solve all your problems. You want to be self-reliant and independent. You want to be responsible for your own lives and take care of your own families. But what you do expect is a government that isn't run by the  special interests . What you do expect is that if you're willing to work hard, you should be able to find a job that pays a decent wage, that you shouldn't go bankrupt when you get sick, that you should be able to send your children to college even if you're not rich, and that you should be able to retire with dignity and security.
That's what you should expect. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States . And if you're willing to stand with me and work with me and vote for me, then we will not just win Florida, we will win this election, and then you and I together will change this country and change this world.
 
 
 
We meet at a moment when this country is facing a set of challenges unlike any we've ever known. Right now, our brave men and women in uniform are fighting two different wars while terrorists plot their next attack. Our changing climate is putting our planet in peril and our security at risk. And our economy is in turmoil, with more and more of our families struggling with rising costs, falling incomes and lost jobs.
So we know that this election could be the most important of our lifetime. We know that the choices we make in November and over the next few years will shape the next decade, if not the century. And central to each of these challenges is the question of what we will do about our addiction to foreign oil.
Without a doubt, this addiction is one of the most urgent threats we've ever faced - from the gas prices that are wiping out your paychecks and straining businesses, to the jobs that are disappearing from this state; from the instability and terror bred in the  Middle East , to the rising oceans, record drought and spreading famine that could engulf our planet.
Now how, exactly, did we get to this point? Well, you won't hear me say this too often, but I couldn't agree more with the explanation that Senator McCain offered a few weeks ago. He said, "Our dangerous dependence on foreign oil has been thirty years in the making, and was caused by the failure of politicians in Washington to think long-term about the future of the country." What Senator McCain neglected to mention was that during those thirty years, he was in Washington for twenty-six of them. And during that time, he voted against increased fuel efficiency standards and opposed legislation that included  tax credits  for more efficient cars. He voted against renewable  sources of energy . Against clean biofuels. Against  solar power . Against wind power. Against an energy bill that - while far from perfect - represented the largest investment in renewable  sources of energy  in the history of this country.
And unfortunately, in this election, Senator McCain has proposed an energy plan that's nothing but four years more of the same.
He's offering a plan with no significant investments in  alternative energy . He's offering a gas tax holiday that will pad  oil company  profits and save you - at best - half a tank of gas over the course of an entire summer. And he's offering $4 billion more in  tax breaks  to the biggest  oil companies  in America - including $1.2 billion to Exxon-Mobil, a company that just recorded the largest profit in the history of the  United States . A company that,  last quarter , made the same  amount of money  in 30 seconds that a typical Ohio worker makes in a year. All while here in Ohio, you're paying nearly $3.70 a gallon for gas - two and a  half times  what it cost when President Bush took office. Senator McCain not only wants  oil companies  to keep every dime of that money, he wants to give them more. Well, I don't know about you, but I don't think that's the change we need.
Instead of offering a real plan to lower gas prices, the only energy proposal he's really promoting is more offshore drilling. This plan won't lower prices today. It won't lower prices during the next Administration. The truth is, we wouldn't see a drop of oil from this drilling for at least seven years. While increased domestic  oil exploration  certainly has its place as we make our economy more fuel-efficient and transition to other, renewable, American-made  sources of energy , it is not the solution. It is a political answer of the sort Washington has given us for three decades.
And while Senator McCain's plan won't save you at the pump anytime soon, it sure has done a lot to raise campaign dollars. Senator McCain raised more than one million dollars from the  oil industry  just last month, most of which came after he announced his plan for offshore drilling to a room full of cheering oil executives.
So to sum up, under Senator McCain's plan, the  oil companies  get billions more, we don't pay any less at the pump, and we stay in the same cycle of dependence on oil that got us into this crisis. The  oil companies  have placed their bet on Senator McCain, and if he wins, they will continue to cash in while our families and our economy suffer and our future is put in jeopardy.
That's the choice we face in this election. We can choose four years more of the same failed policies that have gotten us where we are. Four years more of  oil companies  calling the shots while hard working families are struggling. That's what Senator McCain is offering.
Or we can choose a new,  clean energy  future that gets us where we need to be. We can make a different bet - a bet on the ingenuity, industry and determination of the  American people . That's what I'm offering.
Because after one president in the pocket of the  oil companies  - we can't afford another. For the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, we must end the age of oil in our time.
Now, we know our families need immediate relief from high gas prices - relief to the mother who's cutting down on groceries because of gas prices, or the man I met in Pennsylvania who lost his job and can't even afford to drive around and look for a new one. And if I'm elected President, unlike Senator McCain, I won't be giving  tax breaks  to  oil companies  that are doing better than ever while you're struggling more than ever. Instead, I'll immediately give working families across America a $1,000 energy rebate, paid for with part of the record profits the  oil companies  are making right now.
And in the short-term, as we transition to  renewable energy , we can and should increase our domestic production of oil and  natural gas . Right now,  oil companies  have access to 68 million acres where they aren't drilling. So we should start by giving them a choice: use the land you have, or give up your leases to someone who will.
But the truth is, neither of these steps will seriously reduce our energy dependence in the long-term. We simply cannot pretend, as Senator McCain does, that we can drill our  way out  of this problem. Breaking our oil addiction will take nothing less than a complete transformation of our economy. It will take an all-hands-on-deck effort from America - effort from our scientists and entrepreneurs; from businesses and from every American citizen.
We all know that this is the great challenge of our time. If we fail to act, there the implications will be grave for our economy, for our security, for our planet.
But if we seize this moment, and meet the challenge, we can open to door to a new economy for the 21st century that will bring new energy, new jobs and new hope to Youngstown and communities across Ohio and this nation.
So if I am President, I will immediately direct the full resources of the  federal government  and the full energy of the  private sector  to a single, overarching goal - in ten years, we will eliminate the need for oil from the entire  Middle East  and Venezuela. To do this, we'll invest $150 billion over the next decade and leverage billions more in private capital to harness American energy and create five million new American jobs - jobs that pay well and won't be outsourced, good union jobs that lift up our families and revitalize our communities.
There are three  major steps  I will take to achieve this goal.
First, we'll commit ourselves to getting one million 150 mile-per-gallon  plug-in  hybrid cars on our roads within six years. And we'll make sure these cars are built not in Japan, not in China, but right here in the  United States  of America.
We'll do it by investing in research and development; providing $4 billion in loans and  tax credits  to  auto companies  so they can re-tool their factories to build these cars; and by giving consumers a $7,000  tax credit  to buy them. That's how we'll make sure American workers and American companies can thrive in a 21st century economy.
Second, we'll double the amount of our energy that comes from renewable sources by the end of my first term. That means investing in the clean technology research and development that's occurring in facilities all across the country. It means investing in  tax incentives  to encourage the production of renewables like wind and  solar power  and to develop next generation biofuels. It means finding safer ways to use  nuclear power  and store  nuclear waste , and to use more coal, ones of America's most abundant  energy sources . And it means working to modernize our national utility grid so it can accommodate these new  power sources  without being overrun by blackouts.
The payoff from these investments in  renewable energy  sources will be  renewable energy  jobs across Ohio and across America. Now, I know that over the past eight years, you've lost more 236,000 manufacturing jobs in this state. But I also know that Ohio has the second highest potential of all fifty states to create new  wind energy  manufacturing jobs - and investing in wind power could increase workers' wages in Ohio by more than $3.5 billion through the year 2020. I also know that with the right investments, this state could save $24 billion a year that you spend importing energy, and instead, power two million homes using wind power.
Finally, I will call on businesses, government, and the  American people  to meet the goal of reducing our demand for electricity 15% by the end of the next decade. This is by far the fastest, easiest, and cheapest way to reduce our  energy consumption  - and it will save us $130 billion on our energy bills. One report found that right here in Ohio, improvements in  energy efficiency  can help save homes and businesses $1.5 billion in energy costs by 2020.
The state of California has implemented such a successful efficiency strategy that while  electricity consumption  grew 60% in this country over the last three decades, it didn't grow at all in California. There is no reason we can't do the same thing all across America.
In just ten years, these three steps will produce enough  renewable energy  to replace all the oil we import from the  Middle East . Along with the cap-and-trade program I've proposed, we will reduce our dangerous  carbon emissions  80% by 2050, slow the warming of our planet, and create five million new jobs in the process.
I won't pretend the goals I've laid out today aren't ambitious. They are. I won't pretend we can achieve them without cost, or without sacrifice, or without the contribution of almost every American citizen. We can't.
But I will say that these goals are possible. And I will say that achieving them is absolutely necessary if we want to keep America safe and prosperous in the 21st century. It's necessary if we want our families to thrive again - to have good jobs with good wages that let them get ahead again.
So in this election, we face a choice. We can continue down the path we've been traveling. We can keep making small, piece-meal investments in  renewable energy , keep paying more and more at the pump, and keep sending our hard-earned dollars to  oil company  executives and Middle Eastern dictators. We can watch helplessly as the price of gas rises and falls because of some foreign crisis we have no control over, and uncover every single  barrel of oil  buried beneath this country only to realize that we don't have enough for a few years, let alone a century. We can watch other countries create the industries and jobs that will fuel our future, as our workers fall behind and our planet grows more unlivable by the day.
Or we can choose another future. In just a few years, we can watch cars that run on  plug-in  batteries come off our  assembly lines . We can see shuttered factories open their doors to manufacturers that sell  wind turbines  and  solar panels  that will power our homes and our businesses. We can watch as millions of new jobs with good pay and good benefits are created for American workers, and we can take pride as the technologies, and discoveries, and industries of the future flourish in the  United States  of America. We can lead the world, secure our nation, and leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner and healthier than the one we inherited.
This is the choice we face in the months ahead. This is the challenge we must meet. This is the opportunity we must seize - and this may be our  last chance  to seize it. So I ask you to join me, in November and in the years to come, to ensure that we will not only control our own energy, but once again control our own destiny, and forge a new and  better future  for the country that we love. Thank you.
 
 
 
Thank you, Commander Lisicki, for your leadership. Let me also acknowledge the leadership of Virginia Carman, the president of the VFW ladies auxiliary, as well as my friend Jim Webb who will be speaking here later today. Finally, let me thank all of the members of the Veterans of  Foreign Wars  of the  United States  of America for inviting me back to this convention. It is a privilege to be among so many who have given so much for our country.
I stand before you today at a defining moment in our history. We are in the midst of two wars. The terrorists who attacked us on 9/11 are still at large. Russia has invaded the sovereign nation of Georgia. Iran is pursuing  nuclear weapons . The next Commander-in-Chief is going to have to exercise the best possible judgment in getting us through these difficult times.
Yesterday, Senator McCain came before you. He is a man who has served this nation honorably, and he correctly stated that one of the chief criteria for the  American people  in this election is going to be who can exercise the best judgment as  Commander in Chief . But instead of just offering policy answers, he turned to a typical  laundry list  of political attacks. He said that I have changed my position on Iraq when I have not. He said that I am for a path of "retreat and failure." And he declared, "Behind all of these claims and positions by Senator Obama lies the ambition to be president" - suggesting, as he has so many times, that I put  personal ambition  before my country.
That is John McCain's prerogative. He can run that kind of campaign, and- frankly - that's how political campaigns have been  run in  recent years. But I believe the  American people  are better than that. I believethat this defining moment demands something more of us.
If we think that we can secure our country by just talking tough without acting tough and smart, then we will misunderstand this moment and miss its opportunities. If we think that we can use the same partisan playbook where we just challenge our opponent's patriotism to win an election, then the  American people  will lose. The times are too serious for this kind of politics. The calamity left behind by the last eight years is too great. So let me begin by offering my judgment about what we've done, where we are, and where we need to go.
Six years ago, I stood up at a time when it was politically difficult to oppose going to war in Iraq, and argued that our first priority had to be finishing the fight against Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Senator McCain was already turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, and he became a leading supporter of an invasion and occupation of a country that had absolutely nothing to do with the 9/11attacks, and that - as despicable as Saddam Hussein was - posed no imminent threat to the  American people . Two of the biggest beneficiaries of that decision were al Qaeda's leadership, which no longer faced the pressure of America's focused attention; and Iran, which has advanced its  nuclear program , continued its support for terror, and increased its influence in Iraq and the region.
In the run-up to the invasion of Iraq, I warned that war would fan the flames of extremism in the  Middle East , create new centers of terrorism,and tie us down in a costly and open-ended occupation. Senator McCain predicted that we'd be greeted as liberators, and that the Iraqis would bear the cost of rebuilding through their bountiful  oil revenues . For the good of our country, I wish he had been right, and I had been wrong.But that's not what history shows.
Senator McCain now argues that despite these costly strategic errors,his judgment has been vindicated due to the results of the surge. Let me once again praise General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker - they are outstanding Americans. In Iraq, gains have been made in lowering the  level of violence  thanks to the outstanding efforts of our military, theincreasing capability of Iraq's  Security Forces , the ceasefire of Shiite militias, and the decision taken by Sunni tribes to take the fight to al Qaeda. Those are the facts, and all Americans welcome them.
But understand what the essential argument was about. Before the surge,I argued that the long-term solution in Iraq is political - the Iraqi government must reconcile its differences and take responsibility forits future. That holds true today. We have lost over a thousand American lives and spent hundreds of billions of dollars since the surge began,but Iraq's leaders still haven't made hard compromises or substantial investments in rebuilding their country. Our military is badly overstretched - a fact that has surely been noted in capitals around the world. And while we pay a heavy price in Iraq - and Americans pay  record prices  at the pump - Iraq's government is sitting on a $79 billiondollar  budget surplus  from windfall oil profits.
Let's be clear: our troops have completed every mission they've been given. They have created the space for political reconciliation. Now it must be filled by an Iraqi government that reconciles its differences and spends its oil profits to meet the needs of its people. Iraqi inaction threatens the progress we've made and creates an opening for Iran and the "special groups" it supports. It's time to press the Iraq isto take responsibility for their future. The best way to do that is a responsible redeployment of our combat brigades, carried out in close consultation with commanders on the ground. We can safely redeploy at apace that removes our combat brigades in 16 months. That would be well into 2010 - seven years after the war began. After this redeployment,we'll keep a residual force to target remnants of al Qaeda; to protect our  service members  and diplomats; and to train Iraq's  Security Forces  if the Iraqis make political progress.
Iraq's democratically-elected  Prime Minister  has embraced this  time frame . Now it's time to succeed in Iraq by turning Iraq over to its sovereign government. We should not keep sending our troops to fight tour after  tour of duty  while our military is overstretched. We should not keep spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while Americans struggle in a sluggish economy. Ending the war will allow us to invest in America, to strengthen our military, and to finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan and the  border region  of Pakistan.
This is the central front in the war on terrorism. This is where the Taliban is gaining strength and launching new attacks, including one that just took the life of ten French soldiers. This is where Osama bin Laden and the same terrorists who killed nearly 3,000 Americans on our own soil are hiding and plotting seven years after 9/11. This is a war that we have to win. And as Commander-in-Chief, I will have no greater priority than taking out these terrorists who threaten America, and finishing the job against the Taliban.
For years, I have called for more resources and more troops to finish the fight in Afghanistan. With his overwhelming focus on Iraq, Senator McCain argued that we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, and only came around to supporting my call for more troops last month. Now,we need a policy of "more for more" - more from America and our NATO allies, and more from the  Afghan government . That's why I've called for at least two additional U.S. combat brigades and an additional $1billion in non- military assistance  for Afghanistan, with a demand for more action from the  Afghan government  to take on corruption and counter narcotics, and to improve the lives of the Afghan people.
We must also recognize that we cannot succeed in Afghanistan or secure America as long as there is a terrorist safe-haven in north west Pakistan. A year ago, I said that we must take action against bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights and Pakistan cannot or will not act. Senator McCain criticized me and claimed that I was for"bombing our ally." So for all of his talk about following Osama bin Laden to the Gates of Hell, Senator McCain refused to join my call to take out bin Laden across the Afghan border. Instead, he spent years backing a dictator in Pakistan who failed to serve the interests of his own people.
I argued for years that we need to move from a "Musharraf policy" to a"Pakistan policy." We must move beyond an alliance built on mere convenience or a relationship with one man. Now, with President Musharraf's resignation, we have the opportunity to do just that. That's why I've cosponsored a bill to triple non- military aid  to the Pakistani people, while ensuring that the  military assistance  we do provide is used to take the fight to the Taliban and al Qaeda in the tribal regions of Pakistan.
Today, our attention is also on the Republic of Georgia, and Senator McCain and I both strongly support the people of Georgia and the Americans delivering humanitarian aid. There is no possible justification for Russia's actions. Russian troops have yet to begin the withdrawal required by the  cease-fire  signed by their president, and we are hearing reports of Russian atrocities: burning  wheat fields , brutal killing, and the destruction of Georgia's infrastructure and military assets.
This crisis underscores the need for engaged U.S. leadership in the world. We failed to head off this conflict and lost leverage in our ability to contain it because our leaders have been distracted, our resources overstretched, and our alliances frayed. American leadership means getting engaged earlier to shape events so that we're not merely responding to them. That's why I'm committed to renewing our leadership and rebuilding our alliances as President of the  United States .
For months, I have called for active international engagement to resolve the disputes over South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I made it crystal clear before, at the beginning of, and during this conflict that Georgia's territorial integrity must be respected, and that Georgia should be integrated into transatlantic institutions. I have condemned Russian aggression, and today I reiterate my demand that Russia abide by the  cease-fire . Russia must know that its actions will have consequences.They will imperil the Civil Nuclear Agreement, and Russia's standing in the  international community  - including the NATO-Russia Council, and Russia's desire to participate in organizations like the WTO and the OECD. Finally, we must help Georgia rebuild what has been destroyed.That is why I'm proud to join my friend, Senator Joe Biden, in calling for an additional $1 billion in reconstruction assistance for the people of Georgia.
These are the judgments I've made and the policies that we have to debate, because we do have differences in this election. But one of the things that we have to change in this country is the idea that people can't disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism. I have never suggested that Senator McCain picks his positions on  national security  based on politics or  personal ambition . I have not suggested it because I believe that he genuinely wants to serve America's  national interest . Now, it's time for him to acknowledge thatI want to do the same.
Let me be clear: I will let no one question my love of this country. Ilove America, so do you, and so does John McCain. When I look out at this audience, I see people of different political views. You are Democrats and Republicans and Independents. But you all served together,and fought together, and bled together under the same proud flag. You did not serve a Red America or a Blue America - you served the  United States  of America.
So let's have a serious debate, and let's debate our disagreements on the merits of policy - not  personal attacks . And no matter how heated itgets or what kind of campaign he chooses to run, I will honor Senator McCain's service, just like I honor the service of every veteran in this room, and every American who has worn the uniform of the  United States .
One of those Americans was my grandfather, Stanley Dunham.
My father left when I was 2, so my grandfather was the man who helped raise me. He grew up in El Dorado, Kansas - a town too small to warrant boldface on a  road map . He worked on  oil rigs  and drifted from town to town during the Depression. Then he met my grandmother and enlisted after Pearl Harbor. He would go on to march across Europe in Patton's Army, while my  great uncle  fought with the 89th Infantry Division to liberate Buchenwald, my grandmother worked on a bomber  assembly line ,and my mother was born at Fort Leavenworth. After my grandfather left the Army, he went to college on the  GI Bill , bought his home with help from the Federal Housing Authority, and he and my grandmother moved west in a restless pursuit of their dreams.
They were among the men and women of our Greatest Generation. They came from ordinary places, and went on to do extraordinary things. They survived a Depression and faced down fascism. And when the guns fell silent, America stood by them, because they had a government that didn't just ask them to win a war - it helped them to live their dreams in peace, and to become the backbone of the largest  middle class  that the world has ever known. In the five years after  World War II , the  GI Bill  helped 15 million veterans get an education. Two million went to college. Millions more learned a trade in factories or on farms. Four million veterans received help in buying a home, leading to the biggest home construction boom in our history.
And these veterans didn't just receive a hand from Washington - they did their part to lift up America, just as they'd done their duty in defending it. They became teachers and doctors, cops and firefighters who were the foundation of our communities. They became the innovators and  small business  owners who helped drive the American economy. They became the scientists and engineers who helped us win the  space race  against the Soviets. They won a  Cold War , and left a legacy to their children and grandchildren who reached new horizons of opportunity.
I am a part of that legacy. Without it, I would not be standing on this stage today. And as President, I will do everything that I can to keep the promise, to advance the  American Dream  for all our veterans, and to enlist them in the cause of building a stronger America.
Our young men and women in uniform have proven that they are the equal of the Greatest Generation on the battlefield. Now, we must ensure that our brave troops serving abroad today become the backbone of our  middle class  at home tomorrow. Those who fight to defend America abroad must have the chance to live their dreams at home - through education and their ability to make a good living; through affordable  health care ;and through a retirement that is dignified and secure. That is the promise that we must keep with all who serve.
It starts with those who choose to remain in uniform, as well as their families. My wife Michelle has net with military families in North Carolina, Kentucky and Virginia over the last several months.  Every time , she passes on their stories - stories of lives filled with patriotism and purpose, but also stories of spouses struggling to pay the bills, kids dealing with an absent parent, and the unique burden of multiple deployments. The message that Michelle has heard is what you all know and have lived: when a  loved one  is deployed, the whole family goes to war.
The VFW has done an extraordinary job of standing by our military families - helping out with everything from a  phone card  for a soldier who is overseas, to an extra hand around the house. As President, I will stand with you. We need a Military Families  Advisory Board  to identify new ways to ease the burden. We need more official support for the volunteer networks that help military spouses get by. And we need to make sure that military pay does not lag behind the  private sector , so that those who serve can raise their families and live the life they've earned.
For those who return to civilian life, I will support their  American Dream  in this 21st century just as we supported generations of veterans in the 20th. That starts with education. Everyone who serves this country should have the same opportunity that my grandfather had under the  GI Bill . That's why, unlike my opponent, I was a strong and early supporter of Jim Webb's  GI Bill  for the 21st Century - a bill that Senator McCain called too generous. At a time when the skyrocketing cost of tuition is pricing thousands of Americans out of a  college education ,this bill provides every veteran with a real chance to afford a world-class  college education . And that's what I'll continue to stand upfor as President.
We must also stand up for affordable  health care  for every single veteran. That's why I've pledged to build a 21st century VA. We need to cut through the  red tape  - every service-member should get electronic copies of medical and service records upon discharge. We need to close shortfalls - it's time to fully fund VA  health care , and to add more VetCenters. We need to get rid of means-testing - every veteran should be allowed into the VA system. My opponent takes a different view. He wants to ration care so the VA only serves combat injuries, while everyone else gets an insurance card. While the VA needs some real reform to better serve those who have worn the uniform, privatization is just not the answer. We cannot risk our veterans'  health care  by turning the VA into just another health insurer. We need to make sure the VA is strong enough to treat every veteran who depends on it. That's what I'll do as President.
And we must expand and enhance our ability to identify and treat PTSD and Traumatic  Brain Injury  at all levels: from enlistment, to deployment, to civilian life. No one should suffer in silence, or slip through the cracks in the system. That's why I've passed measures to increase screening for these unseen wounds, and helped lead a bipartisan effort to stop the unfair practice of kicking out troops who suffer from them. This is something I've fought for in the Senate, and it's something that I'll make a priority as President.
Economic security for our veterans also depends on revamping an over burdened benefits system. I congratulate the VFW for what you've done to help veterans navigate a broken VBA bureaucracy. Now it's time for the government to do a better job. We need more workers, and a 21stcentury  electronic system  that is fully linked up to military records and the VA's health network. It's time to ensure that those who've served get the benefits that they've earned.
Just as we give veterans the support they deserve, we must also engage them and all Americans in a new cause: renewing America. I am running for President because I believe that there is no challenge too great for the  American people  to meet if they are called upon to come together. In America, each of us is free to seek our dreams, but we must also serve a common purpose, a higher purpose. No one embodies that commitment like a veteran.
Just think of the skills that our troops have developed through their service. They have not simply waged war in Afghanistan and Iraq - they have rebuilt infrastructure, supported new agriculture, trained  police forces , and developed  health care  systems. For those leaving  military service , it's time to apply those skills to our great national challenges here at home.
That means expanding programs like Troops-to-Teachers that put veteran sat the front of the classroom. That means tapping the talent of engineers who've served as we make a substantial investment to rebuild our infrastructure and create millions of new jobs. That means dramatically expanding  national service  programs to give Americans of all ages, skills and stations the chance to give back to their communities and their country. I'll also enlist veterans in forging anew American energy economy. That's why I've proposed a Green Veterans initiative to give our veterans the training they need to succeed in the Green Jobs of the future - so that they put themselves on a pathway to a successful career, while ensuring that our  national security  is never held hostage to hostile nations.
This is how we can help our veterans live their dreams while helping our country meet the challenges of the 21st century. And this is what we have learned from so many generations of veterans, including those of you here today - that your contribution to the American story does not end when the uniform comes off. We need those who serve in our military to live their dreams - and to continue serving the cause of America -when the guns fall silent. That's what the VFW stands for, and if I have the honor of being your President, that's what my Administration will work for every single day. Because I believe that we have a sacred trust with those who serve in our military. That trust is simple: America will be there for you just as you have been there for America. It's a trust that begins at enlistment, and it never ends.
I thought of that trust last week when I visited the Pearl Harbor Memorial. I saw where the bombs fell on the USS Arizona, and where a war began that would reshape the world order while reshaping the lives of all who served in it - from our great generals and admirals, to the  enlisted men  like my grandfather. Then I visited his grave at the Punchbowl, the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific.
I still remember the day that we laid my grandfather to rest. In a cemetery lined with the graves of Americans who have sacrificed for our country, we heard the solemn notes of Taps and the crack of guns fired in salute; we watched as a folded flag was handed to my grandmother and my grandfather was laid to rest. It was a nation's  final act  of service and gratitude to Stanley Dunham - an America that stood by my grandfather when he took off the uniform, and never left his side.
This is what we owe our troops and our veterans. Because in every note of Taps and in every folded flag, we hear and see an unwavering belief in the idea of America. The idea that no matter where you come from, or what you look like, or who your parents are, this is a place where anything is possible; where anyone can make it; where we look out for each other, and take care of each other; where we  rise and fall  as one nation - as one people. It's an idea that's worth fighting for - an idea for which so many Americans have given that last full measure of devotion. Now it falls to us to advance that idea just as so many generations have before.
 
 
 
To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my  fellow citizens  of this great nation; With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the  United States .
Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest - a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours -- Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next  Vice President  of the  United States , Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from  world leaders  to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.
To the love of  my life , our next  First Lady , Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia - I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.
Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story - of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't  well-off  or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.
It is that promise that has always set this country apart - that through  hard work  and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.
That's why I stand here tonight. Because for two hundred and thirty two years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women - students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.
We meet at one of those defining moments - a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.
Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive,  credit card  bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.
These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.
America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.
This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of  hard work .
This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he's worked on for twenty years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.
We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.
Tonight, I say to the  American people , to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land - enough! This moment - this election - is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: "Eight is enough." Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.
But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.
The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives - on  health care  and education and the economy - Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors - the man who wrote his economic plan - was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a "mental recession," and that we've become, and I quote, "a nation of whiners." A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud  auto workers  at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their  loved ones  leave for their third or fourth or fifth  tour of duty . These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.
Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in  tax breaks  for big corporations and  oil companies  but not one penny of  tax relief  to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a  health care  plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an  education plan  that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize  Social Security  and gamble your retirement? It's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.
For over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy - give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is - you're on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No  health care ? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps - even if you don't have boots. You're on your own.
Well it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America.
You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.
We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little  extra money  away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President - when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.
We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job - an economy that honors the dignity of work.
The fundamentals we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great - a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
Because in the faces of those young veterans who  come back  from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill .
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the  night shift , I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to  food stamps  but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of  student loans  and scholarships.
When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local  steel plant  closed.
And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She's the one who taught me about  hard work . She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.
I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the  United States .
What is that promise? It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.
It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the  rules of the road .
Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.
That's the promise of America - the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.
That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it.
Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for the  small businesses  and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the  Middle East .
Washington's been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them. In that time, he's said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in  renewable energy , no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.
Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.
As President, I will tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.
America, now is not the time for small plans.
Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance. I'll invest in  early childhood  education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with  insurance companies  while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.
Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect  Social Security  for  future generations .
And now is the time to keep the promise of  equal pay  for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.
Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime - by closing corporate loopholes and  tax havens  that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the  federal budget , line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less - because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a  twentieth century  bureaucracy.
And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed  sense of responsibility  from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our "intellectual and  moral strength ." Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into  lives of crime  and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents; that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.
Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility - that's the essence of America's promise.
And just as we keep our keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.
For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell - but he won't even go to the cave where he lives.
And today, as my call for a  time frame  to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we're wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.
That's not the judgment we need. That won't keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.
You don't defeat a  terrorist network  that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice - but it is not the change we need.
We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe. The Bush-McCain  foreign policy  has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans -- Democrats and Republicans - have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.
As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.
I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining  nuclear weapons  and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide;  climate change  and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a  better future .
These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.
But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism.
The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
So I've got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.
America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger  trade deficits . What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose - our sense of higher purpose. And that's what we have to restore.
We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise - the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.
I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a  Trojan Horse  for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that's to be expected. Because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.
You make a big election about small things.
And you know what - it's worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.
I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.
But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.
For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the  American people  demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.
America, this is one of those moments.
I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I've seen it. Because I've lived it. I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided  health care  to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across  party lines  to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep  nuclear weapons  out of terrorist hands.
And I've seen it in this campaign. In the  young people  who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.
This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.
Instead, it is that American spirit - that American promise - that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.
That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours - a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to  picket lines , and women to reach for the ballot.
And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.
The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.
But what the people heard instead - people of every creed and color, from every  walk of life  - is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.
"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back." America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise - that American promise - and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.
Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the  United States  of America.
 
 
 
Nineteen months ago, on a cold February day right here on the steps of the Old  State Capitol , I stood before you to announce my candidacy for President of the  United States  of America.
We started this journey with a simple belief: that the  American people  were better than their government in Washington - a government that has fallen prey to  special interests  and policies that have left working people behind. As I've travelled to towns and cities, farms and factories, front porches and fairgrounds in almost all fifty states - that belief has been strengthened. Because at this defining moment in our history - with our nation at war, and our economy in recession - we know that the  American people  cannot afford four more years of the same failed policies and the same old politics in Washington. We know that the time for change has come.
For months, I've searched for a leader to finish this journey alongside me, and to join in me in making Washington work for the  American people . I searched for a leader who understands the rising costs confronting working people, and who will always put their dreams first. A leader who sees clearly the challenges facing America in a changing world, with our security and standing set back by eight years of a failed  foreign policy . A leader who shares my vision of an  open government  that calls all citizens - Democrats, Republicans and Independents - to a common purpose. Above all, I searched for a leader who is ready to step in and be President.
Today, I have  come back  to Springfield to tell you that I've found that leader - a man with a distinguished record and a fundamental decency - Joe Biden.
Joe Biden is that rare mix - for decades, he has brought change to Washington, but Washington hasn't changed him. He's an expert on  foreign policy  whose heart and values are rooted firmly in the  middle class . He has stared down dictators and spoken out for America's cops and firefighters. He is uniquely suited to be my partner as we work to put our country back on track.
Now I could stand here and recite a list of Senator Biden's achievements, because he is one of the finest  public servants  of our time. But first I want to talk to you about the character of the man standing next to me.
Joe Biden's many triumphs have only come after great trial.
He was born in Scranton, Pennsylvania. His family didn't have much money. Joe Sr. worked different jobs, from cleaning boilers to selling cars, sometimes moving in with the  in-laws  or working weekends to make ends meet. But he raised his family with a strong commitment to work and to family; to the  Catholic faith  and to the belief that in America, you can make it if you try. Those are the core values that Joe Biden has carried with him to this day. And even though Joe Sr. is not with us, I know that he is proud of Joe today.
It might be hard to believe when you hear him talk now, but as a child he had a terrible stutter. They called him  Bu-bu-Biden. � But he picked himself up, worked harder than the other guy, and got elected to the Senate - a young man with a family and a seemingly limitless future.
Then tragedy struck. Joe's wife Neilia and their  little girl  Naomi were killed in a  car accident , and their two boys were badly hurt. When Joe was sworn in as a Senator, there was no ceremony in the Capitol - instead, he was standing by his sons in the hospital room where they were recovering. He was 30 years old.
Tragedy tests us - it tests our fortitude and it tests our faith. Here's how Joe Biden responded. He never moved to Washington. Instead, night after night, week after week, year after year, he returned home to Wilmington on a lonely Amtrak train when his Senate business was done. He raised his boys - first as a  single dad , then alongside his wonderful wife Jill, who works as a teacher. He had a beautiful daughter. Now his children are grown and Joe is blessed with 5grandchildren. He instilled in them such a sense of  public service  that his son, Beau, who is now Delaware's  Attorney General , is getting ready to deploy to Iraq. And he still takes that train back to Wilmington every night. Out of the heartbreak of that unspeakable accident, he did more than become a Senator - he raised a family. That is the measure of the man standing next to me. That is the character of Joe Biden.
Years later, Senator Biden would face another brush with death when he had a  brain aneurysm . On the way to the hospital, they didn't think he was going to make it. They gave him slim odds to recover. But he did. He beat it. And he came back stronger than before.
Maybe it's this resilience - this insistence on overcoming adversity - that accounts for Joe Biden's work in the Senate. Time and again, he has made a difference for the people across this country who work long hours and face long odds. This  working class  kid from Scranton and Wilmington has always been a friend to the underdog, and all who seek a safer and more prosperous America to live their dreams and raise their families.
Fifteen years ago, too many American communities were plagued by violence and insecurity. So Joe Biden brought Democrats and Republicans together to pass the 1994  Crime Bill , putting 100,000 cops on the streets, and starting an eight year drop in crime across the country.
For far too long, millions of women suffered abuse in the shadows. So Joe Biden wrote the Violence Against Women Act, so every woman would have a place to turn for support. The rate of  domestic violence  went down dramatically, and countless women got a second chance at life.
Year after year, he has been at the forefront of the fight for judges who respect the fundamental rights and liberties of the  American people ;  college tuition  that is affordable for all;  equal pay  for women and a rising minimum wage for all; and family leave policies that value work and family. Those are the priorities of a man whose work reflects his life and his values.
That same  strength of character  is at the core of his rise to become one of America's leading voices on  national security .
He looked Slobodan Milosevic in the eye and called him a  war criminal , and then helped shape policies that would end the killing in the Balkans and bring him to justice. He passed laws to lock down  chemical weapons , and led the push to bring Europe's newest democracies into NATO. Over the last eight years, he has been a powerful critic of the catastrophic Bush-McCain  foreign policy , and a voice for a new direction that takes the fight to the terrorists and ends the war in Iraq responsibly. He recently went to Georgia, where he met quietly with the President and came back with a call for aid and a tough message for Russia.
Joe Biden is what so many others pretend to be - a statesman with sound judgment who doesn't have to hide behind bluster to keep America strong.
Joe won't just make a good  Vice President  - he will make a great one. After decades of steady work across the aisle, I know he'll be able to help me turn the page on the ugly partisanship in Washington, so we can bring Democrats and Republicans together to pass an agenda that works for the  American people . And instead of secret task energy  task forces  stacked with Big Oil and a  Vice President  that twists the facts and shuts the  American people  out, I know that Joe Biden will give us some real straight talk.
I have seen this man work. I have sat with him as he chairs the Senate  Foreign Relations  Committee, and been by his side on the  campaign trail . And I can tell you that Joe Biden gets it. He's that unique  public servant  who is at home in a bar in Cedar Rapids and the corridors of the Capitol; in the VFW hall in Concord, and at the center of an  international crisis .
That's because he is still that scrappy kid from Scranton who beat the odds; the dedicated  family man  and committed Catholic who knows every conductor on that Amtrak train to Wilmington. That's the kind of fighter who I want by my side in the months and years to come.
That's what it's going to take to win the fight for good jobs that let people live their dreams, a  tax code  that rewards work instead of wealth, and  health care  that is affordable and accessible for every American family. That's what it's going to take to forge a new  energy policy  that frees us from our dependence on foreign oil and $4 gasoline at the pump, while creating new jobs and new industry. That's what it's going to take to put an end to a failed  foreign policy  that's based on bluster and bad judgment, so that we renew America's security and standing in the world.
We know what we're going to get from the other side. Four more years of the same out-of-touch policies that created an  economic disaster  at home, and a disastrous  foreign policy  abroad. Four more years of the same divisive politics that is all about tearing people down instead of lifting this country up.
We can't afford more of the same. I am running for President because that's a future that I don't accept for my daughters and I don't accept it for your children. It's time for the change that the  American people  need.
Now, with Joe Biden at my side, I am confident that we can take this country in a new direction; that we are ready to overcome the adversity of the last eight years; that we won't just win this election in November, we'll restore that fair shot at your dreams that is at the core of who Joe Biden and I are as people, and what America is as a nation. So let me introduce you to the next  Vice President  of the  United States  of America...
 
 
 
Washington, DC Washington, DC -- It's an honor to be here with all of you tonight. And I've got to tell you, looking around this room, I'm reminded of the story Congresswoman Roybal-Allard tells about the CHC's first meeting three decades ago. Back then, her father, Congressman Edward Roybal, approached the Speaker of the House, Tip O'Neill, to ask for a room for the meeting. O'Neill responded with his signature humor - by asking if a  telephone booth  would do, because there were so few members.
Well, I don't think Congressman Roybal could have imagined that meeting would one day give rise to a gathering like this, and to an organization that's training the next generation of Hispanic leaders all across America - helping  young people  graduate from  high school , and attend college, and become leaders in their fields.
I come here tonight as the first  African American  nominee of the  Democratic Party  because generations before me did that same work to break barriers and  open doors . And I hope that because of the work all of you are doing, somewhere in this audience sits the person who will become the first Hispanic President of the  United States .
The work of this organization reflects the character of the Hispanic community in which so many people have come here with so little - but had big dreams, big hearts, and a willingness to struggle and sacrifice so the next generation doesn't have to. It's the same reason my own father came here from Kenya so many years ago - because he believed that America was a place where you can make it if you try.
Today, that fundamental American promise is at risk. Our nation is at war and our economy is in turmoil. More Americans are out of work, and have mortgages they can't pay, and cars they can't afford to drive, and wonder how they'll ever afford to retire. And we've all seen the statistics - we all know the Hispanic community has been especially hard hit.
Now, we didn't get here by accident. The challenges we face are - at least in part - the direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of the folks in the  White House  these last two terms.
And last week, we watched as the same party responsible for the past eight years asked this country for another four.
Now, I'm happy to see that in the past few days, Senator McCain has finally realized what we've known all along - that the  American people  are hungry for change. And he's finally ready to have a debate about who can deliver that change. Well, that's a debate I'm eager to have. Because the truth is, on the issues that matter most in people's lives, Senator McCain is offering nothing but four years more of the same.
Senator McCain has worn our country's uniform with bravery and distinction, and for that, we owe him our gratitude and respect. But we also owe ourselves a close look at his record and his agenda for America.
He voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time - and while in recent days, he's railed against Washington lobbyists, he's neglected to mention that his campaign is run by Washington lobbyists. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under President Bush, and offers the same old philosophy that's failed us for decades: give more to those with the most and hope prosperity trickles down to everyone else.
So there are many words to describe Senator McCain's agenda - but change isn't one of them. It's the same old politics and the same old policies that haven't worked for the past eight years and won't work now. And it's time for something new.
We know that government can't solve all our problems - and it shouldn't try. But it should work for us, not against us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American willing to work.
That's what this election is about.
This election is about the families - including so many Latino families - who are losing their homes and their jobs, and working jobs that pay less and come with fewer benefits. They need us to solve this  housing crisis , and end these  tax breaks  for companies shipping jobs overseas, and give real  tax relief  to  middle class families . That's what I'll do as President.
This election is about the Latino students who attend overflowing classes in underfunded schools and are dropping out of school faster than nearly anyone else. They're counting on us to stop leaving the money behind for No Child Left Behind, to recruit an army of new teachers, and make college affordable for anyone who wants to go. That's what I'll do as President.
This election is about the 45 million Americans who don't have  health care  - one in three Hispanics - and about the  small business  owners who can barely stay afloat because of rising  health care  costs. They're counting on us to guarantee  health care  for anyone who needs it and make it affordable for anyone who wants it. That's what I'll do as President.
This election is about the veterans - including so many from this community - who serve this country so bravely, but come home to new battles to get the benefits they've earned. They're counting on us to build a 21st century VA, and pass a 21st century  GI Bill  of Rights, and provide good  health care , including  mental health  care. That's what I'll do as President.
This election is about the 12 million people living in the shadows, the communities taking immigration enforcement into their own hands they're counting on us to stop the hateful rhetoric filling our airwaves, rise above the fear and demagoguery, and finally enact comprehensive immigration reform.
Now, I know Senator McCain used to buck his party by fighting for comprehensive reform - and I admired him for it. But when he was running for his party's nomination, he abandoned his stance, and said he wouldn't even support his own legislation if it came up for a vote. And when it came time to write his party's platform, comprehensive reform never made it in. So you've got to ask yourself: if Senator McCain won't stand up to opponents of reform at his own convention, how can you trust him to stand up for change in Washington? Well, I don't know about you, but I think it's time for a President who won't walk away from comprehensive immigration reform when it becomes politically unpopular. That's the commitment we made in our  Democratic Party  platform. That's why I was proud to champion the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act. That's why I was proud to stand with you in those marches for immigration reform. And that's the kind of partner I'll be in the  White House .
Now, those 12 million people broke the law. And we cannot excuse that. But we cannot deport 12 million people. Instead, we'll require them to pay a fine, learn English, and go to the back of the line for citizenship - behind those who came here legally. At the same time, we'll secure our borders and crack down on employers who hire undocumented workers. That's how we'll reconcile our values as both a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws.
Making this kind of change won't be easy. But it's what so many of you are doing in our communities every day. It's how I started my career, working with  community leaders  - black, brown and white - on the South Side of Chicago, helping families devastated when the steel mills closed down and the jobs dried up.
So I've got to tell you, I was pretty surprised when I heard our opponents making fun of that work last week at their convention - mocking what so many Americans do every day in  church groups  and unions and the PTA to serve struggling communities. Frankly, I don't think it's particularly funny that people are losing their jobs and their homes. I don't think that failing schools and crumbling neighborhoods are something to laugh about.
And I've got news for John McCain: coming together to give back to our communities, that's how a lot of us - Democrats, Republicans and Independents - that's how we put our country first. That's why I'm running for President.
But I can't do this alone. So I'm here tonight to ask for your help. Some of the closest contests this November will be in states like Florida, Colorado, Nevada and New Mexico - states with large Latino populations. And Latino voters will play a critical role all across this country.
And if you have any doubt about whether you can make a difference, just remember how, back in 2004, 40,000 registered Latino voters in New Mexico didn't turn out on election day. Senator Kerry lost that state by fewer than 6,000 votes. 6,000 votes. Today, in 2008, an estimated 170,000 Latinos in New Mexico aren't registered to vote.
So I'm not taking a single Hispanic vote for granted in this campaign. We're meeting with Latino leaders and reaching out to Latino organizations to get input on my policy proposals. We've got a nationwide Hispanic media strategy, and we're holding Latino  voter registration  drives across America. And when I'm President, I'll be asking many of you to serve at every level of government.
In the end, though, what's at stake in this election is far bigger than any one party or platform or candidate. We all know that. It's what we learned in the hardest way possible on that September day, seven years ago tomorrow, when in the face of unthinkable tragedy, we came together - black and white, Latino and Asian, from every region and religion and  walk of life . Those losses were all our losses - that suffering was all our suffering. And at that darkest moment, we understood that here in America, we all have a stake in each other; I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper; and we  rise and fall  as one nation.
It's the very idea that brought five  members of Congress  together three decades ago to found the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. And it's what's brought us here tonight - the belief that America should be a nation where we pursue our individual dreams, but still come together, as one American family, to ensure the next generation can pursue their dreams too.
It's time that our politics reflected that understanding. It's time that we turned the page on the failed policies of the past and brought new energy and ideas to the challenges we face. And if you're willing to work with me, and fight with me, and stand with me this fall - together, we won't just win an election, we will transform this nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
 
 
 
Dayton, OH -- Yesterday was a special day around my house. It was back-to-school day for my girls. Sasha started second grade and Malia began 5th. I know Malia was really embarrassed when I walked her to the classroom, but I did it anyway because she's still Daddy's girl. And seeing them back at school was a reminder not only that another year had passed and that they're growing up a little faster than I'd sometimes like. It was also a reminder of all the other parents who are dropping their children off at school, and all the other kids who are getting ready for another year of classes.
Every four years, we hear candidates talk about the vital importance of education; about how improving our schools is key to the future of our children and the future of our country. Every four years, we hear about how this time, we're going to make it an urgent  national priority . Remember the 2000 election, when George W. Bush promised to be the "education President"? But just as with energy independence and  health care , the urgency of upgrading  public education  for the 21st century has been talked to death in Washington. And that failure to act has put our nation in jeopardy.
Well, the  day of reckoning  is here. Our kids and our country can't afford four more years of neglect and indifference. At this defining moment in our history, America faces few more urgent challenges than preparing our children to compete in a  global economy . The decisions our leaders make about education in the coming years will shape our future for generations to come. They will help determine not only whether our children have the chance to fulfill their God-given potential, or whether our workers have the chance to build a better life for their families, but whether we, as a nation, will remain in the 21st century the kind of global economic leader that we were in the 20th century.
The rising importance of education reflects the new demands of our new world. In recent decades, revolutions in communications and  information technology  have broken down barriers that once kept countries and markets apart, creating a single,  global economy  that is more integrated and interconnected than ever before. In this economy, companies can plant their jobs wherever there's an internet connection and someone willing to do the work, meaning that children here in Dayton are growing up competing with children not only in Detroit, but in Delhi as well.
What matters, then, isn't what you do or where you live, but what you know. When two-thirds of all new jobs require a  higher education  or advanced training, knowledge is the most valuable skill you can sell. It's not only a pathway to opportunity, but a prerequisite. Without a good pre- school education , our children are less likely to keep up with their peers. Without a  high school  diploma, you're likely to make about three times less than a  college graduate . And without a college degree or industry certification, it's harder and harder to find a job that can help you support your family and keep up with rising costs.
But it's not just that a world-class education is essential for workers to compete and win, it's that an educated workforce is essential for America to compete and win. Without a workforce trained in math, science, and technology and the other skills of the 21st century, our companies will innovate less, our economy will grow less, and our nation will be less competitive. If we want to outcompete the world tomorrow, we must out-educate the world today.
If we want to keep building the cars of the future here in America, we can't afford to see the number of PhDs in engineering climbing in China, South Korea, and Japan even as it's dropped here in America; we can't afford a future where our  high school  students rank near the bottom in math and science, and our  high school   drop-out  rate is one of the highest in the industrialized world.
If we want to build a 21st century infrastructure and repair our crumbling roads and bridges, we can't afford a future where a third of all 4th graders and a fifth of all 8th graders can't do basic math, and black and Latino students are even further behind; where  elementary school  kids are only getting an average 25 minutes of science each day when over 80% of the fastest-growing jobs require some knowledge in math and science.
If we want to see  middle class  incomes rising like they did in the 1990's, we can't afford a future where so many Americans are priced out of college; where only 20 percent of our students are prepared to take college-level English, math, and science; where millions of jobs are going unfilled because Americans don't have the skills to work them; and where barely one in ten low-income students will ever get their college degree.
That kind of future is economically untenable for America. It is morally unacceptable for our children. And it is not who we are as a nation.
We are a nation that has always renewed our system of education to meet the challenges of a new time. Lincoln created the  land grant colleges  to ensure the success of the union he was fighting to save. Generations of leaders built mandatory  public schools  to prepare our children for the changing needs of our nation. And Eisenhower doubled federal investment in education after the Soviets beat us to space.
That is the kind of leadership we must show today.
But that's not the leadership we've been getting from Washington. For decades, they've been stuck in the same tired debates over education that have crippled our progress and left schools and parents to fend for themselves. It's been Democrat versus Republican, vouchers versus the  status quo , more money versus more reform. There's partisanship and there's bickering, but there's no understanding that both sides have good ideas that we'll need to implement if we hope to make the changes our children need. And we've fallen further and further behind as a result.
If we're going to make a real and lasting difference for our future, we have to be willing to move beyond the old arguments of left and right and take meaningful, practical steps to build an  education system  worthy of our children and our future.
In the past few weeks, my opponent has taken to talking about the need for change and reform in Washington, where he has been part of the scene for about three decades.
And in those three decades, he has not done one thing to truly improve the quality of  public education  in our country. Not one real proposal or law or initiative. Nothing.
Instead, he marched with the ideologues in his party in opposing efforts to hire more teachers, and expand  Head Start , and make college more affordable. You don't reform our schools by opposing efforts to fully fund No Child Left Behind. And you certainly don't reform our  education system  by calling to close the Department of Education. That would just make it harder for us to give out  financial aid , harder for us to keep track of how our schools are doing, and lead to widening inequality in who gets a college degree.
That is not my idea of reform. That is not my idea of change. That is not a plan to help your kids compete with those kids in China and India.
After three decades of indifference on education, do you really believe that John McCain is going to make a difference now? John McCain doesn't get it. He doesn't understand that our success as a nation depends on our success in education.
I do.
That's why last November, I proposed an education agenda that moves beyond party and ideology and focuses instead on what will make the most difference in a child's life. My plan calls for giving every child a world-class education from the day they're born until the day they graduate from college. It's a plan that starts with investing in early-childhood education because we know that children in these programs are more likely to score higher in reading and math, more likely to graduate  high school  and attend college, more likely to hold a job and earn more in that job. And it's a plan that will finally put a college degree within reach for anyone who wants one by providing a $4,000  tax credit  to any  middle class  student who's willing to serve their community or their country.
Of course, we also have to fix the broken promises of No Child Left Behind. Now, I believe that the goals of this law were the  right ones . Making a promise to educate every child with an excellent teacher is right. Closing the achievement gap that exists in too many cities and  rural areas  is right. More accountability is right. Higher standards are right.
But I'll tell you what's wrong with No Child Left Behind. Forcing our teachers, our principals, and our schools to accomplish all of this without the resources they need is wrong. Promising high-quality teachers in every classroom and then leaving the support and the pay for those teachers behind is wrong. Labeling a school and its students as failures one day and then throwing your hands up and walking away from them the next is wrong.
And by the way - don't tell us that the only way to teach a child is to spend most of the year preparing him to fill in a few bubbles on a standardized test. Let's finally help our teachers and principals develop a curriculum and assessments that teach our kids to become more than just good test-takers. We need assessments that can improve achievement by including the kinds of research, scientific investigation, and problem-solving that our children will need to compete in a 21st century knowledge economy.
We must fix the failures of No Child Left Behind. We must provide the funding we were promised, and give our states the resources they need, and finally meet our commitment to  special education . But Democrats have to realize that fixing No Child Left Behind is not enough to prepare our children for a  global economy .
We need a new vision for a 21st century education - one where we aren't just supporting existing schools, but spurring innovation; where we're not just investing more money, but demanding more reform; where parents take responsibility for their children's success; where our schools and government are accountable for results; where we're recruiting, retaining, and rewarding an army of new teachers, and students are excited to learn because they're attending schools of the future; and where we expect all our children not only to graduate  high school , but to graduate college and get a good paying job.
It's time to ask ourselves why other countries are outperforming us in education. Because it's not that their kids are smarter than ours - it's that they're being smarter about how to educate their kids. They're spending less time teaching things that don't matter and more time teaching things that do. Their students are spending more time in school, and they're setting higher expectations.
That's what we need to be doing - because America isn't a country that accepts second place. When I'm President, we'll fight to make sure we're once again first in the world when it comes to  high school graduation  rates. We'll push our kids to study harder and aim higher. I've worked with Republican Senator Jim DeMint on a bill that would challenge  high school  students to take college-level courses - and make sure low-income neighborhoods and  rural communities  have access to those courses. And I'll make it the law of the land when I'm President. And we'll also set a goal of increasing the number of  high school  students taking college-level or AP courses by 50 percent in the coming years. Because I believe that when we challenge our kids to succeed, they will.
A while back, I was talking with my friend Arne Duncan, who runs the Chicago  Public Schools . He was explaining how he'd managed to increase the number of kids taking and passing AP courses in Chicago over the last few years. What he said was, our kids aren't smarter than they were three years ago; our expectations for them are just higher. Well, I think it's time we raised expectations for our kids all across this country, and that's what we'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
The second thing we need to do is make sure that we're preparing our kids for the 21st century economy by bringing our  school system  into the 21st century. Part of what that means is fostering the kinds of schools that will help prepare our kids, which is why I'm calling for the creation of an Innovative Schools Fund. This fund will invest in schools like the Austin Polytechnical Academy, which is located in a part of Chicago that's been hard hit by the decline in manufacturing over the past few decades. Thanks to partnerships with a number of companies, a curriculum that prepares students for a career in engineering, and a requirement that students graduate with at least two industry certifications, Austin Polytech is bringing hope back to the community. And that's the kind of model we'll replicate across the country when I'm President of the  United States .
Giving our parents real choices about where to send their kids to school also means showing the same kind of leadership at the national level that I did in Illinois when I passed a law to double the number of charter schools in Chicago. That is why as President, I'll double the funding for responsible charter schools. Now, I know you've had a tough time with for-profit charter schools here in Ohio. That is why I'll work with Governor Strickland to hold for-profit charter schools accountable, and I'll work with all our nation's governors to hold all our charter schools accountable. Charter schools that are successful will get the support they need to grow. And charters that aren't will get shut down. And we'll help ensure that more of our kids have access to quality afterschool and  summer school  and extended  school days  for students who need it - because if they can do that in China, we can do that right here in the  United States  of America.
As we bring our  school system  into the 21st century, we also have to bring our schools into the 21st century. Because while technology has transformed just about every aspect of our lives - from the way we travel to the way we communicate to the way we look after our health - one of the places where we've failed to seize its full potential is in the classroom.
Imagine a future where our children are more motivated because they aren't just learning on blackboards but on new whiteboards with digital  touch screens ; where every student in a classroom has a laptop at their desk; where they don't just do book reports but design PowerPoint presentations; where they don't just write papers but build websites; where research isn't done just by taking a book out of the library but by emailing experts in the field; and where teachers are less a source of knowledge than a coach for how best to use it. By fostering innovation, we can help make sure every school in America is a school of the future.
That's what we'll do when I'm President. We'll help schools integrate technology into their curriculum so we can make sure  public school  students are fluent in the digital language of the 21st century economy. We'll teach our students not only math and science, but teamwork, and critical thinking and  communication skills  - because that's how we'll make sure they're prepared for today's workplace.
But no matter how many choices we're giving our parents or how much technology we're using in our schools or how tough our classes are, none of it will make much difference if we don't also recruit, prepare, and retain outstanding teachers. Because from the moment a child enters a school, the most important factor in their success is the person standing at the front of the classroom.
That's why last year, I proposed a new Service Scholarship program that will recruit top talent into the profession, and place these new teachers in overcrowded districts and struggling rural towns, or hard-to-staff subjects like  special education  in schools across the nation. To prepare these new teachers, I'll create more Teacher Residency Programs that will build on a law I recently passed and train 30,000 high-quality teachers a year, especially in math and science. To support our teachers, we'll expand mentoring programs that pair experienced, successful teachers with new recruits.
And when our teachers succeed in making a real difference in our children's lives, we should reward them for it by finding new ways to increase teacher pay that are developed with teachers, not imposed on them. We can do this. From Prince George's County in Maryland to Denver, Colorado, we're seeing teachers and  school boards  coming together to design performance pay plans.
So yes, we must give teachers every tool they need to be successful. But we also need to give every child the assurance that they'll have the teacher they need to be successful. That means setting a firm standard - teachers who are doing a  poor job  will get extra support, but if they still don't improve, they'll be replaced. Because as good teachers are the first to tell you, if we're going to attract the best teachers to the profession, we can't settle for schools filled with poor teachers.
Now, I know this sounds like a lot, but we can do it all - we can increase the number of students taking college-level courses; expand innovation and  school choice ; invest in the schools of tomorrow; and put a quality teacher in every classroom - all for the cost of just a few days in Iraq. And we'll pay for that cost by carefully winding down the war in Iraq, by ending no-bid contracts, and by eliminating wasteful spending. So we'll make these investments, but we'll do it without mortgaging our children's future on an even larger amount of debt. We'll do it responsibly.
This leads me to my final point - as President, I will lead a  new era  of accountability in education. But I don't just want to hold our teachers accountable. I want you to hold our government accountable. I want you to hold me accountable. That's why every year I'm President, I will report back to you on the progress our schools are making. Because it's time to stop passing the buck on education, and start accepting responsibility, and that's the kind of example I'll set as President of the  United States .
Accountability in Washington starts by making sure that every  tax dollar  spent by the Department of Education is being spent wisely. When I'm President, programs that work will get more money. Programs that don't will get less. And we'll send a team to fix bad programs by replacing bad managers. Because your  tax dollars  should only be funding programs and grants that actually make a difference in a child's education.
But in the end, responsibility for our children's success doesn't start in Washington. It starts in our homes. It starts in our families. Because no  education policy  can replace a parent who's involved in their child's education from  day one , who makes sure their children are in school on time, helps them with their homework after dinner, and attends those parent-teacher conferences. No government program can turn off the TV, or put away the  video games , or read to your children.
But we can help parents do a better job. That's why I'll create a parent  report card  that will show you whether your kid is on the path to college. We'll help schools post student  progress reports  online so you can get a regular update on what kind of grades your child is getting on tests and quizzes from week to week. If your kid is falling behind, or playing hooky, or isn't on track to go to college or compete for that good paying job, it will be up to you to do something about it.
So yes, we need to hold our government accountable. Yes, we have to hold our schools accountable. But we also have to hold ourselves accountable.
You know, when I dropped my daughters off at school yesterday, I couldn't help but think about all America had done over the years to give me and my family a good education. This is a country that put my grandfather through college on the  GI Bill  after he left Patton's Army. This is a country that drew my father - like so many immigrants - across an ocean in search of a college degree. And this is a country that let the child of a teenage mom and an absent father reach for his dreams.
You see, I wasn't born with a lot of advantages. But I was given love, and support, and an education that put me on a pathway to success. The same was true for Michelle. She came from a  blue collar  family on the south side of Chicago. Even though her father had  multiple sclerosis , he went to work every day at the local water filtration plant to support his family. And Michelle and her brother were able to go to a great college, and reach a little further for their dreams.
So I know that the only reason Michelle and I are where we are today is because this country we love gave us the chance at an education. And the reason I'm running for President is to give every single American that same chance; to give the young sisters out there born with a gift for invention the chance to become the next Orville and Wilbur Wright; to give the young boy out there who wants to create a  life-saving  cure the chance to become the next Jonas Salk; and to give the child out there whose imagination has been sparked by the wonders of the internet the chance to become the next Bill Gates.
Our future depends on it. When the story of our time is told, I don't want it to be said that China seized this moment to reform its  education system , but the  United States  did not. I don't want it to be said that India led the way on innovation, but the  United States  did not. I want it to be said that we rose to meet this challenge, and educated our people to become the most highly- skilled workers  in the world - just like we always have been.
Because I know that if we can just bring our  education system  into the 21st century, not only will our children be able to fulfill their God-given potential, and our families be able to live out their dreams; not only will our schools out-educate the world and our workers outcompete the world; not only will our companies innovate more and our economy grow more, but at this defining moment, we will do what previous generations of Americans have done - and unleash the promise of our people, unlock the promise of our country, and make sure that America remains a beacon of opportunity and prosperity for all the world. Thank you.
 
 
 
It's great to be back in Dover. We made our first stop in  New Hampshire  over 19 months ago, and a lot has changed. There are babies walking and talking today who weren't even born back then. But there's one thing that hasn't changed in those 19 months: the  American people  know this country is on the wrong track, and you know that we need new leadership in Washington.
The  good news  is that in 53 days, the name George Bush will not be on the ballot. But make no mistake: his policies will. A few weeks ago, John McCain said that the economy is "fundamentally strong," and a few days later George Bush said the same thing. In fact, Senator McCain has said that we made "great progress economically" over the last eight years.
And here's the thing. I think they truly believe it. After all, my opponent said just last night, "It's easy for me to go to Washington and frankly, be somewhat divorced from the day-to-day challenges people have." So from where he and George Bush sit, maybe they just can't see. Maybe they are just that out of touch. But you know the truth, and so do I.
For eight years, we've failed to keep that American promise that if you work hard you can live your  American Dream . Under the Bush  economic policies  that my opponent supported and promises to continue, the  average family  has seen their income drop by $2,000-a-year, while the cost of everything from gas to groceries has gone up. We have the highest  unemployment rate  in five years. Home values have plummeted. It's harder to save and it's harder to retire. Those are the day-to-day challenges that people have.
We can't afford four more years of this so-called "progress." We can't afford another President who is so out of touch that he thinks the economy is strong and that change is doing the exact same thing as George Bush.
That's what Senator McCain is offering. More of the discredited theory that if you shower benefits on big corporations,  special interests  and the wealthiest of the wealthy, it will all come trickling down to the  middle class . Well, Dover, how much of that has trickled down to you? How much has trickled down to the Americans who have lost their jobs and their homes? How much has trickled down to the family that can't afford to pay next month's bills or the kids who can't afford college? We've tried this for eight years, and we can't afford to keep trying it for another four.
We can't afford to keep spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a surplus. We can't afford more of the same addiction to oil. More of the same  health care  policy that only works for the healthy and wealthy. More of the same Washington lobbyists who run John McCain's campaign. More of the same Bush-Rove-McCain politics that tries to distract you from policies that are destroying the  middle class .
We've tried that way. It won't work. And yet Senator McCain stubbornly holds to it. The only change he offers is completing the Bush agenda. Privatizing your  Social Security . Taxing your  health benefits . And another $200 billion of budget-busting  tax breaks  for corporations like Exxon-Mobil that have just turned in the greatest profits in history, while you can barely afford to fill up a tank of gas.
It's time for us to say, Enough is enough! Now my opponent wants to have a debate about change, and that's a debate that I welcome. Because the choice in this election is very simple. If you are better off than you were eight years ago and you want four more years of a President who puts the  special interests  and the biggest corporations first, then vote for John McCain. If you believe it's time for fundamental change in Washington and a President who puts the  middle class  first, then we will win this election in November, and we will change this country for our children and our grandchildren. That's the choice in this election. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It's time for change. And let me tell you exactly what that change will look like. Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and seniors and  small businesses  who deserve it. Take a close look at the  tax cuts  I'm proposing and the special interest giveaways that my opponent is proposing, because that will tell you everything you need to know about who we're going to put first as President.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95 percent of all working Americans.
I will reward work through a "Making Work Pay"  tax credit  of $500 for American workers and $1,000 for working families. Because when I'm President, we'll rewrite the  tax code  to work for the  middle class  - not Washington lobbyists. That's change.
I will ease the burden on struggling homeowners through a universal homeowner's  tax credit . This will add up to a 10 percent break off the  mortgage interest  rate for 10 million households. That's another $500 each year for most  middle class families . That's change.
I will make sure our seniors can afford to retire with the dignity and security they have earned. That's why I will eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making less than $50,000. This will end  income taxes  for 7 million Americans, at a savings of roughly $1,400 each year. That's change.
I will make college affordable for every single American who has the talent and drive to go with an annual $4000  tax credit  for anyone who commits to 100 hours of  public service . You invest in America, and America invests in you - that's how we'll make college affordable for every American. That's change.
I think we need to encourage growth. Senator McCain thinks we need to give $200 billion a year in  tax breaks  for corporations, but not a single new  tax break  for  small businesses  - even though  small businesses  are the source of 80 percent of the new jobs in our economy. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for the  small businesses  and start-ups that will create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of tomorrow, and help them afford  health insurance  for their employees. That's how America is going to compete. That's how we're going to build the  middle class . That's change.
We need a  tax code  that creates American jobs instead of shipping them overseas. You know, just this week we learned that if an American company creates jobs in the  United States , they pay more than twice as much in taxes than if that same company creates jobs in China. So you pay more than twice as much to create jobs in Dover than Shanghai. That's a direct result of what we've gotten from Washington year after year after year, and it's time for that to change.
My opponent has voted for those  tax breaks , and he'll continue them as President. I will end  tax breaks  for companies that ship jobs overseas, and start investing in American jobs and workers.
To pay for these  tax cuts , I'll stand up to special interest carve-outs, close corporate loopholes and offshore  tax havens , and ask the wealthiest Americans to give back a portion of the Bush  tax cuts . It's time for folks like me who make over $250,000 to pay our fair share to keep the American promise alive for our children and grandchildren.
When you're running for four more years of George Bush's policies, it's hard to run on your plans. So you make stuff up. You twist facts, and you don't tell the truth - that's what John McCain has done when it comes to my tax plan. So let's be clear about what we are proposing.
My plan - all together - is a net  tax cut . My plan will cut taxes to a smaller share of the economy than they were under President Reagan. Under my plan,  income taxes  for typical American families will be the lowest that they've been in more than a  half century . Everyone in America - everyone - will pay lower taxes than they would under the rates Bill Clinton had in the 1990s. And under my plan,  middle class families  will get three times as much relief as Senator McCain is offering. In fact, his plan gives absolutely nothing to over 100 million American households.
And I can make a firm pledge: under my plan, no family making less than $250,000 will see their taxes increase - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes , not any of your taxes. My opponent can't make that pledge, and here's why: for the first time in American history, he wants to tax your  health benefits  Apparently, Senator McCain doesn't think it's enough that your health premiums have doubled, he thinks you should have to pay taxes on them too. That's a $3.6 trillion  tax increase  on  middle class families . That will eventually leave tens of millions of you paying higher taxes. That's his idea of change.
Now I do want to be fair. Senator McCain is offering some  tax cuts . He'd spend nearly $2 trillion over a decade in  tax breaks  for corporations. He would continue the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans. His plan gives more than a half million dollars in  tax cuts  for households making over $2.8 million. That's right - $2.8 million. Now I know that Senator McCain has said that only those making over $5 million a year are rich, so maybe he thinks that folks making $2.8 million are  middle class .
We cannot afford four more years of out of touch, on your own, leadership in the  White House . John McCain likes to rail against the Washington herd, but the truth is, when it comes to the issues that really matter in your lives, he's been running in that herd for 26 years, and they've run this economy into a ditch. This election is our chance to stand up and say - enough is enough.
It won't be easy. The kind of change we're looking for never is. What we are up against is a very powerful, entrenched  status quo  in Washington who will say anything and do anything and fight with everything they've got to keep things just the way are.
But I feel good about our chances, because I've got something more powerful than they do: I've got you. In this campaign, you have already shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington.
This election is our chance to choose an economy that rewards your work and advances your dreams. But I need your help. I ask you to knock on some doors, and make some calls, and talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will change America together. Thank you.
 
 
 
Over the last few days, we have seen clearly what's at stake in this election. The news from Wall Street has shaken the  American people 's faith in our economy. The situation with Lehman Brothers and other  financial institutions  is the latest in a wave of crises that have generated tremendous uncertainty about the future of our  financial markets . This is a major threat to our economy and its ability to create good-paying jobs and help working Americans pay their bills, save for their future, and make their  mortgage payments .
Since this turmoil began over a year ago, the housing market has collapsed. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had to be effectively taken over by the government. Three of America's five largest  investment banks  failed or have been sold off in distress. Yesterday, Wall Street suffered its worst losses since just after 9/11. We are in the most serious  financial crisis  in generations. Yet Senator McCain stood up yesterday and said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong A few hours later, his campaign sent him back out to clean up his remarks, and he tried to explain himself again this morning by saying that what he meant was that American workers are strong. But we know that Senator McCain meant what he said the first time, because he has said it over and over again throughout this campaign - no fewer than 16 times, according to one independent count.
Now I certainly don't fault Senator McCain for all of the problems we're facing, but I do fault the economic philosophy he subscribes to. Because the truth is, what Senator McCain said yesterday fits with the same economic philosophy that he's had for 26 years. It's the philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down. It's the philosophy that says even common-sense regulations are unnecessary and unwise. It's a philosophy that lets Washington lobbyists shred consumer protections and distort our economy so it works for the  special interests  instead of working people.
We've had this philosophy for eight years. We know the results. You feel it in your own lives. Jobs have disappeared, and peoples' life savings have been put at risk. Millions of families face foreclosure, and millions more have seen their home values plummet. The cost of everything from gas to groceries to  health care  has gone up, while the dream of a  college education  for our kids and a secure and dignified retirement for our seniors is slipping away. These are the struggles that Americans are facing. This is the pain that has now trickled up.
So let's be clear: what we've seen the last few days is nothing less than the final verdict on an economic philosophy that has completely failed. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  must not be endangered any more. It's time to put an end to a broken system in Washington that is breaking the American economy. It's time for change that makes a real difference in your lives.
If you want to understand the difference between how Senator McCain and I would govern as President, you can start by taking a look at how we've responded to this crisis. Because Senator McCain's approach was the same as the Bush Administration's: support ideological policies that made the crisis more likely; do nothing as the crisis hits; and then scramble as the whole thing collapses. My approach has been to try to prevent this turmoil.
In February of 2006, I introduced legislation to stop mortgage transactions that promoted fraud, risk or abuse. A year later, before the crisis hit, I warned Secretary Paulson and Chairman Bernanke about the risks of mounting foreclosures and urged them to bring together all the stakeholders to find solutions to the subprime mortgage meltdown. Senator McCain did nothing.
Last September, I stood up at NASDAQ and said it's time to realize that we are in this together - that there is no  dividing line  between Wall Street and  Main Street  - and warned of a growing loss of trust in our  capital markets . Months later, Senator McCain told a newspaper that he'd love to give them a solution to the mortgage crisis, "but" - he said - "I don't know one." In January, I outlined a plan to help revive our faltering economy, which formed the basis for a bipartisan stimulus package that passed the Congress. Senator McCain used the crisis as an excuse to push a so-called stimulus plan that offered another huge and permanent  corporate tax  cut, including $4 billion for the big  oil companies , but no immediate help for workers.
This March, in the wake of the Bear Stearns bailout, I called for a new, 21st century regulatory framework to restore accountability, transparency, and trust in our  financial markets . Just a few weeks earlier, Senator McCain made it clear where he stands: "I'm always for less regulation," he said, and referred to himself as "fundamentally a deregulator." This is what happens when you confuse the  free market  with a free license to let  special interests  take whatever they can get, however they can get it. This is what happens when you see seven years of incomes falling for the average worker while Wall Street is booming, and declare - as Senator McCain did earlier this year - that we've made great progress economically under George Bush. That is how you can reach the conclusion - as late as yesterday - that the fundamentals of the economy are strong.
Well, we have a different way of measuring the fundamentals of our economy. We know that the fundamentals that we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great -that America is a place where you can make it if you try.
Americans have always pursued our dreams within a  free market  that has been the engine of our progress. It's a market that has created a prosperity that is the envy of the world, and rewarded the innovators and  risk-takers  who have made America a beacon of science, and technology, and discovery. But the American economy has worked in large part because we have guided the market's invisible hand with a higher principle - that America prospers when all Americans can prosper. That is why we have put in place  rules of the road  to make competition fair, and open, and honest.
Too often, over the  last quarter  century, we have lost this sense of shared prosperity. And this has not happened by accident. It's because of decisions made in boardrooms, on  trading floors  and in Washington. We failed to guard against practices that all too often rewarded  financial manipulation  instead of productivity and sound  business practices . We let the  special interests  put their thumbs on the economic scales. The result has been a distorted market that creates bubbles instead of steady, sustainable growth; a market that favors Wall Street over  Main Street , but ends up hurting both.
Let me be clear: the American economy does not stand still, and neither should the rules that govern it. The evolution of industries often warrants regulatory reform - to foster competition, lower prices, or replace outdated oversight structures. Old institutions cannot adequately oversee new practices. Old rules may not fit the roads where our economy is leading. But instead of sensible reform that rewarded success and freed the creative forces of the market, too often we've excused an ethic of greed, corner-cutting and inside dealing that threatens the long-term stability of our  economic system .
It happened in the 1980s, when we loosened restrictions on Savings and Loans and appointed regulators who ignored even these weaker rules. Too many S&Ls took advantage of the lax rules set by Washington to gamble that they could make  big money  in speculative  real estate . Confident of their clout in Washington, they made hundreds of billions in  bad loans , knowing that if they lost money, the government would bail them out. And they were right. The gambles did not pay off, our economy went into recession, and the taxpayers ended up footing the bill. Sound familiar? And it has happened again during this decade, in part because of how we deregulated the  financial services  sector. After we repealed outmoded rules instead of updating them, we were left overseeing 21st century innovation with 20th century regulations. When subprime mortgage lending took a reckless and unsustainable turn, a patchwork of regulators systematically and deliberately eliminated the regulations protecting the  American people  and failed to raise  warning flags  that could have protected investors and the pensions American workers count on.
This was not the invisible hand of the market at work. These cycles of bubble and bust were symptoms of the ideology that my opponent is running to continue. John McCain has spent decades in Washington supporting  financial institutions  instead of their customers. In fact, one of the biggest proponents of deregulation in the financial sector is Phil Gramm - the same man who helped write John McCain's economic plan; the same man who said that we're going through a 'mental recession'; and the same man who called the  United States  of America a "nation of whiners." So it's hard to understand how Senator McCain is going to get us out of this crisis by doing the same things with the same old players.
Make no mistake: my opponent is running for four more years of policies that will throw the economy further out of balance. His outrage at Wall Street would be more convincing if he wasn't offering them more  tax cuts . His call for fiscal responsibility would be believable if he wasn't for more  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans, and more of a trillion dollar war in Iraq paid for with  deficit spending  and borrowing from  foreign creditors  like China. His newfound support for regulation bears no resemblance to his scornful attitude towards oversight and enforcement. John McCain cannot be trusted to reestablish proper oversight of our  financial markets  for one simple reason: he has shown time and again that he does not believe in it.
What has happened these last eight years is not some historical anomaly, so we know what to expect if we try these policies for another four. When lobbyists run your campaign, the  special interests  end up gaming the system. When the  White House  is hostile to any kind of oversight, corporations cut corners and consumers pay the price. When regulators are chosen for their disdain for regulation and we gut their ability to enforce the law, then the interests of the  American people  are not protected. It's an ideology that intentionally breeds incompetence in Washington and irresponsibility on Wall Street, and it's time to turn the page.
Just today, Senator McCain offered up the oldest Washington stunt in the book - you pass the buck to a commission to study the problem. But here's the thing - this isn't 9/11. We know how we got into this mess. What we need now is leadership that gets us out. I'll provide it, John McCain won't, and that's the choice for the  American people  in this election.
History shows us that there is no substitute for presidential leadership in a time of economic crisis. FDR and Harry Truman didn't put their heads in the sand, or hand accountability over to a Commission. Bill Clinton didn't put off hard choices. They led, and that's what I will do. My priority as President will be the stability of the American economy and the prosperity of the  American people . And I will make sure that our response focuses on  middle class  Americans - not the companies that created the problem.
To get out of this crisis - and to ensure that we are not doomed to repeat a cycle of bubble and bust again and again - we must take immediate measures to create jobs and continue to address the  housing crisis ; we must build a 21st century regulatory framework, and we must pursue a bold opportunity agenda that creates new jobs and grows the American economy.
To jumpstart  job creation , I have proposed a $50 billion Emergency Economic Plan that would save 1 million jobs by rebuilding our infrastructure, repairing our schools, and helping our states and localities avoid damaging  budget cuts .
I worked with leaders in Congress to create a new FHA Housing Security Program, which will help stabilize the housing market and allow Americans facing foreclosure to keep their homes at rates they can afford. Going forward, we need to replace Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac as we know them with a structure that is focused on helping people buy homes - not engaging in market speculation. We can't have a situation like the old S&L scandal where its "heads" investors win, and "tails" taxpayers lose. That's going to take ending the lobbyist-driven dominance of these institutions that we've seen for far too long in Washington.
To prevent fraud in the mortgage market, I've proposed tough penalties on fraudulent lenders, and a Home Score system that will ensure consumers fully understand mortgage offers and whether they'll be able to make payments. To help low- and middle-income families, I will ease the burden on struggling homeowners through a universal homeowner's  tax credit . This will add up to a 10 percent break off the  mortgage interest  rate for 10 million households. That's another $500 each year for many  middle class families .
Unlike Senator McCain, I will change our bankruptcy laws to make it easier for families to stay in their homes. Right now, if you're a family that owns one house,  bankruptcy judges  are actually barred from helping you keep a roof over your head by writing down the value of your mortgage. If you own seven homes, the judge is free to write down any or all of the debt on your second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth or seventh homes. Now that may be of comfort to Senator McCain, but that's the kind of out-of-touch Washington loophole that makes no sense. When I'm President, we'll make our laws work for working people.
But as we've seen the last few days, the crisis in our  financial markets  now reaches well beyond the housing market. That's why it's time to do what I called for last September and again this past March - and it is only more overdue today.
Our  capital markets  cannot succeed without the public's trust. It's time to get serious about regulatory oversight, and that's what I will do as President. That starts with the core principles for reform that I discussed at Cooper Union.
First, if you're a  financial institution  that can borrow from the government, you should be subject to government oversight and supervision. When the Federal Reserve steps in as a lender of  last resort , it is providing an  insurance policy  underwritten by the American taxpayer. In return, taxpayers have every right to expect that  financial institutions  with access to that credit are not taking excessive risks.
Second, we must reform requirements on all regulated  financial institutions . We must strengthen capital requirements, particularly for complex  financial instruments  like some of the mortgage securities and other derivatives at the center of our current crisis. We must develop and rigorously manage liquidity risk. We must investigate rating agencies and potential  conflicts of interest  with the people they are rating. And we must establish transparency requirements that demand full disclosure by  financial institutions  to shareholders and counterparties. As we reform our regulatory system at home, we must address the same problems abroad so that  financial institutions  around the world are subject to similar  rules of the road .
Third, we need to streamline our  regulatory agencies . Our overlapping and competing  regulatory agencies  cannot oversee the large and complex institutions that dominate the financial landscape. Different institutions compete in multiple markets - Washington should not pretend otherwise. A streamlined system will provide better oversight and reduce costs.
Fourth, we need to regulate institutions for what they do, not what they are. Over the last few years,  commercial banks  and  thrift institutions  were subject to guidelines on subprime mortgages that did not apply to mortgage brokers and companies. This regulatory framework failed to protect homeowners, and made no sense for our  financial system . When it comes to protecting the  American people , it should make no difference what kind of institution they are dealing with.
Fifth, we must crack down on trading activity that crosses the line to  market manipulation . The last six months have shown that this remains a serious problem in many markets and becomes especially problematic during moments of great  financial turmoil . We cannot embrace the administration's vision of turning over the protection of investors to the industries themselves. We need regulators that actually enforce the rules instead of overlooking them. The SEC should investigate and punish  market manipulation , and report its conclusions to Congress.
Sixth, we must establish a process that identifies systemic risks to the  financial system  like the crisis that has overtaken our economy. Too often, we end up where we are today: dealing with threats to the  financial system  that weren't anticipated by regulators. We need a standing  financial market   advisory group  to meet regularly and provide advice to the President, Congress, and regulators on the state of our  financial markets  and the risks they face. It's time to anticipate risks before they erupt into a full-blown crisis.
These six principles should guide the legal reforms needed to establish a 21st century regulatory system. But the change we need goes beyond laws and regulation.  Financial institutions  must do a better job at managing risks. There is something wrong when  boards of directors  or  senior managers  don't understand the implications of the risks assumed by their own institutions. It's time to realign incentives and CEO compensation packages, so that both high level executives and employees better serve the interests of shareholders.
Finally, the  American people  must be able to trust that their government is looking out for all of us - not the  special interests  that have set the agenda in Washington for eight years, and the lobbyists who run John McCain's campaign.
I've spent my career taking on lobbyists and their money, and I've won. If you wanted a special favor in Illinois, there was actually a law that let you give campaign cash to politicians for their own personal use. In the  State House , they called it business-as-usual. I called it legalized bribery, and while it didn't make me the most popular guy in Springfield, I put an end to it.
When I got to Washington, we saw some of the worst corruption since Watergate. I led the fight for reform in my party, and let me tell you - not everyone in my party was too happy about it. When I proposed forcing lobbyists to disclose who they're raising money from and who in Congress they're funneling it to, I had a few choice words directed my way on the floor of the Senate. But we got it done, and we banned gifts from lobbyists, and free rides on their fancy jets. And I am the only candidate who can say that Washington lobbyists do not fund my campaign, they will not run my  White House , and they will not drown out the voices of the  American people  when I am President of the  United States . That's how we're going to end the outrage of  special interests  tipping the scales.
The most important thing we must do is restore opportunity for all Americans. To get our economy growing, we need to recapture that fundamental American promise. That if you work hard, you can pay the bills. That if you get sick, you won't go bankrupt. That your kids can get a good education, and that we can leave a legacy of greater opportunity to  future generations .
That's the change the  American people  need. While Senator McCain likes to talk about change these days, his economic program offers nothing but more of the same. The  American people  need more than change as a slogan- we need change that makes a real difference in your life.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most I will create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the changes we need will come without cost - though I have presented ways we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
This time - this election - is our chance to stand up and say: enough is enough! We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education so that our kids can compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, and make some calls, and talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Colorado, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
The events of this week have shown that the stakes in this election couldn't be clearer.
We are in the midst of the most serious  financial crisis  in generations. Three of America's five largest  investment banks  have failed or been sold off in distress. Our housing market is in shambles, and Monday brought the worst losses on Wall Street since the day after September 11th. Monday brought the worst losses on Wall Street since the day after September 11th, and today we learned that the Fed had to take unprecedented action to prevent the failure of one of the largest  insurance companies  in the world from causing an even larger crisis.
While we do not know all the details of the arrangement with AIG, the Federal Reserve must ensure that the plan protects the families that count on insurance. It should bolster our economy's ability to create good-paying jobs and help working Americans pay their bills and save their money. It must not bail out the shareholders or management of AIG.
Everywhere you look, the  economic news  is troubling. But for so many Americans, it isn't really news at all.
600,000 workers have lost their jobs since January. Home values are falling. Your paycheck doesn't go as far as it used to. It's never been harder to save or retire; to buy gas or groceries; and if you put it on a  credit card , they've probably raised your rates. In so many cities and towns across America, it feels as if the dream that so many generations have fought for is slowly slipping away.
I have every confidence that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. That's who we are. That's what we've always done as Americans.
But the one thing I do know is this - we can't steer ourselves out of this crisis by heading in the same, disastrous direction. And that's what this election is about.
It's been an interesting week for John McCain. It's been really interesting to watch him respond to this  economic news . His first reaction to this crisis on Monday was to stand up and repeat the line he's said over and over and over again throughout this campaign - quote - "the fundamentals of our economy are strong." Now, his campaign must've realized that probably wasn't a smart thing to say on the day of a  financial meltdown , so they sent him back out a few hours later to clean up his remarks.
But it sounds like he got a little carried away, because yesterday, John McCain actually said that if he's President, he'll take on the - quote - "ol' boys network" in Washington. I am not making this up. This is someone who's been in Congress for twenty-six years - who put seven of the most powerful Washington lobbyists in charge of his campaign - and now he tells us that he's the one who will take on the ol' boy network. The ol' boy network? In the McCain campaign, that's called a  staff meeting .
John McCain went on to say how angry he is at the greedy corporate interests on Wall Street. He's so angry he wants to punish them with $200 billion in  tax cuts . And if they're not careful, he'll give them even more  tax cuts  for shipping our jobs overseas.
I mean, where is he getting these lines? The lobbyists running his campaign? Maybe it's Phil Gramm - the man who was the architect of the de-regulation in Washington that helped cause the mess on Wall Street, who also happens to be the architect of John McCain's economic plan and one of his chief advisors. You remember Phil Gramm - he's the guy who said that we're just going through a "mental recession;" who called the  United States  of America a "nation of whiners." And then yesterday, John McCain's big solution to the crisis we're facing is - get ready for it - a commission. That's Washington-speak for "we'll get back to you later." Folks, we don't need a commission to figure out what happened. We know what happened. Too many in Washington and on Wall Street weren't minding the store. CEOs got greedy. Lobbyists got their way. Politicians sat on their hands until it was too late. We don't need a commission to tell us how we got into this mess, we need a President who will lead us out of this mess - and that's the kind of President I intend to be.
So while he isn't offering real solutions, he can't talk enough about how greedy Wall Street is, and how he's going to take on that ol' boy network in Washington. At this rate, by the end of the week John McCain will be telling us how he and Phil Gramm and the seven lobbyists are planning to storm the  Treasury Department  with torches and pitchforks. Come on.
Now, I certainly don't fault Senator McCain for all of the problems we're facing right now, but I do fault the economic philosophy he's followed for twenty-six years. It's a philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down. It's a philosophy that says even common-sense regulations are unnecessary and unwise. It's a philosophy that lets Washington lobbyists shred consumer protections and distort our economy so it works for the  special interests  instead of working people.
Well let's be clear: what we've seen the last few days is nothing less than the final verdict on this philosophy - a philosophy that has completely failed. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  must not be endangered any more. It's time to put an end to a broken system in Washington that is breaking the American economy. It's time for change that makes a real difference in your lives.
We have a different way of measuring the fundamentals of our economy. We know that the fundamentals that we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great -that America is a place where you can make it if you try; that everyone should have the chance to live their dreams.
I know I wouldn't be standing here today without that promise. And I know that's the promise we must keep once more.
When I talk to those young veterans who  come back  from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill .
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the  night shift , I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to  food stamps  but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country.
And when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local  steel plant  closed. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep the promise of America alive as President of the  United States .
Unlike Senator McCain, it didn't take a crisis on Wall Street for me to understand that folks are hurting out on  Main Street .
It was two years ago that I introduced legislation to stop mortgage transactions that promoted fraud, risk or abuse. It was one year ago that I called on our  Treasury Secretary  and our FED Chairman to bring every stakeholder together and find a solution to the subprime mortgage meltdown before it got worse. In March, when John McCain was saying "I'm always for less regulation," I called for a new, 21st century regulatory framework to restore accountability, transparency, and trust in our  financial markets .
I believe that our  free market  has been the engine of America's great progress. It's a market that has created a prosperity that is the envy of the world, and rewarded the innovators and  risk-takers  who have made America a beacon of science, and technology, and discovery. But the American economy has worked in large part because we have guided the market's invisible hand with a higher principle - that America prospers when all Americans can prosper. That's why we've put in place  rules of the road  to make competition fair, and open, and honest. Our  capital markets  cannot succeed without the public's trust. It's time to get serious about regulatory oversight, and that's what I will do as President.
To jumpstart  job creation , I've also proposed a $50 billion Emergency Economic Plan that would save 1 million jobs by rebuilding our infrastructure, repairing our schools, and helping our states and localities avoid damaging  budget cuts .
To help people stay in their homes, I will change our bankruptcy laws, and I'll offer a  tax credit  to struggling families that will take 10% off your  mortgage interest  rate. I'll institute a Home Score system that will help every consumer figure out whether they'll be able to make their  mortgage payments  before they buy their house. And I will crack down on predatory lenders with tough new penalties that will treat mortgage fraud like the crime that it is.
But the most important thing I will do as President is restore opportunity for all Americans. To get our economy growing, we need to recapture that fundamental American promise. That if you work hard, you can pay the bills. That if you get sick, you won't go bankrupt. That your kids can get a good education, and that we can leave a legacy of greater opportunity to  future generations .
That's the change the  American people  need.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most I will create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.
And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change we need will come without cost - though I have presented ways we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
This time - this election - is our chance to stand up and say: enough is enough! We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education so that our kids can compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, and make some calls, and talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Nevada, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
The news of the day isn't good.
The era of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street and in Washington has led us to a perilous moment. They said they wanted to let the market run free but instead they let it run wild. And now we are facing a  financial crisis  as profound as any we have faced since the  Great Depression 
But here's the truth:
Regardless of how we got here, we're here today. And the circumstances we face require decisive action because your jobs, your savings, and your economic security are now at risk.
We must work quickly in a bipartisan fashion to resolve this crisis to avert an even broader economic catastrophe. But Washington also has to recognize that  economic recovery  requires that we act, not just to address the crisis on Wall Street, but also the crisis on  Main Street  and around  kitchen tables  across America.
As of now, the Bush Administration has only offered a concept with a staggering  price tag , not a plan. Even if the U.S. Treasury recovers some or most of its investment over time, this  initial outlay  of up to $700 billion is sobering. And in return for their support, the  American people  must be assured that the deal reflects the basic principles of transparency, fairness, and reform.
First, there must be no  blank check  when American taxpayers are on the hook for this much money.
Second, taxpayers shouldn't be spending a dime to reward CEOs on Wall Street.
Third, taxpayers should be protected and should be able to recoup this investment.
Fourth, this plan has to help homeowners stay in their homes.
Fifth, this is a global crisis, and the  United States  must insist that other nations join us in helping secure the  financial markets .
Sixth, we need to start putting in place the  rules of the road  I've been calling for for years to prevent this from ever happening again.
And finally, this plan can't just be a plan for Wall Street, it has to be a plan for  Main Street . We have to come together, as Democrats and Republicans, to pass a stimulus plan that will put money in the pockets of working families, save jobs, and prevent painful  budget cuts  and tax hikes in our states.
So I know these are difficult days. But here's what I also know. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. That's who we are. That's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenge because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us; it's written by us.
But another thing I know is this - we can't steer ourselves out of this crisis by heading in the same, disastrous direction. And that's what this election is all about.
Because while I certainly don't fault Senator McCain for all of the problems we're facing right now, I do fault the economic philosophy he's followed during his 26 years in Washington. It's a philosophy that says it's ok to turn a blind eye to practices that reward  financial manipulation  instead of sound business decisions. It's a philosophy that says even common-sense regulations are unnecessary and unwise. It's a philosophy that lets Washington lobbyists shred consumer protections and distort our economy so it works for the  special interests  instead of working people and our country.
We're now seeing the disastrous consequences of this philosophy all around us - on Wall Street as well as  Main Street . And yet Senator McCain, who candidly admitted not long ago that he doesn't know as much about economics as he should, wants to keep going down the same, disastrous path.
He calls himself "fundamentally a deregulator," when reckless deregulation and lack of oversight is a big part of the problem.
And here's the really scary part. Now this "Great Deregulator" wants to turn his attention to  health care .
He wrote in the current issue of a magazine - the current issue - that we need to open up  health care  to - quote - "more vigorous nationwide competition, as we have done over the last decade in banking."
That's right, John McCain says he wants to do for  health care  what Washington has done for banking.
Think about what that means.
Over the years, states have come up with  common sense  rules to make sure that  insurance companies  aren't just looking out for their own profits, but for your health. And we cannot toss those rules out the window.
As anyone who has  health care  knows, the one thing we don't need to do is give  insurance companies  an even freer hand over what they charge, who they cover, and what they'll cover.
The radical idea that government has no role to play in protecting ordinary Americans has wreaked havoc on our economy. And we cannot let this dangerous philosophy spread to  health care .
What we've seen over the last few days is nothing less than the final verdict on this failed philosophy. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  must not be endangered any more.
The times are too serious. The stakes are too high. At this moment, in this election, we need real change - change that's more than just a slogan, change that actually makes a difference in people's lives. And that's the kind of change I'll bring to Washington when I'm President of the  United States  of America.
That's the change the  American people  need.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
I will also create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced
And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change we need will come without cost - though I have presented how we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
At this defining moment, we have the chance to finally stand up and say: enough is enough!
We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win North Carolina, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
Here in Florida, less than two months before election day, I know you've all been hearing a lot about politics. And we all know how important women will be in determining the outcome of this election. But as I stand here with all of you, I know this isn't just about politics for me. This is personal. Because I come here today not just as a candidate for President - but as a son, a grandson, a husband and a father who's seen firsthand, throughout  my life , the challenges so many women face every day in this country.
Growing up, I saw my mother struggle to put herself through school and raise me and my sister on her own. She once had to turn to  food stamps , but thanks to  student loans , scholarships and a lot of  hard work , her kids could attend some of the best schools in the country. I think women like her who work hard and pour everything they've got into their kids should be able to pay the bills and get ahead for a change - that's why I'm running for President.
I saw my grandmother, who helped raise me, work her way up from the secretarial pool to  middle management  at a bank. But I also saw her hit a glass ceiling, as men no more qualified than she was moved up the corporate ladder ahead of her. I think women like her should be paid fairly and have the same chance to succeed as everyone else - that's why I'm running for President.
I've seen my wife, Michelle, the rock of the Obama family, juggling work and parenting with more skill and grace than anyone I know. But I've seen how it's torn at her. How sometimes, when she's with the girls, she's worrying about work - and when she's at work, she's worrying about the girls. It's a feeling I share every day - especially these days, when I'm away so much, out on the  campaign trail . And I think it should be a little easier for parents in this country to raise their kids and do their jobs - that's why I'm running for President.
I know how hard the women of this country are working. I know the anxiety so many of you are feeling right now, as we stand in the midst of the most serious  financial crisis  of our time. We've seen three of America's five largest  investment banks  fail or be sold off in distress. Our housing market is in shambles, and Monday brought the worst losses on Wall Street since the day after September 11th.
Everywhere you look, the  economic news  is troubling. But for so many of you, it isn't really news at all. You've seen your home values falling, gas prices rising, and bills piling up month after month. So you're working longer hours, or working more than one job just to get by. And then there are the jobs you do once the workday ends. Jobs like paying the bills, buying the groceries, making the dinner, doing the laundry, enforcing the bedtimes - the jobs you don't get paid for, but that hold our families together. Jobs that still, even in the year 2008, too often fall to women.
So I know these are difficult days. But here's what I also know. I know we can steer ourselves out of this economic crisis. That's who we are. That's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenge because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.
But another thing I know is that we can't steer ourselves out of this crisis by heading in the same, disastrous direction. We can't change direction with a new driver who wants to follow the same old map. And that's what this election is all about.
Yesterday, my opponent, Senator McCain, gave a speech in which his big solution to this worldwide economic crisis was to blame me for it. This is a guy who's spent a quarter century in Washington. And after spending the entire campaign saying I haven't been in Washington long enough, he apparently now is willing to assign me responsibility for all of Washington's failures. I think it's pretty clear that Senator McCain is a little panicked, and that at this point, he is willing to say anything, do anything, change any position, violate any principle to try and win this election. And that is sad to see. That's not the politics we need.
So let's be clear.
There's only one candidate who - just this week - said a line he's repeated 16 times on this campaign - quote - "the fundamentals of our economy are strong." There's only one candidate who's called himself "fundamentally a deregulator" when deregulation is part of the problem. My opponent actually wrote in the current issue of a  health care  magazine - the current issue - quote - "Opening up the  health insurance  market to more vigorous nationwide competition, as we have done over the last decade in banking, would provide more choices of innovative products less burdened by the worst excesses of state-based regulation." So let me get this straight - he wants to run  health care  like they've been running Wall Street. Well, Senator, I know some folks on  Main Street  who aren't going to think that's a good idea.
There's only one candidate whose choice for  Treasury Secretary  is a man who thinks we're in a "mental recession" and has called the  United States  of America a - quote - "nation of whiners." There's only one candidate whose campaign is being run by seven of Washington's most powerful lobbyists.
And folks, it isn't me.
I don't take a dime from Washington lobbyists and  special interests . They do not run my campaign. They will not run my  White House . And they will not drown out the voices of the  American people  when I'm President of the  United States .
So when John McCain says that lobbyists "won't even get past the front gate" at his  White House , my question is - who's going to stop them? Those seven lobbyists? His  campaign manager ? The economic advisor, who got a $40 million  golden parachute  when she was fired as a CEO? Or maybe the 26 advisors and fundraisers who lobbied for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac? I mean, give me a break.
The same day my opponent attacked me for being associated with a Fannie Mae guy I've talked to for maybe 5 minutes in my  entire life  - the same day he did that - the head of the lobbying shop at Fannie Mae turned around and said wait a minute - "when I see photographs of Senator McCain's staff, it looks to me like the team of lobbyists who used to report to me." Folks, you can't make this stuff up.
So when you hear John McCain talk about taking on the ol' boy network in Washington - know this, on the McCain campaign, that's called a  staff meeting .
At this defining moment, when the stakes could not be higher, we need real change - change that's more than just a slogan, change that actually makes a difference in people's lives. And that's the kind of change I'll bring to Washington when I'm President of the  United States  of America.
The other day, I laid out a few principals for a plan that would establish a real and permanent solution to our economic crisis. First, we have to make sure that whatever plan our government comes up with works not just for Wall Street, but for  Main Street . We have to make sure it helps folks cope with rising prices, and sparks  job creation , and helps homeowners stay in their homes. That's the kind of help folks need right now.
We also have to make sure that any plan we come up with is temporary and restores tough oversight and accountability on Wall Street. Third, I want to make sure that we're not rewarding some of the very CEOs who helped cause this mess. We're not going to stand for that.
But if we're serious about putting our economy on a firmer footing and lifting up our hardworking families, there are some additional changes we're going to have to make, as well.
Because it's an outrage that women are still making 77 cents for every dollar that men make in this country. Now, my opponent actually opposed legislation to help women get  equal pay . Because, in his view, the reason women aren't being paid fairly isn't discrimination on the job - it's because they need more education and training.
That isn't change.
Change is finally closing that pay gap. It's unacceptable that women in this country are losing thousands of dollars each year - money you could use for gas or groceries or  college tuition . This isn't just an economic issue for millions of American families - it's about our most fundamental values as a nation: that we treat people fairly, that we reward  hard work , and there are no  second class citizens  in our workplaces. That's why I helped pass a law in Illinois to give 330,000 more women protection from paycheck discrimination. That's why I co-sponsored legislation in the U.S. Senate to make it easier for women to challenge pay discrimination. And that's why I won't give up until women in this country are paid what they've earned, and not a penny less. That's what change is.
Change isn't a President who thinks Roe vs. Wade is a flawed decision and whose party platform outlaws abortion, even in cases of rape and incest. Change is a President who will stand up for choice - who understands that five men on the  Supreme Court  don't know better than women and their doctors what's best for a woman's health. That's why I fought so hard in Illinois and in Washington to stop laws that would've restricted choice. That's why I'm committed to appointing judges who understand how law operates in our daily lives, judges who will uphold the values at the core of our Constitution. And that's why I will never back down in defending a woman's right to choose.
Change means refusing to accept an America where staying home with a new baby is treated as an unpaid vacation, and taking  time off  to take a sick parent to the hospital is a fireable offense. Change means making sure people have paid sick days and  tax credits  to help with childcare, and expanding the Family and Medical Leave Act to help millions of people care for their kids and their parents and participate in school activities like parent-teacher conferences and assemblies. Because no matter what you do for a living, we can all agree that raising our kids and taking care of our families is the most important job we have.
Change means keeping the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. Under my plan, if you have  health insurance , nothing changes for you, except that my plan will lower your  health care  costs. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves.
And I'll stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most. This is personal to me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53. And I will never forget her lying in a  hospital bed , in her final months, fighting with the  insurance company  over whether they'd cover her treatments because they claimed cancer was a pre-existing condition. That's wrong, it's not who we are, and we're going to put an end to it.
Change means having a  Vice President  who's spent his career working to improve women's lives. Joe Biden wrote the Violence Against Women Act so we'd finally treat  domestic violence  like the heinous crime that it is. And in case you were wondering, John McCain voted against that legislation. As someone who raised small kids on his own, and took the train home every night from Washington to Delaware to tuck those kids into bed, Joe Biden also knows firsthand what it means to juggle work and family. And you won't find a stronger champion for a woman's right to choose than Joe Biden. So I'm proud to have him by my side in this campaign.
Finally, change means building an economy that rewards work, creates jobs you can raise a family on, and gives each of us the chance to get ahead. And let me tell you, when it comes to the  economic policies  we'll pursue, Senator McCain and I couldn't be more different.
John McCain voted nineteen times against raising the minimum wage - I'll raise it.
He voted against  Head Start , against hiring new teachers, against Pell Grants. I'll invest in  early childhood  education, and recruit an army of new teachers to our schools, and provide a $4,000 tuition  tax credit  to help make college affordable for any  middle class  student who's willing to serve their community or their country. You invest in America, America invests in you, and together, we'll move this country forward.
He wants to give  tax breaks  to  oil companies  and companies that ship jobs overseas - I want to give a  tax break  to 95% of all working families and create jobs here at home by investing in  renewable energy . And don't be fooled by the tired old attacks my opponent is launching. He doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be lower than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. Not one dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
And I'll protect  Social Security , while John McCain wants to privatize it. Without  Social Security  half of elderly women would be living in poverty - half. But if my opponent had his way, the millions of Floridians who rely on it would've had their  Social Security  tied up in the  stock market  this week. Millions would've watched as the market tumbled and their  nest egg  disappeared before their eyes. Millions of families would've been scrambling to figure out how to give their mothers and fathers, their grandmothers and grandfathers, the secure retirement that every American deserves. So I know Senator McCain is talking about a "casino culture" on Wall Street - but the fact is, he's the one who wants to gamble with your life savings.
So let's be clear, when I'm President, we're not going to gamble with  Social Security . We're not going to gamble with your ability to retire with dignity after a lifetime of  hard work . We're going to strengthen and protect  Social Security  so it's a  safety net  our families can count on -- today, tomorrow and always.
Florida, the stakes couldn't be higher. The choice couldn't be clearer. But still, we know that bringing the change we need won't be easy. We know we're up against a powerful, entrenched  status quo  in Washington that will say anything and do anything and fight with everything they've got to keep things just the way they are.
But I think we're up for the challenge. We always have been. That's why I'm standing here today. Because of what my mother and grandmother did for me - because of their  hard work  and sacrifice and unflagging love. That's why all of us are here today - because of the women who came before us. Women who reached for the ballot and raised families and traveled those lonely roads to be the first ones in those boardrooms and courtrooms and battlefields and  factory floors . Women like my friend Hillary Clinton who put those 18 million cracks in that glass ceiling so that my daughters - and all our sons and daughters - could dream a little bigger and reach a little higher.
Now it's our turn. It's our turn to make those sacrifices so the next generation doesn't have to. Our turn to open the doors of opportunity that our daughters and granddaughters will one day walk through. Our turn to fulfill the promise of this great nation that each of us - no matter what our background or where we come from - each of us has the chance to make it if we try.
That's what I think about whenever I get the chance to tuck my girls in at night. How I want them - and all our daughters - to have no limits on their dreams, no obstacles to their achievement, no goals beyond their reach. How I want them to have opportunities their mothers and grandmothers never could've imagined.
And I hope you'll join me. I hope you'll walk with me so that we can turn the page on the failed policies of the past. And if you'll make that commitment - if you'll knock on doors and make those calls and talk to your neighbors and give me your vote on November 4th, then together, we won't just win an election, we will transform this nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
 
 
 
Yesterday, the President said that Congress should pass his proposal to ease the crisis on Wall Street without  significant changes  or improvements.
Now, there are many to blame for causing the current crisis, starting with the speculators who gamed the system and the regulators who looked the other way. But all of us now have a stake in solving it and saving our  financial institutions  from collapse. Because if we don't, the jobs and life savings of millions will be put at risk.
Given that fact, the President's stubborn inflexibility is both unacceptable and disturbingly familiar. This is not the time for my-way-or-the-highway intransigence from anyone involved. It's not the time for fear or panic. It's the time for resolve, responsibility, and reasonableness.
And it is wholly unreasonable to expect that American taxpayers would or should hand this Administration or any Administration a $700 billion  blank check  with absolutely no oversight or conditions when a lack of oversight in Washington and on Wall Street is exactly what got us into this mess.
Now that the  American people  are being called upon to finance this solution, the  American people  have the right to certain protections and assurances from Washington.
First, the plan must include protections to ensure that  taxpayer dollars  are not used to further reward the  bad behavior  of irresponsible CEOs on Wall Street. There has been talk that some CEOs may refuse to cooperate with this plan if they have to forgo multi-million-dollar salaries. I cannot imagine a position more selfish and greedy at a time of national crisis. And I would like to speak directly to those CEOs right now: Do not make that mistake. You are stewards for workers and communities all across our country who have put their trust in you. With the enormous rewards you have reaped come responsibilities, and we expect and demand that you to live up to them. This plan cannot be a welfare program for Wall Street executives.
Second, the power to spend $700 billion of taxpayer money cannot be left to the discretion of one man, no matter who he is or which party he is from. I have great respect for Secretary Paulson, but he cannot act alone. We should set up an independent board that includes some of the most respected figures in our country, chosen by Democrats and Republicans, to provide oversight and accountability at every step of the way. I am heartened that Secretary Paulson appeared to be softening on this position in his testimony this morning.
Third, if taxpayers are being asked to underwrite hundreds of billions of dollars to solve this crisis, they must be treated like investors. The  American people  should share in the upside as Wall Street recovers. There are different ways to accomplish this, including putting equity into these firms instead of buying their troubled assets.
But regardless of how we structure the plan, if the government makes any kind of profit on this deal, we must give  every penny  back to the taxpayers who put up the money in the first place. And after the economy recovers, we should institute a  Financial Stability  Fee on the entire  financial services  industry to repay any losses to the  American people  and make sure we are never asked to foot the bill for Wall Street's mistakes again. We can ask taxpayers to make an investment in the stability of our economy, but we cannot ask them to hand their money over to Wall Street without some expectation of return.
Fourth, the final plan must provide help to families who are struggling to stay in their homes. We cannot simply bailout Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are facing foreclosure.
There are a number of ways we can accomplish this. For example, we should consider giving the government the authority to purchase mortgages directly instead of simply mortgage-backed securities. In the past, such an approach has allowed taxpayers to profit as the housing market recovered. This is not simply a question of looking after homeowners, it's doubtful that the economy as a whole can recover without the restoration of our housing sector, including a rebound in the home values that have suffered dramatically in recent months.
Finally, the  American people  need to know that we feel as great a  sense of urgency  about the emergency on  Main Street  as we do about the emergency on Wall Street. I have repeatedly called on President Bush and Senator McCain to join me in supporting an economic stimulus plan for working families  a plan that would help folks cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, help states and cities avoid painful  budget cuts  and  tax increases , and help homeowners stay in their homes.
Let me be clear  we shouldn't include this stimulus package into this particular legislation, but as we solve the immediate crisis on Wall Street, we should move with the same  sense of urgency  to help  Main Street .
It is absolutely wrong to suggest that we cannot protect American taxpayers while still stabilizing our market and saving our  financial system  from collapse. We can and must do both.
In summary, there is no doubt negotiations over the next few days will be difficult. I will continue to keep in close touch with Secretary Paulson, Chairman Bernanke, and the leaders of Congress to ensure that we can work in a bipartisan manner to get this done as quickly as possible. Our country is being tested by a very serious crisis. We are all in this together, and we must come together as Democrats and Republicans, on Wall Street and on  Main Street  to solve it. And with the proper spirit of cooperation, I know we can.
 
 
 
We are facing one of the most serious  financial crises  in this nation's history. The events of the last week - from the failure of Lehman to the bailout of AIG to the continued volatility of the market - have not just threatened the  trading floors  and high-rises of Wall Street, but the stability and security of our entire  global economy . Across this country, Americans are worried about whether they can make their  mortgage payments , or keep their jobs, or ensure that their retirement is secure. Truly, we are all in this together.
Our government and the Federal Reserve have already taken unprecedented action to prevent a deepening of this crisis that could jeopardize the life savings and well-being of millions of Americans. But it is now clear that even bolder and more decisive action is necessary.
In recent years, I have outlined plans that would have helped prevent the problems we now face, and yesterday I proposed the outlines of a plan that would establish a more stable and permanent solution to strengthen our  financial system . Today, I fully support the effort of Secretary Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Bernanke to work in a bipartisan spirit with Congress to find this kind of solution.
What we're looking at right now is to provide the Treasury and the Federal Reserve with as broad authority as necessary to stabilize markets and maintain credit. We need a more institutional response to create a system that can manage some of the underlying problems with bad mortgages, help homeowners stay in their homes, protect the retirement and savings of working Americans.
In the coming days, I will more closely examine the details of the Treasury and Fed proposal, and as I do, I'll work to ensure that it provides an effective emergency response by including four basic principles that my economic advisors and I just discussed this morning.
First, we cannot only have a plan for Wall Street. We must also help  Main Street  as well. I'm glad that our government is moving so quickly in addressing the crisis that threatens some of our biggest banks and corporations. But a similar crisis has threatened families, workers and homeowners for months and months and Washington has done far too little to help.
For too long, this Administration has been willing to hit the fast-forward button in helping distressed Wall Street firms while pressing pause when it comes to saving jobs or keeping people in their homes. We already know that the credit crisis that has emerged from our largest  financial institutions  is becoming a  credit crunch  for  small business  owners, homeowners, and students seeking loans in  big cities  and small towns. Now that American taxpayers are being called on to share in this new burden, we must take equally swift and serious action to help lift the burdens they face every day.
In the same bipartisan spirit that is being shown with regard to the crisis on Wall Street, I ask Senator McCain, President Bush, Republicans and Democrats to join me in supporting an emergency economic plan for working families - a plan that would help folks cope with rising gas and  food prices , spark  job creation  through repair of our schools and roads, help states and cities avoid painful  budget cuts  and  tax increases , help homeowners stay in their homes, and provide retooling assistance for America's  auto industry . John McCain and I can continue to argue about our different economic agendas for next year, but we should come together now to work on what this country urgently needs this year.
The second principle I would like to see in the emerging plan from the Treasury and the Fed is that our approach should be one of mutual responsibility and reciprocity. It must not be designed to reward particular companies or the irresponsible decisions of borrowers or lenders. It must not be designed to enhance the personal gain of CEOs and management. The recklessness of some of these executives has helped cause this mess, even as they walk away with multimillion dollar  golden parachutes  while taxpayers are left holding the bag. As taxpayers are asked to take extraordinary steps to protect our  financial system , it is only appropriate that those who benefit be expected to contribute to the protection of American homeowners and the American economy. Just as support is not designed to payoff egregious executive compensation, it should not reward those who are ruthlessly foreclosing on American families.
Third, this plan must be temporary and coupled with tough new oversight and regulations of our  financial institutions , and there must be a clear process to wind down this plan and restore  private sector  assets into  private sector  hands after restoring stability to the system. Taxpayers must share in any upside benefit that such stability brings.
Fourth, this plan should be part of a globally coordinated effort with our partners in the G-20. This is a worldwide issue, and while the  United States  can and will lead in stabilizing the  credit markets , we should ask other nations, who share in this crisis, to be part of the solution as well.
One last point. We did not arrive at this crisis by some accident of history. What led us to this point was years and years of a philosophy in Washington and on Wall Street that viewed even common-sense regulation and oversight as unwise and unnecessary; that shredded consumer protections and loosened the  rules of the road . CEOs and executives got reckless. Lobbyists got what they wanted. Politicians in both parties looked the other way until it was too late. And it is the  American people  who have paid the price. The events of this week have rendered a final verdict on that failed philosophy, and it will end if I am President of the  United States . We must build upon the ideas I have laid out over the last several years about how to modernize our financial regulation in this country, and establish commonsense  rules of the road  for our  financial system  to help restore confidence in our  financial system .
Finally, given the gravity of this situation, and based on conversations I have had with both Secretary Paulson and Chairman Bernanke, I will refrain from presenting a more detailed blue-print of how an immediate plan might be structured until I can fully review the details of the plan proposed by the Treasury and the Federal Reserve. It is critical at this point that the markets and the public have confidence that their work will be unimpeded by partisan wrangling, and that leaders in both parties work in concert to solve the problem at hand.
I know these are difficult days. And I know there are a lot of families out there right now who are feeling anxiety - about their jobs, about their homes, about their retirement savings. But here's what I also know. This isn't a time for fear or panic. This is a time for resolve and for leadership. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. That's who we are. That's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenges as one people, and one nation. That is the America we need to be and can be today.
 
 
 
Dunedin, FL We meet here at a time of great uncertainty for America. The era of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street and in Washington has led us to a  financial crisis  as serious as any we have faced since the  Great Depression . They said they wanted to let the market run free but they let it run wild, and in doing so, they trampled our core values of fairness, balance, and responsibility to  one another .
Everywhere you look, the  economic news  is troubling. But for so many Americans, it isn't really news at all.
600,000 workers have lost their jobs since January. Home values are falling. Your paycheck doesn't go as far as it used to. It's never been harder to save or retire; to buy gas or groceries; and if you put it on a  credit card , they've probably raised your rates. In so many cities and towns across America, it feels as if the dream that so many generations have fought for is slowly slipping away.
So I know these are difficult days. But here's what I also know. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because that's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenge because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.
There are many to blame for causing the crisis we are in, and that starts with the speculators on Wall Street who gamed the system and the regulators in Washington who looked the other way. But now that we're here, every American has a stake in solving this crisis and saving our  financial system  from collapse. Because if we don't act, your jobs, your life savings, and your economic security will be put at risk.
The clock is ticking on this crisis. We have to act swiftly, but we also have to get it right. That means everyone - Republicans and Democrats; the  White House  and Congress - must work together to come up with a solution that protects American taxpayers and our economy without rewarding those whose greed helped bring us to this point.
So we need to act and act now. This cannot fall victim to the usual partisan politics or special-interest lobbying. But it also can't be negotiated by the Administration with the same my-way-or-the-highway mentality that is all too familiar.
This Administration started off by asking for a  blank check  to solve this problem. To them, I say no. It is unacceptable to expect the  American people  to hand this Administration or any Administration a $700 billion check with no conditions and no oversight when a lack of oversight in Washington and on Wall Street is exactly what got us into this mess. If the  American people  are being asked to pay for the solution to this crisis, then you have a right to make sure that your  tax dollars  are protected. That's why I've laid out a few a conditions for Washington.
First, we need to set up an independent board, selected by Democrats and Republicans, to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
Second, if American taxpayers are financing this solution, you should be treated like investors. That means that Wall Street and Washington should give you  every penny  of your money back once this economy recovers.
Third, we cannot and will not simply bailout Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
Finally - and this one is important - the  American people  should not be spending one dime to reward the same Wall Street CEOs whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess. There has been talk that some CEOs may refuse to cooperate with this plan if they have to give up their multi-million-dollar salaries. I cannot imagine a position more selfish and greedy at a time of national crisis. So I would like to speak directly to those CEOs right now: Do not make that mistake. The enormous rewards you have reaped come with serious responsibilities to your workers and the  American people , and we expect and demand that you live up to those responsibility. I will not allow this plan to become a welfare program for Wall Street executives.
Now, in the last few days, my opponent has decided to start talking tough about CEO pay. He's suddenly a hard-charging populist. And that's all well and good. But I sure wish he was talking the same way over a year ago, when I introduced a bill that would've helped stop the multi-million-dollar bonus packages that CEOs grab on their  way out  the door. Because he opposed that idea. I sure wish he joined me when I blew the whistle on the fired CEOs of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac who tried to walk away with  golden parachutes . I sure wish he felt the same outrage about CEO pay when his top economic advisor - who he calls a ' role model ' - walked away with a $42 million package after being fired from Hewlett Packard. I sure wish he would change his current plan to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut  at a time when millions of Americans are struggling to pay their bills. That's what I'd like to hear.
You see, the John McCain you've heard from over the last few days is a lot different than the John McCain who's been in Washington for the last twenty-six years. He talks about getting tough on Wall Street now, but he's been against the common-sense rules and regulations that could've stopped this mess for decades. He says he'll take on the corporate lobbyists, but he put seven of the biggest lobbyists in Washington in charge of his campaign. And if you think those lobbyists are  working day  and night to elect my opponent just to put themselves out of business, well I've got a bridge to sell you up in Alaska.
The truth is, when my opponent first reacted to this crisis by saying that the fundamentals of our economy are strong, he didn't just make a mistake. He revealed an out-of-touch philosophy he's followed for decades in Washington - the idea that if we give more and more to those with the most, prosperity will trickle down to everyone else; the idea that no harm will be done if we let lobbyists shred consumer protections and fight against every regulation as unwise or unnecessary.
Well what we have seen over the last few weeks is nothing less than the final verdict on this failed philosophy. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  cannot be endangered anymore.
We have a different way of measuring the fundamentals of our economy. We know that the fundamentals that we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great -that America is a place where you can make it if you try; that everyone should have the chance to live their dreams.
I know I wouldn't be standing here today without that promise. And I know that's the promise we must keep once more.
When I talk to those young veterans who  come back  from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill .
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the  night shift , I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to  food stamps  but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country.
And when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local  steel plant  closed. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep the promise of America alive as President of the  United States .
Unlike Senator McCain, it didn't take a crisis on Wall Street for me to understand that folks are hurting out on  Main Street .
It was two years ago that I introduced legislation to stop mortgage transactions that promoted fraud, risk or abuse. It was one year ago that I called on our  Treasury Secretary  and our Fed Chairman to bring every stakeholder together and find a solution to the subprime mortgage meltdown before it got worse. In March, when John McCain was saying "I'm always for less regulation," I called for a new, 21st century regulatory framework to restore accountability, transparency, and trust in our  financial markets .
I believe that our  free market  has been the engine of America's great progress. It's a market that has created a prosperity that is the envy of the world, and rewarded the innovators and  risk-takers  who have made America a beacon of science, and technology, and discovery. But the American economy has worked in large part because we have guided the market's invisible hand with a higher principle - that America prospers when all Americans can prosper.
That's the change we need right now. And that's the kind of change I'll bring to Washington when I'm President of the  United States  of America.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
I will also create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced
And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change we need will come without cost - though I have presented how we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
At this defining moment, we have the chance to finally stand up and say: enough is enough!
We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Florida, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
I just want to begin by saying a few words about the turmoil in our  financial markets . We are in the midst of the most serious  financial crisis  in generations. Three of America's five largest  investment banks  have failed or been sold off in distress. Our housing market is in shambles, Monday brought the worst losses on Wall Street since the day after September 11th, and the Fed has had to take unprecedented action to prevent the failure of one of the largest  insurance companies  in the world from causing an even larger crisis. Just this morning, we learned that the Fed had to act with  central banks  around the world to maintain the functioning of our  financial system .
Everywhere you look, the  economic news  is troubling. But for so many Americans, it isn't really news at all.
600,000 workers have lost their jobs since January. Home values are falling. Your paycheck doesn't go as far as it used to. It's never been harder to save or retire; to buy gas or groceries; and if you put it on a  credit card , they've probably raised your rates. In so many cities and towns across America, it feels as if the dream that so many generations have fought for is slowly slipping away.
So I know these are difficult days. And I know there are a lot of families that are feeling anxiety right now - about their jobs, about their homes, about their retirement savings. But here's what I also know. This isn't a time for fear or panic - this is a time for resolve and for leadership. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. That's who we are. That's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenge because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.
But another thing I know is this - we can't steer ourselves out of this crisis by heading in the same, disastrous direction. We can't change direction with a new driver who wants to follow the same old map. And that's what this election is all about.
My opponent's first reaction to this crisis on Monday was to stand up and repeat the line he's said over and over again throughout this campaign - quote - "the fundamentals of our economy are strong." The comment was out so out of touch that even George Bush's  White House  couldn't agree with it.
But the truth is, John McCain's attitude was nothing new. It reflects the same economic philosophy that he has had for twenty-six years in Washington. The same philosophy he shares with George Bush.. It's the philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down. It's the philosophy that says even common-sense regulations are unnecessary and unwise. It's a philosophy that lets Washington lobbyists shred consumer protections and distort our economy so it works for the  special interests  instead of working people.
That's the philosophy John McCain believes in, and has always believed in. He's spent decades in Washington supporting  financial institutions  instead of their customers. Phil Gramm, one of the architects of the de-regulation in Washington that led directly to this mess on Wall Street, is also the architect of John McCain's economic plan - the man John McCain wants to put in charge of the  Treasury Department  if he's President. You remember Phil Gramm - he's the guy who said that we're going through a 'mental recession'; and the same man who called the  United States  of America a "nation of whiners."
That's who John McCain listens to. He has consistently opposed the sorts of  common sense  regulations that might have lessened the current crisis. When I was warning about the danger ahead on Wall Street months ago because of the lack of oversight, Senator McCain was telling the Wall Street Journal and I quote "I'm always for less regulation."
Except now, with the magnitude of the crisis apparent even to the Bush  White House , John McCain wants to reverse course. Now, all of a sudden, he's unleashed an angry tirade against all the insiders and lobbyists who've supported him for twenty-six years - the same folks who run his campaign.
On Monday, he said the economy was fundamentally sound, and he was fundamentally wrong.
On Tuesday, he said the government should stand by and allow one of the nation's largest insurers to collapse, putting the well-being of millions of Americans at risk. But by Wednesday, he changed his mind.
He said he would take on the ol' boy network, but he seemed to forget that he took seven of the biggest lobbyists in Washington from that network and put them in charge of your campaign.
John McCain can't decide whether he's Barry Goldwater or Dennis Kucinich. Well, I have a message for Senator McCain:
You can't just run away from your long-held views or your life-long record. You can't erase twenty-six years of support for the very policies and people who helped bring on this disaster with one week of rants.
What we need is honest talk and real solutions. Senator McCain's first answer to this economic crisis was - get ready for it - a commission. That's Washington-speak for "we'll get back to you later." Folks, we don't need a commission to spend a few years and a lot of taxpayer money to tell us what's going on in our economy. We don't need a commission to tell us gas prices are high or that you can't pay your bills. We don't need a commission to tell us you're losing your jobs. We don't need a commission to study this crisis, we need a President who will solve it - and that's the kind of President I intend to be.
Now that this disaster has hit, John McCain is calling for the firing of the Security and Exchange Commissioner. Well here's what I say: In 47 days, you can fire the whole Trickle-Down, On-Your-Own, Look-the-Other-Way crowd in Washington who have led us down this disastrous path.
Let's be clear: what we've seen the last few days is nothing less than the final verdict on an economic philosophy that has completely failed. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  must not be endangered any more. It's time to put an end to a broken system in Washington that is breaking the American economy. It's time for change that makes a real difference in your lives.
It was two years ago that I introduced legislation to stop mortgage transactions that promoted fraud, risk or abuse. It was one year ago that I called on our  Treasury Secretary  and our FED Chairman to bring every stakeholder together and find a solution to the subprime mortgage meltdown before it got worse. In March, when John McCain was saying "I'm always for less regulation," I called for a new, 21st century regulatory framework to restore accountability, transparency, and trust in our  financial markets .
The events of the past few days have made clear that we need to do more right now. We do not have time for commissions and we can't afford to lurch back and forth between positions when dealing with an economic crisis, like my opponent has. That is why I am calling on the Treasury and the Federal Reserve to use their emergency authorities to maintain the flow of credit, to support the availability of mortgages, and to ensure that our  financial system  is well-capitalized. Tomorrow I will be convening a meeting with my top economic advisors to discuss a plan based on the ideas I've been talking about with former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and other advisors of mine. Then I'll call for the passage of a Homeowner and  Financial Support  Act that would establish a more stable and permanent solution than the daily improvisations that have characterized policy-making over the last year. Specifically, it would accomplish three primary goals.
First, it will provide capital to the  financial system . Second, it will provide liquidity to enable our  financial markets  to function. And third, it will do what I've been calling for since I supported legislation on it early last spring, which is to get serious about helping struggling families to re-structure their mortgages on more affordable terms so they can stay in their homes. We've made a good start but we need to do much, much more. We cannot forget that there are many homeowners who are in crisis through no fault of their own, and a solution that does not have them at its core is no solution at all.
To jumpstart  job creation , I've also proposed a $50 billion Emergency Economic Plan that would save 1 million jobs by rebuilding our infrastructure, repairing our schools, and helping our states and localities avoid damaging  budget cuts .
To help people stay in their homes, I will change our bankruptcy laws, and I'll offer a  tax credit  to struggling families that will take 10% off your  mortgage interest  rate. I'll institute a Home Score system that will help every consumer figure out whether they'll be able to make their  mortgage payments  before they buy their house. And I will crack down on predatory lenders - lenders who all too often target Hispanic communities - with tough new penalties that will treat mortgage fraud like the crime that it is.
But the most important thing I will do as President is restore opportunity for all Americans. To get our economy growing, we need to recapture that fundamental American promise. That if you work hard, you can pay the bills. That if you get sick, you won't go bankrupt. That your kids can get a good education, and that we can leave a legacy of greater opportunity to  future generations .
That's the change the  American people  need.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will stop giving  tax breaks  to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. I know this is a critical issue in the Hispanic community, where one in three people don't have  health insurance . Under my plan, if you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most
I will create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced
And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I refuse to accept that overcrowded, underfunded schools are the best we can do for our kids. I refuse to accept four in ten Hispanic students dropping out of  high school  - I know we can do better than that. So I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change will need will come without cost - though I have presented ways we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
This time - this election - is our chance to stand up and say: enough is enough!
We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education so that our kids can compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, and make some calls, and talk to your neighbors.
The Hispanic community will play a critical role in this election. Some of the closest contests this November will be in states like Florida, Colorado, Nevada, and here in New Mexico - states with large Hispanic populations.
And if you have any doubt about whether you can make a difference, just remember how, back in 2004, 40,000 registered Hispanic voters in New Mexico didn't turn out on Election Day. Senator Kerry lost this state by fewer than 6,000 votes. 6,000 votes. And today, in 2008, an estimated 170,000 Hispanics in New Mexico aren't registered to vote.
So I'm not taking a single Hispanic vote for granted in this campaign. We're meeting with Hispanic leaders, and reaching out to Hispanic organizations, and holding Hispanic  voter registration  drives across America.
And if you help me organize and get people to the polls to cast their votes on November 4th, then I promise you - we will win New Mexico, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
New York, NY It's great to speak to you this morning. I'm sorry that I can't be there, but I did enjoy the opportunity to sit down with President Clinton recently in New York. He has helped to create a model for individual responsibility and collective action through the Clinton Global Initiative.
CGI brings people together to take on tough, global challenges. In four years, you have made concrete commitments that have affected over 200 million people in 150 countries. And I applaud your new commitment to help 20 million  poor children  get a healthy meal. It's time for us to come together to get this done.
You are meeting at a time of great turmoil for the American economy. We are now confronted with a  financial crisis  as serious as any we have faced since the  Great Depression . Action must be taken to restore confidence in our economy.
Let me be clear: it's outrageous that we find ourselves in a position where taxpayers must bear the burden for the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street and Washington. But we also know that a failure to act would have grave consequences for the jobs, and savings, and retirement of the  American people .
Over the last few days, I've been in close contact with Secretary Paulson and leaders in Congress. I've also had the opportunity to speak directly to the  American people  about what we need to do moving forward. I've laid out several clear principles that I believe must be a part of our response to this crisis.
First, we need to set up an independent board, selected by Democrats and Republicans, to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
Second, if American taxpayers finance this solution, they should be treated like investors. That means Wall Street and Washington should give  every penny  of taxpayers' money back once this economy recovers.
Third, we cannot and will not simply bailout Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
Finally - and this is important - the  American people  should not be spending one dime to reward the same Wall Street CEOs whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess.
Congressional leaders have made progress in their negotiations, and appear close to a deal that would include these principles. President Bush addressed some of these issues last night, and I'm pleased that Senator McCain has decided to embrace them too. Now is a time to come together - Democrats and Republicans - in a spirit of cooperation on behalf of the  American people .
Later today, I'll be travelling to Washington to offer my help in getting this deal done. Then, I'll travel to Oxford on Friday for the first of our presidential debates. Our election is in 40 days. Our economy is in crisis, and our nation is fighting two wars abroad. The  American people  deserve to hear directly from myself and Senator McCain about how we intend to lead our country. The times are too serious to put our campaign on hold, or to ignore the full range of issues that the next President will face.
Since CGI is about deeds, not just words, let me tell you about four specific commitments that I will make on four issues that CGI has focused on -  climate change , poverty, education, and health - if I have the opportunity to serve as President of the  United States .
Here's how I approach these issues.
We live in a time when our destinies are shared. The world is more intertwined than at any time in human history. Walls that divided old enemies have come down. Markets have opened. The spread of information and technology has reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity, and opened doors to new competition and risk. We have heard this time and again since the  end of the Cold War . And over the last few weeks, this truth has been reinforced anew.
In America, we have seen that there is no  dividing line  between the ability of folks to live their dreams on  Main Street , and the  bottom line  of  investment banks  on Wall Street. There is a lesson that cuts across this economic crisis. Prosperity cannot be sustained if it shuts people out. Growth cannot just come from the top down - it must come from the bottom up, with new jobs that pay good wages, and new innovation that creates opportunity across the globe.
And in the 21st century, we must also recognize that it's not just prosperity that comes from the bottom up. Our security is shared as well.
The  carbon emissions  in Boston or Beijing don't just pollute the immediate atmosphere - they imperil our planet.
Pockets of extreme poverty in Somalia can breed conflict that spills across borders.
The child who goes to a radical madrasa outside of Karachi can end up endangering the security of my daughters in Chicago.
A deadly flu that begins in Indonesia can find its way to Indiana within days.
 Climate change . Poverty. Extremism. Disease. These problems offend our common humanity. They also threaten our common security. You know this. The question is what we do about it.
We're not going to face these threats of the future by grasping at the ideas of the past. In many cases, we know what we have to do. We talk about the solutions year after year. This must be the time when we choose not to wait any longer. We must marshal the will. We must see that none of these problems can be dealt with in isolation, nor can we deny one and effectively tackle another. That's why you've come to CGI. Because that's what this moment calls us to do.
No single issue sits at the crossroads of as many currents as energy. Our dependence on oil and gas funds terror and tyranny; it has forced families to pay their wages at the pump; and it puts the future of our planet in peril. This is a security threat, an economic albatross, and a moral challenge of our time. The time to debate whether  climate change  is manmade has past - it's time, finally, for America to lead.
The first commitment that I'll make today is setting a goal of an 80 percent reduction in  greenhouse gas  emissions by 2050.
To do our part, we'll implement a cap-and-trade program so that there's a price for pollution, and resources to transform our energy economy. I've proposed an investment of $150 billion in  alternative energy  over ten years, which will create millions of jobs and break the cycle of our addiction to oil. We need to do more than drill. Now is the time to develop every form of  alternative energy  - solar, wind, and biofuels, as well as technologies that can make coal clean and  nuclear power  safe. We need to raise  fuel economy  standards, put more  plug-in  hybrid cars on the road, and find new ways to be energy efficient.
Abroad, the  United States  must get off the sidelines. We'll reach out to the leaders of the biggest carbon emitting nations and ask them to join a new Global Energy Forum to lay the foundation for the next generation of climate protocols. We'll build an alliance of oil-importing nations, and work together to reduce our demand, and break the grip of OPEC. And as we develop  clean energy , we should share technology and innovations with the nations of the world.
This effort to confront  climate change  will be part of our strategy to alleviate poverty. Because we know that it is the world's poor who will feel - and who may already be feeling - the affect of a warming planet. If we fail to act, famine could displace hundreds of millions, fueling competition and conflict over basic resources like food and water.
We all have a stake in reducing poverty. There is suffering across the globe that doesn't need to be tolerated in the 21st century. And it leads to pockets of instability that provide fertile  breeding grounds  for threats like terror and the smuggling of deadly weapons that cannot be contained by the drawing of a border or the distance of an ocean. These aren't simply disconnected corners of an interconnected world. That is why the second commitment that I will make is embracing the Millennium Development Goals, which aim to cut extreme poverty in half by 2015.
This will take more resources from the  United States , and as President I will increase our  foreign assistance  to provide them. But resources must be focused on the right priorities. No one wants to put good money after bad, or ignore the underlying causes at the root of these problems.
We shouldn't just settle for a  status quo  - anywhere - where you can't start a business without paying a bribe. Corruption wastes our  tax dollars . It also ruins lives. This is a  human rights  issue, and we need to treat it like one.
We shouldn't help those in need without helping them help themselves. That's why I'll partner with the  private sector  in creating a new fund for  Small and Medium Enterprise , so we're investing in ideas that can create growth and jobs in the developing world.
Above all, we must do our part to see that all children have the basic right to learn. There is nothing more disappointing than a child denied the hope that comes with going to school, and there is nothing more dangerous than a child who is taught to distrust and then to destroy.
That's why the third commitment I'll make is working to erase the global  primary education  gap by 2015. Every child - every boy, and every girl - should have the ability to go to school. To ensure that our nation does its part to meet that goal, we need to establish a two billion dollar Global Education Fund. And I look forward to signing the bipartisan Education for All Act that was first introduced by Hillary Clinton - a true champion for children.
Finally, we must continue the progress that's been made to advance the cause of global health. I've been proud to support the PEPFAR program. I think President Bush - and many of you there today - have shown real leadership in the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. This is a fight that I will continue as President.
Disease stands in the way of progress on so many fronts. It can condemn populations to poverty, and prevent a child from getting an education. And yet far too many people still die of preventable illnesses. Today, I'd like to focus on one: malaria.
We have eliminated malaria in the  United States , but nearly one million people around the world still die from a  mosquito bite  every year. 85 percent of the victims are African children under the age of 5. In Africa, a child dies from a  mosquito bite  every thirty seconds. Beyond the devastating  human toll , malaria weighs down  public health  systems, setting back global capacity to fight other disease.
So today, I want to join with the global malaria community that is meeting here in New York in making a new commitment: when I am President, we will set the goal of ending all deaths from malaria by 2015. It's time to rid the world of death from a disease that doesn't have to take lives. The  United States  must lead, and when I am President we will step up our focus on prevention and treatment around the world to get this done.
The first project of my  Small and Medium Enterprise  fund will be investing in the developing world's capacity to meet the demand for 730 million bednets. We'll also increase access to doctors and nurses through a new program -  Health Infrastructure  2020 - that trains medical professionals in countries around the world, and gives them incentives to stay there. And we'll invest in research and development into new vaccines, and ensure that low cost anti-malaria drugs are available everywhere.
This effort must bring together governments from around the world. It must be a public-private partnership that draws on the resources, and ideas, and resilience of business and non-profits and faith groups. It must be a cause for countless individuals, and a common goal that unites us all.
In short, the effort to eradicate malaria must draw on the spirit that drives not simply the commitments at CGI - but the commitment that is visible everywhere that people go to work to make their communities, their country, and our world a better place.
The scale of our challenges may be great. The  pace of change  may be swift. But we know that it need not be feared. The landscapes of the 21st century are still ours to shape.
We see the potential for progress  every time  someone starts a job creating new energy, or an idea carries a community out of poverty; we see it  every time  a girl walks through the doors of a new school, or a boy lives to see another day because he had a simple net around his bed. These are the dreams that we must make our own.
We live in a time when our destinies are shared. But our destinies will be written by us, not for us. Now, it falls to us to get to work.
 
 
 
Detroit, MI
We meet here at a time of great uncertainty for America. The era of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street and in Washington has led us to a  financial crisis  as serious as any we have faced since the  Great Depression . They said they wanted to let the market run free but they let it run wild, and in doing so, they trampled our core values of fairness, balance, and responsibility to  one another .
Everywhere you look, the  economic news  is troubling. But for so many Americans, it isn't really news at all.
600,000 workers have lost their jobs since January. Home values are falling. Your paycheck doesn't go as far as it used to. It's never been harder to save or retire; to buy gas or groceries; and if you put it on a  credit card , they've probably raised your rates. In so many cities and towns across America, it feels as if the dream that so many generations have fought for is slowly slipping away.
I know these are difficult days. But here's what I also know. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because that's what we've always done as Americans. Our nation has faced difficult times before. And at each of those moments, we've risen to meet the challenge because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.
There are many to blame for causing the crisis we are in, and that starts with the speculators on Wall Street who gamed the system and the regulators in Washington who looked the other way. It is an outrage - an outrage - that we are now being forced to clean up their mess.
But we have no choice. We must act now. Because now that we're in this situation, your jobs, your life savings, and the stability of our entire economy are at risk.
This Administration started off by asking for a  blank check  to solve this problem. I said absolutely not. I said it was unacceptable to expect the  American people  to hand this Administration or any Administration a $700 billion check with no conditions and no oversight when a lack of oversight in Washington and on Wall Street is exactly what got us into this mess. If the  American people  are being asked to help solve this crisis, then you have a right to make sure that your  tax dollars  are protected. That's why I laid out a few a conditions for Washington when this began: First, I said we needed an independent board to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
Second, if American taxpayers are financing this solution, I said that you should be treated like investors. That means that Wall Street and Washington should give you  every penny  of your money back once this economy recovers.
Third, I said that we cannot and will not simply bailout Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
Finally - and this one is important - I said that I would not allow this plan to become a welfare program for the Wall Street executives whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess.
And today, thanks to the  hard work  of Democrats and Republicans, it looks like we have a  rescue plan  that includes these taxpayer protections. And it looks like we will pass that plan very soon.
But our job is far from over. Because now that we're fixing the mess on Wall Street, we need to move with the same  sense of urgency  to help families on  Main Street . We don't just need a plan for bankers and investors, we need a plan for autoworkers and teachers and  small business  owners. I will continue to fight for an economic stimulus plan for working families - a plan that will help folks cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . A plan that would extend expiring  unemployment benefits  for those Americans who've lost their jobs and cannot find new ones.
And I will fight every day of this campaign and every day of my presidency to make sure a crisis like this never, ever happens again. That means taking on the lobbyists and  special interests  in Washington. That means taking on the greed and corruption on Wall Street. That means putting in place the  rules of the road  and common-sense regulations for our finance system that I've been calling for since last March. It is time to reform Washington.
Now, my opponent, John McCain, talks about getting tough on Wall Street now, but he's been against the common-sense rules and regulations that could've stopped this mess for decades. He says he'll take on the corporate lobbyists, but he put seven of the biggest lobbyists in Washington in charge of his campaign. And if you think those lobbyists are  working day  and night to elect my opponent just to put themselves out of business, well I've got a bridge to sell you up in Alaska.
The truth is, for twenty-six years in Washington, Senator McCain has followed an out-of-touch philosophy he's followed for decades in Washington - the idea that if we give more and more to those with the most, prosperity will trickle down to everyone else; the idea that no harm will be done if we let lobbyists shred consumer protections and fight against every regulation as unwise or unnecessary.
Well what we have seen over the last few weeks is nothing less than the final verdict on this failed philosophy. And I am running for President of the  United States  because the dreams of the  American people  cannot be endangered anymore.
On Friday, we had a debate. And on issue after issue - from taxes to  health care  to the war in Iraq - you heard John McCain make the case for more of the same policies that got us into this mess. But just as important as what we heard from John McCain was what we didn't hear.
We talked about the economy for forty minutes, and not once did Senator McCain talk about the struggles that  middle class families  are facing every day right here in North Carolina and around the country.
He defended his plan to give $300 billion in  tax cuts  to corporations and the wealthiest Americans, but he had nothing to say about the fact that wages have flat-lined and jobs are being shipped overseas.
He railed against some study of bears in Montana, but he had nothing to say about the fact that more and more Americans can't afford to pay for college; can't afford  health care  for their families; and can't afford a retirement that is dignified and secure.
Senator McCain spoke again and again about the need to keep spending $10 billion a month in Iraq, but he said nothing about the need to end this war so that we can invest in good jobs, and rebuild our roads and bridges and broadband lines right here in America.
The truth is, through ninety minutes of debating, John McCain had a lot to say about me, but he had nothing to say about you. He didn't even say the words " middle class ." Not once.
You see, I think Senator McCain just doesn't get it - he doesn't get that this crisis on Wall Street hit  Main Street  a long time ago. That's why his first response to the greatest fiscal meltdown in generations was to say that the "fundamentals of the economy are strong." That's why he's been shifting positions these last two weeks, looking for a photo-op, and trying to figure out what to say and what to do.
Well I know what we need to do. We need to stop giving those  tax cuts  to corporations and CEOs on Wall Street, and start standing up for families out on  Main Street . We need to turn the page on the failed policies of the last eight years, and finally put working people first. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
We don't need any more out-of-touch, on-your-own leadership in Washington. We need a President who will change this economy so that it finally works for your family. We need a President who will fight for the  middle class  every single day, and that's exactly what I'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
We have a different way of measuring the fundamentals of our economy. We know that the fundamentals that we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great -that America is a place where you can make it if you try; that everyone should have the chance to live their dreams.
I know I wouldn't be standing here today without that promise. And I know that's the promise we must keep once more.
When I talk to those young veterans who  come back  from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill .
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the  night shift , I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to  food stamps  but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country.
And when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local  steel plant  closed. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep the promise of America alive as President of the  United States .
That's the change we need right now. And that's the kind of change I'll bring to Washington when I'm President of the  United States  of America.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it.
I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
I will also create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool and get the loans they need so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in Detroit, right here in Michigan, right here in the  United States  of America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change we need will come without cost - though I have presented how we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
At this defining moment, we have the chance to finally stand up and say: enough is enough! We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Michigan, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
We meet here at a time of great uncertainty for America. The era of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street and in Washington has led us to a  financial crisis  as serious as any we have faced since the  Great Depression . They said they wanted to let the market run free but they let it run wild, and they trampled our American values of fairness, balance, and responsibility to  one another . Now, because of speculators who gamed the system and regulators who looked the other way, your jobs, your life savings, and the stability of our entire economy are at risk.
We have been left with no good options. And today, Democrats and Republicans in Washington have agreed on an  emergency rescue  plan that is our best and only way to prevent an economic catastrophe.
It's a plan that's improved a  good deal  over the last week. This Administration started off by asking for a  blank check  to solve this problem. I said absolutely not. I said it was unacceptable to expect the  American people  to hand this Administration or any Administration a $700 billion check with no conditions and no oversight when a lack of oversight in Washington and on Wall Street is exactly what got us into this mess. If the  American people  are being asked to help solve this crisis, then you have a right to make sure that your  tax dollars  are protected.
And so I laid out a few a conditions for Washington.
I said we needed an independent board to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
I said that if American taxpayers are financing this solution, then you should be treated like investors - you should get  every penny  of your  tax dollars  back once this economy recovers, and Wall Street should foot the bill.
I said that we cannot and will not simply bailout Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
And finally, I said that I would not allow this plan to become a welfare program for the Wall Street executives whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess.
Thanks to the  hard work  of Democrats and Republicans, the proposal we have today includes these taxpayer protections. And if I am President, I will review the entire plan on the day I take office to make sure that it is working to save our economy and that you get your money back.
But let me be absolutely clear about one thing. At a time like this - a time when 600,000 workers have lost their jobs since January; when home values are falling and paychecks are flat; when it's never been harder to save or retire; to buy gas or groceries; at a time when Americans are working so much harder for so much less, the fact that you are being called upon to help clean up Wall Street's mess is an outrage. It is an outrage that we're spending this money when we could be investing in affordable  health care , or  renewable energy , or better schools for our children. It is an outrage that we are in this mess and we are here to make sure that it never happens again.
We did not arrive at this moment by some accident of history. This was not a normal part of the  business cycle . This was not just a few  bad apples  on Wall Street. This crisis is a direct result of a philosophy that the folks running Washington have been following for decades. It's a philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else; a philosophy that says even common-sense regulations are unnecessary and unwise; a philosophy that lets lobbyists shred consumer protections and put the needs of  special interests  ahead of working people. And what we have seen over the last few weeks is the final verdict on this failed philosophy. It is time to turn the page.
That is the choice in this election. Because Senator McCain has followed this philosophy for twenty-six years in Washington and now he's running to give us another four. He's fought against common-sense regulations for decades, he's called for less regulation twenty times just this year, and he said in a recent interview that he thought de-regulation has actually helped grow our economy. Senator, what economy are you talking about?
At a time when we're putting hundreds of billions of  taxpayer dollars  on the line, Senator McCain still wants to spend $200 billion on  tax breaks  for the biggest corporations in America. He wants to give a $700,000  tax break  to the average Fortune 500 CEO, but not one dime of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans. He likes to talk about how he'll take on the corporate lobbyists in Washington, but he put seven of them in charge of his campaign. And if you think those lobbyists are  working day  and night to elect my opponent just to put themselves out of business, well I've got a bridge to sell you up in Alaska.
You see, Senator McCain just doesn't get it - he doesn't get that this crisis on Wall Street hit  Main Street  a long time ago. That's why his first response to the greatest fiscal meltdown in generations was to say that the "fundamentals of the economy are strong," and why he didn't say the words "middle-class" once in an entire 90-minute debate.
I read the other day that Senator McCain likes to gamble. He likes to roll those dice. And that's ok. I enjoy a little friendly game of poker myself every now and then.
But one thing I know is this - we can't afford to gamble on four more years of the same disastrous  economic policies  we've had for the last eight.
I know that when Senator McCain says he wants to bring the same kind of deregulation to our  health care  system that he helped bring to our  banking system  - his words - well, that's a bet we can't afford. We can't afford to roll the dice by privatizing  Social Security , and wagering the  nest egg  of millions of Americans on Wall Street. We can't afford to gamble on more of the same trickle down philosophy that showers  tax breaks  on big corporations and the wealthiest few. We've tried that. It doesn't work.
With our economy at risk, and our future in the balance, the greatest risk in this election is to repeat the same mistakes of the past. We can't take a chance on the same losing game.
We need a President who will change this economy so that it finally works for your family. We need a President who will fight for the  middle class  every single day, and that's exactly what I'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
We have a different way of measuring the fundamentals of our economy. We know that the fundamentals that we use to measure  economic strength  are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great -that America is a place where you can make it if you try; that everyone should have the chance to live their dreams.
I know I wouldn't be standing here today without that promise. And I know that's the promise we must keep once more.
When I talk to those young veterans who  come back  from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the  GI Bill .
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the  night shift , I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to  food stamps  but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country.
And when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local  steel plant  closed. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep the promise of America alive as President of the  United States .
That's the change we need right now. And that's the kind of change I'll bring to Washington when I'm President of the  United States  of America.
I will fight every day of this campaign and every day of my presidency to make sure a crisis like this never, ever happens again. That means taking on the lobbyists and  special interests  in Washington. That means taking on the greed and corruption on Wall Street. That means putting in place the  rules of the road  and common-sense regulations for our finance system that I've been calling for since last March - regulations that would make our markets open, honest, and transparent. That's the change we need.
And now that we're fixing the mess on Wall Street, we need to move with the same  sense of urgency  to help families on  Main Street . We don't just need a plan for bankers and investors, we need a plan for autoworkers and teachers and  small business  owners. I have said it before and I'll say it again: we need to pass an economic stimulus plan right now for working families - a plan that will help folks cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . A plan that would extend expiring  unemployment benefits  for those Americans who've lost their jobs and cannot find new ones. That's the change we need.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it.
As President, I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups - that's how we'll grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan. If you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime. In fact, I offer three times the  tax relief  for middle-class families as Senator McCain does - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible  health care  for every single American. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
I will also create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here the  United States  of America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced
And now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
This is the change we need - the kind of bottom up growth and innovation that will advance the American economy by advancing the dreams of all Americans.
Times are hard. I will not pretend that the change we need will come without cost - though I have presented how we can achieve these changes in a fiscally responsible way. I know that we'll have to overcome our doubts and divisions and the determined opposition of powerful  special interests  before we can truly reform a broken economy and advance opportunity.
But I am running for President because we simply cannot afford four more years of an economic philosophy that works for Wall Street instead of  Main Street , and ends up devastating both.
I don't want to wake up in four years to find that more Americans fell out of the middle-class, and more families lost their savings. I don't want to see that our country failed to invest in our ability to compete, our children's future was mortgaged on another mountain of debt, and our  financial markets  failed to find a firmer footing.
At this defining moment, we have the chance to finally stand up and say: enough is enough!
We can do this because Americans have done this before. Time and again, we've battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success. That's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth generator - it's bound America together, it's created jobs, and it's made the dream of opportunity a reality for generation after generation of Americans.
Some of us had grandparents or parents that said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Colorado, we will win this election, and we will change America together.
 
 
 
Reno, NV This morning - like so many others over the last few months - we woke up to some very sobering news about our economy. Over the course of a few hours, the failure to pass the economic  rescue plan  in Washington led to the single largest decline of the  stock market  in two decades.
Over one trillion dollars of wealth was lost by the time the markets closed on Monday. And it wasn't just the wealth of a few CEOs or Wall Street executives. The 401Ks and  retirement accounts  that millions count on for their family's future are now smaller. The state  pension funds  of teachers and  government employees  lost billions upon billions of dollars. Hardworking Americans who invested their  nest egg  to watch it grow are now watching it disappear.
But while the decline of the  stock market  is devastating, the consequences of the credit crisis that caused it will be even worse if we do not act and act immediately.
Because of the  housing crisis , we are now in a very dangerous situation where  financial institutions  across this country are afraid to lend money. If all that meant was the failure of a few big banks on Wall Street, it would be one thing.
But that's not what it means. What it means is that if we do not act, it will be harder for you to get a mortgage for your home or the loans you need to buy a car or send your children to college. What it means is that businesses won't be able to get the loans they need to open new factories, or hire more workers, or make payroll for the workers they have. What it means is that thousands of businesses could close. Millions of jobs could be lost. A long and painful recession could follow.
Let me be perfectly clear. The fact that we are in this mess is an outrage. It's an outrage because we did not get here by accident. This was not a normal part of the  business cycle . This was not the actions of a few  bad apples .
This  financial crisis  is a direct result of the greed and irresponsibility that has dominated Washington and Wall Street for years. It's the result of speculators who gamed the system, regulators who looked the other way, and lobbyists who bought their way into our government. It's the result of an economic philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else; a philosophy that views even the most common-sense regulations as unwise and unnecessary. And this economic catastrophe is the final verdict on this failed philosophy - a philosophy that we cannot afford to continue.
But while there is plenty of blame to go around and many in Washington and on Wall Street who deserve it, all of us now have a responsibility to solve this crisis because it affects the financial well-being of every single American. There will be time to punish those who set this fire, but now is the moment for us to come together and put the fire out.
This is one of those defining moments when the  American people  are looking to Washington for leadership. It is not a time for politics. It is not a time for partisanship. It is not a time to figure out how to take credit or where to lay blame. It is not a time for politicians to concern themselves with the next election. It is a time for all of us to concern ourselves with the future of the country we love. This is a time for action.
I know that many of you are feeling anxiety right now - about your jobs, about your homes, about your life savings. But I also know this - I know that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
This is no longer just a Wall Street crisis - it's an American crisis, and it's the American economy that needs this  rescue plan . I understand why people would be skeptical when this President asks for a  blank check  to solve a problem. I've spent most of my time in Washington being skeptical of this Administration, and this time was no different. That's why over a week ago, I demanded that this plan include  specific proposals  to protect American taxpayer - protections that the Administration eventually agreed to, as well as Democrats and Republicans in Congress.
First, I said we needed an independent board to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
Second, I said that we cannot help banks on Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
Third, I said that I would not allow this plan to become a welfare program for the Wall Street executives whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess.
And finally, I said that if American taxpayers are financing this solution, then you should be treated like investors - you should get  every penny  of your  tax dollars  back once this economy recovers.
This last part is important, because it's been the most misunderstood and poorly communicated aspect of this entire plan. This is not a plan to just hand over $700 billion of your money to a few banks on Wall Street. If this is executed the right way, then the government will temporarily purchase the bad assets of our  financial institutions  so that they can start lending again, and then sell those assets once the markets settle down and the economy recovers. If this is managed correctly, we will hopefully get most or all of our money back, or possibly even turn a profit on the government's investment -  every penny  of which will go directly back to you, the investor. And if we do have losses, I've proposed to institute a  Financial Stability  Fee on the entire  financial services  industry so that Wall Street foots the bill - not the American taxpayer. I've also said that if I'm President, I will review the entire plan on the day I take office to make sure that it is working to save our economy and that you are getting your money back.
Even with all these taxpayer protections, I know that this plan is not perfect or fool-proof. No matter how well we manage the government's investments under this plan, we are still putting  taxpayer dollars  at risk. I know that there are Democrats and Republicans in Congress who have legitimate concerns about this, and I know there are many Americans who share those concerns.
But I also know that we can't afford not to act. Both parties are close to accepting this plan, and over the next few hours and days, we should seek out any new ideas that might get this done. This morning, I proposed one such idea that might increase  bipartisan support  for this plan and shore up our economy at the same time: expanding federal deposit insurance for families and  small businesses  across America who have invested their money in our banks.
The majority of American families should rest assured that the deposits they have in our banks of up to $100,000 are still guaranteed by the  federal government . That guarantee is more than adequate for most families, but it is insufficient for many  small businesses  to meet their payroll, buy their supplies, and create new jobs. The current insurance limit of $100,000 was set 28 years ago and has not been adjusted for inflation. I've proposed raising the FDIC limit to $250,000 - a step that would boost  small businesses , make our  banking system  more secure, and help restore confidence by reassuring families that their money is safe.
That's one idea. If there are others that can help shore up support for this plan and shore up our economy, I encourage Democrats and Republicans to offer them. But we must act and we must act now. We cannot have another day like yesterday. We cannot risk another week or another month where American businesses are afraid to extend credit and lend money. That is not an option for this country.
For the rest of today and as long as it takes, I will continue to reach out to leaders in both parties and do whatever I can to help pass a  rescue plan . To the Democrats and Republicans who opposed this plan yesterday, I say - step up to the plate and do what's right for this country. And to all Americans, I say this - if I am President of the  United States , this  rescue plan  will not be the end of what we do to strengthen this economy - it will only be the beginning.
People have asked whether the size of this plan, together with the weakening economy, means that the next President will have to scale back his agenda and some of his proposals. The answer is both yes and no. With less money flowing into the Treasury, it is likely that some useful programs or policies that I've proposed on the  campaign trail  may need to be delayed. And I've said that as President, I will go through the  federal budget , line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But there are certain investments in our future that we cannot delay precisely because our economy is in turmoil. You can always put off giving your house a new paint job or renovating your kitchen, but when your roof is crumbling or your heater goes, you realize that these are long-term investments you need to make right away.
The same is true of our economy. We cannot wait to help Americans keep up with rising costs and shrinking paychecks by giving our workers a middle-class  tax cut . We cannot wait to relieve the burden of crushing  health care  costs on families, businesses, and our entire economy. We cannot wait to create millions of new jobs by rebuilding our roads and our bridges and investing in the renewable  sources of energy  that will stop us from sending $700 billion a year to tyrants and dictators for their oil. And we cannot wait to educate the next generation of Americans with the skills and knowledge they need to compete with any workers, anywhere in the world. Those are the priorities we cannot delay.
As soon as we pass this  rescue plan , we need to move with the same  sense of urgency  to rescue the families on  Main Street  who are struggling every day to pay their bills and keep their jobs. I've said it before and I'll say it again: we need to pass an economic stimulus plan that will help folks cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . A plan that would extend expiring  unemployment benefits  for those Americans who've lost their jobs and cannot find new ones.
Beyond this immediate stimulus that I've called on both parties and the President to pass, we need an economic agenda to restore opportunity for Americans and prosperity to America. We need policies that will grow this economy from  Main Street  to Wall Street and everywhere in between - so that the 21st century is another American century. So that we're not borrowing debt from China and buying oil from  Saudi Arabia . So that the jobs of the future don't go to better-educated workers in India and the cars of the future aren't made in Japan. So that we can leave a legacy of greater opportunity to our children and their children. That is how we will emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before, and that is what I will do as President of the  United States .
I will begin by reforming our  tax code  so that it doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups, so that we can grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all workers and their families. And if you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will reform our  health care  system to relieve families, businesses, and the entire economy from the crushing cost of  health care  by investing in  new technology  and preventative care. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
To create new jobs, I'll invest in rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure - our roads, schools, and bridges. We'll rebuild our outdated electricity grid and build new broadband lines to connect America. And I'll create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here the  United States  of America. I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced
And if I am President, I will meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll invest in  early childhood  education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
Finally, I will modernize our outdated financial regulations and put in the place the common-sense  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will make sure Wall Street can never get away with the stunts that caused this crisis again. And I will take power away from the corporate lobbyists who think they can stand in the way of these reforms. I've done it in Illinois, I've done it Washington, and I will do it again as President.
These are the changes and reforms that we need. Bottom-up growth that will create opportunity for every American. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Common-sense regulations for our  financial system  that will prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. What this crisis has taught us is that at the end of the day, there is no real separation between  Main Street  and Wall Street. There is only the road we're traveling on as Americans - and we will rise or fall on that journey as one nation; as one people.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
I believe that this is one of those moments. I know that many of you are anxious about your future and the future of this country. I realize that you are cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you are disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask you to believe - believe in this country and your ability to change it. I ask you what has been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history - what was asked at the beginning of the greatest  financial crisis  this nation has ever endured. In his first fireside chat, Franklin Roosevelt told his fellow Americans that "..there is an element in the readjustment of our  financial system  more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. Let us unite in banishing fear. Together, we cannot fail."
America, together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves. Now is the time to make them proud of what we did here. Let's give our children the future they deserve, and let's act with confidence and courage to show the world that at this moment, in this election, the  United States  of America is still the last, best hope of Earth. Thank you Nevada, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet here at a time of great uncertainty. Our economy is in crisis. The dreams of so many Americans are at risk. And the  American people  are waiting for leadership from Washington.
On Monday, over the course of a few hours, the failure to pass the economic  rescue plan  in the House led to the single largest decline of the  stock market  in two decades. Over one trillion dollars of wealth was lost by the time the markets closed. And it wasn't just the wealth of a few CEOs or Wall Street executives. The 401Ks and  retirement accounts  that millions count on for their family's future are now smaller. The state  pension funds  of teachers and  government employees  lost billions upon billions of dollars. Hardworking Americans who invested their  nest egg  to watch it grow are now watching it disappear.
But while the decline of the  stock market  is devastating, the consequences of the credit crisis that caused it will be even worse if we do not act and act immediately.
Because of the  housing crisis , we are now in a very dangerous situation where  financial institutions  across this country are afraid to lend money. If all that meant was the failure of a few big banks on Wall Street, it would be one thing.
But that's not what it means. What it means is that if we do not act, it will be harder for you to get a mortgage for your home or the loans you need to buy a car or send your children to college. What it means is that businesses won't be able to get the loans they need to open new factories, or hire more workers, or make payroll for the workers they have. Thousands of businesses could close. Millions of jobs could be lost. A long and painful recession could follow.
Let me be perfectly clear. The fact that we are in this mess is an outrage. It's an outrage because we did not get here by accident. This was not a normal part of the  business cycle . This was not the actions of a few  bad apples .
This  financial crisis  is a direct result of the greed and irresponsibility that has dominated Washington and Wall Street for years. It's the result of speculators who gamed the system, regulators who looked the other way, and lobbyists who bought their way into our government. It's the result of an economic philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else; a philosophy that views even the most common-sense regulations as unwise and unnecessary. And this crisis is the final verdict on this failed philosophy - a philosophy that we cannot afford to continue.
But while there is plenty of blame to go around and many in Washington and on Wall Street who deserve it, all of us now have a responsibility to solve this crisis because it affects the financial well-being of every single American. There will be time to punish those who set this fire, but now is the moment for us to come together and put the fire out.
I know that many of you are feeling anxiety right now - about your jobs, about your homes, about your life savings. But I also know this - I know that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
This is not just a Wall Street crisis - it's an American crisis, and it's the American economy that needs this  rescue plan . I understand why people would be skeptical when this President asks for a  blank check  to solve a problem. I've spent most of my time in Washington being skeptical of this Administration, and this time was no different. That's why over a week ago, I demanded that this plan include  specific proposals  to protect the American taxpayer - protections that the Administration eventually agreed to, as well as Democrats and Republicans in Congress.
First, I said we needed an independent board to provide oversight and accountability for how and where this money is spent at every step of the way.
Second, I said that we cannot help banks on Wall Street without helping the millions of innocent homeowners who are struggling to stay in their homes. They deserve a plan too.
Third, I said that I would not allow this plan to become a welfare program for the Wall Street executives whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this mess.
And finally, I said that if American taxpayers are financing this solution, then you should be treated like investors - you should get  every penny  of your  tax dollars  back once this economy recovers.
This last part is important, because it's been the most misunderstood and poorly communicated part of this plan. This is not a plan to just hand over $700 billion of your money to a few banks. If this is managed correctly, we will hopefully get most or all of our money back, or possibly even turn a profit on the government's investment -  every penny  of which will go directly back to you, the investor.
The  rescue plan  now includes those four principles. It also includes a proposal I made  yesterday morning  to expand federal deposit insurance for families and  small businesses  across America who have invested their money in our banks. This will boost  small businesses , make our  banking system  more secure, and help restore confidence by reassuring families that their money is safe.
Even with all these taxpayer protections, this plan is not perfect. Democrats and Republicans in Congress have legitimate concerns about it. I know many Americans share those concerns. But it is clear that this is what we must do right now to prevent a crisis from turning into a catastrophe. That's why I've been reaching out to leaders in both parties to do whatever I can to help pass this plan. That's why I'll be flying back to Washington today to cast my vote to safeguard the American economy. And to the Democrats and Republicans who have opposed this plan, I say - step up to the plate and do what's right for the country, because the time to act is now.
I know many Americans are wondering what happens next. Passing this bill will not be the end of our work to strengthen our economy - it's just the beginning of a long, hard road ahead. So let me tell you exactly how I'll move forward as President.
From the moment I take office, my  top priority  will be to do everything I can to make sure that your  tax dollars  are protected. I will demand a full review of this  financial rescue  plan to make sure that it is working for you. If you - the American taxpayer - are not getting your money back, then we will change how this program is being managed. If need be, we will send new legislation to Congress to make sure that taxpayers are protected in line with the principles that I have put forward. You should expect nothing less from Washington.
If we do have losses, I've proposed a  Financial Stability  Fee on the  financial services  industry so Wall Street foots the bill - not the American taxpayer. And as I modernize the  financial system  to create new  rules of the road  to prevent another crisis, we will continue this fee to build up a reserve so that if this happens again, it will be the money contributed by banks that's put at risk.
This will only work if there is real enforcement and real accountability. And that starts with presidential leadership. So let me be very clear: when I am President,  financial institutions  will do their part and pay their share, and American taxpayers will never again have to put their money on the line to pay for the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street. That's a pledge that I'll make to you today, and it's one that I'll keep as President of the  United States .
Accountability must start with this  rescue plan , but it cannot end there. Across Wisconsin - and across the country - families are sitting down at the  kitchen table  and making hard choices. You're planning for your future in  tough times . You're squeezing just a  little bit  more out of next month's paycheck so you can pay next month's bills. It's time for Washington to do the same.
We cannot mortgage our children's future on a mountain of debt. It's time to put an end to the run-away spending and the record deficits - it's not how you would run your family budget, and it must not be how Washington handles your  tax dollars . It's time to return to the fiscal responsibility and pay as you go budgeting that we had in the 1990s. Many in Congress have been fighting for these commonsense principles, and I will be a President who supports them and makes sure they succeed. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend - I'm going to start by telling you how we're going to save when I am President.
I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate the programs that don't work and aren't needed. We should start by ending a war in Iraq that is costing us $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on a $79 billion surplus. We should stop sending $15 billion a year in overpayments to  insurance companies  for Medicare, and go after tens of billions of dollars in Medicare and Medicaid fraud. We need to stop sending three billion a year to banks that provide  student loans  the government could provide for less. And we can end the hundreds of millions a year in subsidies to agribusiness that can survive just fine without your  tax dollars , and use some of the money to help struggling  family farmers . That's what I'll do as President.
And we can't stop there. We lose $100 billion every year because corporations set up mailboxes offshore so they can avoid paying a dime of taxes in America. In the Senate, I worked across the aisle to crack down on these schemes. And as President, I will shut down those offshore  tax havens  and all those corporate loopholes once and for all. You shouldn't have to pay higher taxes because some big corporation cut corners to avoid paying theirs. All of us have a responsibility to pay our fair share. That's accountability. And that's what we'll have when I'm President.
As for the programs we do need, I will make them work better and cost less. I will create a High-Performance Team of experts that evaluates every agency and every office based on how well they're serving the American taxpayer. I will save billions of dollars by cutting private contractors and improving management and oversight of the hundreds of billions of dollars our government spends on contracts. And I will finally end the abuse of no-bid contracts once and for all - the days of sweetheart deals for Halliburton will be over when I'm in the  White House .
Make no mistake: we need to end an era in Washington where accountability has been absent, oversight has been overlooked, and your  tax dollars  have been turned over to wealthy CEOs and well-connected corporations. You need leadership that you can trust to work for you - not for the  special interests  who have had their thumb on the scale. And together, we will tell the Washington lobbyists that their days of setting the agenda are over. They have not funded this campaign, they won't work in my  White House , and they won't drown out the voices of the  American people  when I'm President.
Now, people have asked whether the size of this  rescue plan , together with the weakening economy, means that the next President will have to scale back his agenda and some of his proposals. The answer is yes and no. With less money flowing into the Treasury, some useful programs or policies that I've proposed on the  campaign trail  may need to be delayed.
But there are certain investments in our future that we cannot delay precisely because our economy is in turmoil. You can always put off giving your house a new paint job or renovating your kitchen, but when your roof is crumbling or your heater goes, you realize that these are long-term investments you need to make right away.
The same is true of our economy. We cannot wait to help Americans keep up with rising costs and shrinking paychecks by giving our workers a middle-class  tax cut . We cannot wait to relieve the burden of crushing  health care  costs. We cannot wait to create millions of new jobs by rebuilding our roads and our bridges and investing in the renewable  sources of energy  that will stop us from sending $700 billion a year to tyrants and dictators for their oil. And we cannot wait to educate the next generation of Americans with the skills and knowledge they need to compete with any workers, anywhere in the world. Those are the priorities we cannot delay.
As soon as we pass this  rescue plan , we need to move with the same  sense of urgency  to rescue families on  Main Street  who are struggling to pay their bills and keep their jobs. I've said it before and I'll say it again: we need to pass an economic stimulus plan that will help folks cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . A plan that would extend expiring  unemployment benefits  for those Americans who've lost their jobs and cannot find new ones.
Beyond this stimulus, we need an economic agenda to restore opportunity for Americans and prosperity to America. So that we're not borrowing debt from China and buying oil from  Saudi Arabia . So that the jobs of the future don't go to better-educated workers in India and the cars of the future aren't made in Japan. So that we can leave a legacy of greater opportunity to our children and their children. That is how we will emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before, and that is what I will do as President of the  United States .
I will begin by reforming our  tax code  so that it doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and  small businesses  who deserve it. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-ups, so that we can grow our economy and create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all workers and their families. And if you make less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increase one single dime - because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
I will reform our  health care  system to relieve families, businesses, and the entire economy from the crushing cost of  health care  by investing in  new technology  and preventative care. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves. And I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
To create new jobs, I'll invest in rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure - our roads, schools, and bridges. We'll rebuild our outdated electricity grid and build new broadband lines to connect America. And I'll create the jobs of the future by transforming our energy economy. We'll tap our  natural gas  reserves, invest in clean coal, and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . I'll help our  auto companies  re-tool so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here the  United States . I'll make it easier for the  American people  to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable  sources of energy  - wind power and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced And if I am President, I will meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the  global economy . I'll invest in  early childhood  education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. But in exchange, I will ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a  college education .
Finally, I will modernize our outdated financial regulations and put in the place the common-sense  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will make sure Wall Street can never get away with the stunts that caused this crisis again.
These are the changes and reforms that we need. Bottom-up growth that will create opportunity for every American. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Common-sense regulations for our  financial system  that will prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. What this crisis has taught us is that at the end of the day, there is no real separation between  Main Street  and Wall Street. There is only the road we're traveling on as Americans - and we will rise or fall on that journey as one nation; as one people.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession? Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success? This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask you to believe - believe in this country and your ability to change it. I ask you what has been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout history - what was asked at the beginning of the greatest  financial crisis  this nation ever endured. In his first fireside chat, Franklin Roosevelt told his fellow Americans that "...there is an element in the readjustment of our  financial system  more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. Let us unite in banishing fear. Together, we cannot fail." America, together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents that said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking just like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Wisconsin, we will win this election, and we will change America together. Thank you La Crosse, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
With just a month to go until election day, I know you've all been hearing a lot about politics out here in North Carolina. I know you've been seeing a lot of ads, and getting a lot of calls, and reading a lot about this election in the newspaper.
But none of you need the papers, or ads on TV, or folks like me to tell you what this election is all about. You know what's at stake. You're living it.
Here in Asheville, and across America, you've seen your incomes go down as the price of just about everything has gone way up. It's harder to pay the bills. Harder to send your kids to college. Harder to save enough to retire.
And on Friday, we learned that we'd lost another 159,000 American jobs in September. It was the ninth straight month of  job losses  - more than three quarters of a million this year, including 24,000 here in North Carolina. And it came just as we finished a week in which our  financial markets  teetered on the brink of disaster.
Yet instead of addressing these crises, Senator McCain's campaign has announced that they plan to turn the page on the discussion about our economy and spend the final weeks of this campaign launching Swiftboat-style attacks on me.
Think about that for a second. Turn the page on the economy? We're facing the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression , and John McCain wants us to "turn the page?" Well, I know the policies he's supported these past eight years and wants to continue are pretty hard to defend. I can understand why Senator McCain would want to "turn the page" and ignore this economy.
But I also know this:
You're trying to pay your bills every week and stay above the water - you can't ignore it.
You're worrying about whether your job will be there a month from now - you can't ignore it.
You're worrying about whether you can pay your mortgage and stay in your house - you can't turn the page.
In 30 days you are going to elect the next president, and you need and deserve a president who is going to wake up every day and fight for you, and fight for the  middle class , and fight to create jobs and grow our economy again -- not another president who doesn't get it. Not another President who ignores our problems. Not more of the same.
Senator McCain and his operatives are gambling that he can distract you with smears rather than talk to you about substance. They'd rather try to tear our campaign down than lift this country up. It's what you do when you're out of touch, out of ideas, and running out of time.
I want you to know that I'm going to keep on talking about the issues that matter - about the economy and  health care  and education and energy. I'm going to keep on standing up for hard working families. We're not going to let John McCain distract us from what we need to do to move this country forward.
Because November 4th, you and I are going to turn the page on the disastrous  economic policies  of George W. Bush and John McCain.
And one of the issues we must face and can't ignore is the explosion of  health care  costs that is crushing families and businesses across our country.
Understand, this is very personal to me.
I'm thinking today about my mother. She died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53. She fought valiantly, and endured the pain and chemotherapy with grace and good humor. But I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life. At a time when she should have been focused on getting well, at a time when she should have been taking stock of her life and taking comfort in her family, she was lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they didn't want to cover her treatment. They claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition.
So I know something about the heartbreak caused by our  health care  system.
I know something about the anxiety of families hanging on by a thread as premiums have doubled, and debt piles up, and more than half - half - of all personal bankruptcies are caused in part by  medical bills .
I know about the frustration of the nearly 40 percent of  small business  owners who can no longer afford to insure their employees - folks who work day and night, but have to lay people off, or shut their doors for good, because of rising  health care  costs.
I know the outrage we all feel about the 45 million Americans who don't have  health insurance  - kids who can't see a doctor when they're sick; parents cutting their pills in half and praying for the best; folks who wind up in the  emergency room  in the middle of the night because they've got nowhere else to turn.
But I also know that this is not who we are.
We are not a country where a young woman I met should have to work the  night shift  after a full day of college and still not be able to pay the  medical bills  for her sister who's ill. That's not right - and it's not who we are.
We are not a country where a man I met should have to file for bankruptcy after he had a stroke, because he faced nearly $200,000 in  medical costs  that he couldn't afford and his  insurance company  didn't cover. That's not right - and it's not who we are.
That is not who we are, and that is not who we have to be. Enough is enough - it's time for change.
Now I know that at this moment, when we stand in the midst of a serious economic crisis, some might ask how we can afford to focus on  health care . Major  financial institutions  have collapsed. Families across America are struggling. And it's clear that the  rescue package  we just passed in Congress isn't the end of what we need to do to fix our economy - it's just the beginning. Because contrary to what Senator McCain says, the fundamentals of our economy are still not strong. And we've got to address those fundamentals right now.
In other words, the question isn't how we can afford to focus on  health care  - but how we can afford not to. Because in order to fix our economic crisis, we need to fix our  health care  system too. Let's not forget, it's not just  small businesses  and families who are suffering. Some of the largest corporations in America - including major American  car makers  - are fighting to compete because of high  health care  costs. They're watching their  foreign competitors  prosper - unburdened by these costs - as they struggle to create the good jobs we need to get our economy back on track.
So it's clear that the time has come - right now - to solve this problem: to cut  health care  costs for families and businesses, and provide affordable, accessible  health insurance  for every American.
And you'd think that anyone running for president would understand this. You'd think any candidate for the highest office in the land would have a plan to achieve these critically important goals. Well, if you think that, you haven't met my opponent, Senator John McCain.
Now, it's not that he doesn't care about what people are going through. I just think he doesn't know. That's the only reason I can think of that he'd propose a  health care  plan that is so radical, so out of touch with what you're facing, and so out of line with our basic values.
It starts with his proposal to deregulate our  insurance industry  and leave families across America without the basic protections they rely on. You may have heard about how, in the current issue of a magazine, Senator McCain wrote that we need to open up  health care  to - and I quote - "more vigorous nationwide competition as we have done over the last decade in banking." That's right, he wants to deregulate the  insurance industry  just like he fought to deregulate the  banking industry . And we've all seen how well that worked out.
It would be equally catastrophic for your  health care . Right now, different states have different rules about what  insurance companies  have to cover. Senator McCain will let companies avoid these rules. He'll let them cherry pick the state where they're based - and sell plans anywhere in America.
It's the starting gun for a race to the bottom.  Insurance companies  will rush to set up shop in states with the fewest protections for patients - states where they don't have to cover things like mammograms, vaccinations and maternity care.
Now what does this mean for folks here in North Carolina? Well, this state requires  insurance companies  to cover  mental health  care,  cancer screening , contraception, treatment for alcoholism and more. And here in North Carolina, you have the right to appeal when your HMO refuses to cover the treatment you need.
Under John McCain's plan,  insurance companies  wouldn't have to follow any of these rules. These are commonsense protections to make sure that you and your doctor - not  insurance company  bureaucrats - are making decisions about your health. And John McCain wants to let  insurance companies  go around them.
So while Senator McCain talks a lot about preserving states' rights - when it comes down to it, his plan is all about protecting  insurance companies ' rights. Well, I think it's time we started putting the health of our families before the profits of our  insurance companies  - and that's what I'm going to do as President.
I also want to talk a little about how exactly Senator McCain would pay for his plan. He's been eager to share some details about that - but not all.
He tells you that he'll give you a  tax credit  of $2,500 per person - $5,000 per family - to help you pay for your insurance and  health care  costs. But like those ads for  prescription drugs , you have to read the  fine print  to learn the rest of the story.
You see, Senator McCain would pay for his plan, in part, by taxing your  health care  benefits for the first time in history. And this tax would come out of your paycheck. But the new  tax credit  he's proposing? That wouldn't go to you. It would go directly to your  insurance company .
It's an old Washington bait and switch. It's a  shell game . Senator McCain gives you a  tax credit  with one hand - but raises your taxes with the other. He's hoping we won't notice.
Well, I've got news for John McCain: we notice, we know better, and we're not going to let him get away with that.
Because here's what happens when Senator McCain taxes your benefits: a lot of younger, healthier workers will opt out of the insurance they get at work - and go out into the individual market, where they can buy a cheaper plan. That leaves employers with older, sicker workers who are more expensive to cover - so many employers will drop their  health care  plans altogether.
It's the same approach President Bush floated a few years ago. And it could be the  beginning of the end  of our employer-based  health care  system. In fact, studies show that under the McCain plan, at least 20 million Americans will lose the insurance you rely on from your workplace. Your families will have to go out into the marketplace with that $5,000  tax credit  and buy insurance on your own.
But what Senator McCain doesn't tell you is that the average cost of a family  health care  plan is more than twice that much - $12,680. So where would that leave you?
Senator McCain also doesn't tell you that insurance in the individual market is more expensive and includes fewer benefits. Many of these plans don't cover things like  prescription drugs  or pre-natal care.
And Senator McCain's  health care  plan won't do a thing to stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against you if you have a pre-existing condition like hypertension, asthma, diabetes or cancer. Employers don't charge you higher premiums for these conditions, but insurers do - much higher. So the sicker you've been, the harder it'll be to get the care you need.
So here's John McCain's radical plan in a nutshell: he taxes  health care  benefits for the first time in history; millions lose the  health care  they have; millions pay more for the  health care  they get; drug and  insurance companies  continue to profit; and  middle class families  watch the system they rely on begin to unravel before their eyes. Well, I don't think that's the change we need. I think we can do better than that.
In the end, my opponent's plan reflects the same bankrupt philosophy he's subscribed to for three decades in Washington: take care of the healthy and wealthy, and  good luck  to everyone else. They call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is - you're on your own. Your job doesn't give you  health care ? The market will fix it. Pre-existing condition? Tough luck.  Insurance company  won't pay for your treatment? Too bad, you're on your own.
This approach hasn't worked these past eight years, it won't work now, and it's time for change.
Let me be clear - I don't think government can solve all our problems. But I reject the radical idea that government has no role to play in protecting ordinary Americans. I reject the thinking that says preserving our  free market  means letting corporations and  special interests  do as they please, and everyone else has to fend for themselves. I believe that if you work hard and do everything right, you shouldn't live in fear of losing everything because of a fluke of genetics, or a bad diagnosis, or a  stroke of bad luck .
That is why, if I'm elected President, we're going to fix our  health care  system. We're going to take on the drug and  insurance companies ; reduce costs for families and businesses; and finally provide affordable, accessible  health care  for every American.
We'll start by lowering premiums by as much as $2,500 per family - and we'll do it by taking the following five steps to lower costs throughout our  health care  system.
First, we'll take on the  drug companies , tell them thanks but no thanks for the overpriced drugs, and take steps to lower prices so people can afford them. And we'll tell the  insurance companies : no more discrimination against people with pre-existing conditions. It's not right, and we won't stand for it.
Second, we'll focus on prevention. We'll make sure  insurance companies  cover services like  weight loss  programs and smoking-cessation programs to help people avoid costly, debilitating  health problems  in the first place.
Third, we'll reduce waste and inefficiency by using the latest technologies to move our  health care  system into the 21st century. This will save tens of billions a year, reduce medical errors, and let doctors and nurses spend less time with paperwork and more time with patients.
Fourth, we'll reduce the cost of our care by improving the quality of our care. We'll track which drugs and procedures work best and reward providers not just for the quantity of care they provide - but for the quality of outcomes for their patients.
Fifth, we'll help businesses and workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses. Under my plan, the  federal government  will pay for part of these catastrophic cases, which means lower premiums for you - and less money out of your pocket.
But  cost-cutting  isn't enough. Because today, in the year 2008, 45 million Americans still don't have any  health insurance  at all. This is one of the great moral crises of our time. It's not who we are - and it's not who we have to be.
That's why my plan will cover all Americans. And unlike Senator McCain, I'll do it by building on - rather than dismantling - our current, workplace-based system. So if you have insurance you like, you keep that insurance. If you have a doctor you like, you keep that doctor. The only thing that changes for you is that your  health care  costs will go down.
But if you don't have insurance, or don't like your insurance, you'll be able to choose from the same type of quality private plans as every federal employee - from a postal worker here in North Carolina to a Congressman in Washington. No one will be turned away because of a pre-existing condition. If you change jobs, this insurance will go with you. And if you can't afford this insurance, you'll receive a  tax credit  to help pay for it.
We'll also provide substantial help for  small businesses  in the form of  tax credits  that will  cover up  to 50 percent of the cost of insuring their employees. This will help them create not just new jobs, but good jobs - jobs with  health care  that stay right here in America.
And here's how I'll pay for my plan. First, I will aggressively cut  health care  costs by reducing waste, greed and paperwork; lowering the cost of  prescription drugs ; and eliminating wasteful subsidies to private plans in Medicare. That will save a lot, but will still leave a cost of about $65 billion a year.
I'll cover that remaining cost with a portion of the money I'll save by ending George Bush's  tax breaks  for people making more than $250,000 a year. They'll go back to paying the kind of rates they paid when Bill Clinton was President. So we'll get this done responsibly without blowing a hole in our deficit.
In the end, none of this will be easy. We're up against a powerful, entrenched  status quo  in Washington that will say anything and do anything and fight with everything they've got to keep things the way they are.
But I know that if we come together, and work together, we can do this. So many people are counting on us.
A woman named Robyn who I met in Florida, is one of those people. Back in May, her 16 year old son Devon [DEH-vinn] came to one of our events, and I got to meet him at the airport in Fort Lauderdale. Later that day, Devon became seriously ill. His heart started racing, and his lips turned white. He was rushed to the hospital and almost went into  cardiac arrest . He was later diagnosed with a  heart condition  and told he needed a procedure that would cost tens of thousands of dollars. Robyn's  insurance company  refused to pay -- they said it was a pre-existing condition - and Robyn's family doesn't have that kind of money.
But until Devon has that procedure, he has to take medication and stop all  physical activity . No more gym classes. No more football at school. No more basketball at the park with his friends.
After we met, Robyn sent me an email in which she wrote, "I can't help but feel as if somehow we failed Devon. Why couldn't we be the rich family that has the great insurance or could whip out 50 grand like it is nothing?"
She ended her email with these words, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. On the days when you are playing basketball, think of Devon, who can't. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Today, I want to say to Robyn and Devon and everyone like them across America, you have my word that I will never back down, I will never give up, I will never stop fighting until we have fixed our  health care  system and no family ever has to go through what you're going through, and my mother went through, and so many people go through every day in this country. That is my promise to you.
And if all of you here today will stand with me in this work - if you'll talk to your friends and neighbors, get people to the polls, and give me your vote, then together, we won't just win this election, we will transform this nation. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
With just a month to go until election day, I know you've all been hearing a lot about politics out here in Virginia. I know you've been seeing a lot of ads, and getting a lot of calls, and reading a lot about this election in the newspaper. But being here today to talk with you about  health care  - this isn't about politics for me. This is personal.
I'm thinking today about my mother. She died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53. She fought valiantly, and endured the pain and chemotherapy with grace and good humor. But I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life. At a time when she should have been focused on getting well, at a time when she should have been taking stock of her life and taking comfort in her family, she was lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they didn't want to cover her treatment. They claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition.
So I know something about the heartbreak caused by our  health care  system.
I know something about the anxiety of families hanging on by a thread as premiums have doubled these past eight years, and they're going into debt, and more than half - half - of all personal bankruptcies are caused in part by  medical bills .
I know about the frustration of the nearly 40 percent of  small business  owners who can no longer afford to insure their employees - folks who work day and night, but have to lay people off, or shut their doors for good, because of rising  health care  costs.
I know the outrage we all feel about the 45 million Americans who don't have  health insurance  - kids who can't see a doctor when they're sick; parents cutting their pills in half and praying for the best; folks who wind up in the  emergency room  in the middle of the night because they've got nowhere else to turn.
But I also know that this is not who we are.
We are not a country where a young woman I met should have to work the  night shift  after a full day of college and still not be able to pay the  medical bills  for her sister who's ill. That's not right - and it's not who we are.
We are not a country where a man I met should have to file for bankruptcy after he had a stroke, because he faced nearly $200,000 in  medical costs  that he couldn't afford and his  insurance company  didn't cover. That's not right - and it's not who we are.
We are not a country that rewards  hard work  and perseverance with debt and worry. We've never been a country that lets major challenges go unsolved and unaddressed. And we are tired of watching as year after year, candidates offer up detailed  health care  plans with great fanfare and promise, only to see them crushed under the weight of  Washington politics  and drug and insurance lobbying once the campaign is over.
That is not who we are. And that is not who we have to be.
We know change is possible. We've seen it across this country as governors and legislatures move ahead of Washington to pass bold  health care  initiatives on their own. We see people across the spectrum - doctors and patients, unions and businesses, Democrats and Republicans - coming together around this issue, because at a time when rising costs have put too many families and businesses on a  collision course  with  financial ruin  and left too many without coverage at all, they know that bandaids and half-measures just won't do.
Now I know that at this moment, when we stand in the midst of a serious economic crisis, some might ask how we can afford to focus on  health care . Well, let's be clear: the  rescue package  we just passed in Congress isn't the end of what we need to do to fix our economy - it's just the beginning. Because the fundamentals of our economy are still not strong - contrary to what Senator McCain says. And we've got to address those fundamentals - and address them right now.
In other words, the question isn't how we can afford to focus on  health care  - but how we can afford not to. Because in order to fix our economic crisis, and rebuild our  middle class , we need to fix our  health care  system too. Let's not forget, it's not just  small businesses  and families who are struggling. Some of the largest corporations in America - including major American  auto manufacturers  - are struggling to compete in the global marketplace because of high  health care  costs. They're watching their  foreign competitors  prosper - unburdened by these costs - as they struggle to create the good jobs we need to get our economy back on track.
So it's clear that the time has come - right now - to solve this problem: to cut  health care  costs for families and businesses, and provide affordable, accessible  health insurance  for every American.
And you'd think that anyone running for president would understand this. You'd think any candidate for the highest office in the land would have a plan to achieve these critically important goals. Well, if you think that, you haven't met my opponent, Senator John McCain.
Now, it's not that he doesn't care about what people are going through. I just think he doesn't know. That's the only reason I can think of that he'd propose a  health care  plan that is so radical, so out of touch with what you're facing, and so out of line with our basic values.
Senator McCain has been eager to share some details of his plan - but not all.
He tells you that he'll give you a  tax credit  of $2,500 per person - $5,000 per family - to help you pay for your insurance and  health care  costs. But like those ads for  prescription drugs , you have to read the  fine print  to learn the rest of the story.
You see, Senator McCain would pay for his plan, in part, by taxing your  health care  benefits for the first time in history. And this tax would come out of your paycheck. But the new  tax credit  he's proposing? That wouldn't go to you. It would go directly to your  insurance company  - not your  bank account .
So when you read the  fine print , it's clear that John McCain is pulling an old Washington bait and switch. It's a  shell game . He gives you a  tax credit  with one hand - but raises your taxes with the other. And recently, after some forceful questioning on TV, he finally admitted that for some Americans - those with the very best plans - his  tax increase  will be higher than his  tax credit , and they'll come out behind.
John McCain calls these plans "Cadillac plans." In some cases, it may be that a corporate CEO is getting too good a deal. But what if you're a line worker making a good American car like Cadillac who's given up wage increases in exchange for better  health care ? Well, Senator McCain believes you should pay higher taxes too. The  bottom line : the better your  health care  plan - the harder you've fought for good benefits - the higher the taxes you'll pay under John McCain's plan.
And here's  something else  Senator McCain won't tell you. When he taxes people's benefits, many younger, healthier workers will decide that it's a better deal to opt out of the insurance they get at work - and instead, go out into the individual market, where they can buy a cheaper plan. Many employers will be left with an older, sicker pool of workers who they can't afford to cover. As a result, many employers will drop their  health care  plans altogether. And study after study has shown, that under the McCain plan, at least 20 million Americans will lose the insurance they rely on from their workplace.
It's the same approach George W. Bush floated a few years ago. It was dead on arrival in Congress. But if Senator McCain were to succeed where George Bush failed, it very well could be the  beginning of the end  of our employer-based  health care  system. In fact, some experts have said that that's exactly the point of John McCain's plan - to drive you out of the insurance you have through your employer - and out into the marketplace, where your family will be given that $5,000  tax credit  and told to buy insurance on your own.
A $5,000  tax credit . That sounds pretty good. But what Senator McCain doesn't tell you is that the average cost of a family  health care  plan these days is more than twice that much - $12,680. So where would that leave you?
Senator McCain also doesn't tell you that insurance in the individual market isn't just more expensive than insurance you get through work - it also includes fewer benefits. For example, many of these plans don't cover  prescription drugs  or pre-natal care. Many don't cover giving birth, so you'd have to pay out of pocket for that - roughly $6,000. So when you're out there fending for yourself against the  insurance companies , you pay more and get less.
Here's another thing Senator McCain doesn't tell you - his plan won't do a thing to stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against you if you have a pre-existing condition like hypertension, asthma, diabetes or cancer-the kind of conditions that 65 million working age Americans suffer from - people from all backgrounds and  walks of life  all across this country. Employers don't charge you higher premiums for these conditions, but insurers do - much higher. So the sicker you've been, the more you'll have to pay, and the harder it'll be to get the care you need.
Finally, what John McCain doesn't tell you is that his plan calls for massive deregulation of the  insurance industry  that would leave families without the basic protections you rely on. You may have heard about how, in the current issue of a magazine, Senator McCain wrote that we need to open up  health care  to - and I quote - "more vigorous nationwide competition as we have done over the last decade in banking." That's right, he wants to deregulate the  insurance industry  just like he fought to deregulate the  banking industry . And we've all seen how well that worked out.
It would be equally catastrophic for your  health care . Right now, different states have different rules about what  insurance companies  have to cover. Senator McCain's plan would create a deregulated national market where companies can cherry pick the state where they're based - and sell plans anywhere in America.
It's the starting gun for a race to the bottom.  Insurance companies  will rush to set up shop in states with the fewest protections for patients. States where they don't have to cover things like mammograms and other  cancer screenings , vaccinations, maternity care, and  mental health  care. States where you don't have a right to appeal when your HMO refuses to cover the treatment you need. These are commonsense protections to make sure that you and your doctor - not  insurance company  bureaucrats - are making decisions about your health. And John McCain wants to give  insurance companies  free reign to avoid them.
And believe it or not, just to top it all off, Senator McCain plans to give the  top ten  largest  insurance companies  $2 billion in new  tax cuts .
So, anyone want to guess who's running and funding John McCain's campaign? I'll give you a hint. Remember when we tried to fix  health care  back in the 1990s, and the  insurance companies  spent millions running misleading ads to scare people into opposing reform? That's right, John McCain has lobbyists for 69 insurance and  drug companies  and trade groups advising his campaign, writing his policies, and raising his money. Three of them are his top advisors.
And if you think that Washington lobbyists who are  working day  and night to elect him are doing it to put themselves out of business, well, I've got a bridge in Alaska to sell you.
So here's John McCain's radical plan in a nutshell: he taxes  health care  benefits for the first time in history; millions lose the  health care  they have; millions pay more for the  health care  they get; drug and  insurance companies  continue to profit; and  middle class families  watch the system they rely on begin to unravel before their eyes. Well, I don't think that's right. I don't think we should settle for  health care  that works better for drug and  insurance companies  than it does for hard working Americans. I don't think that's the change we need. We can do better than that.
In the end, it's not surprising that Senator McCain's plan isn't a vast improvement on the same failed policies of these past eight years. Remember, Senator McCain voted against expanding the Children's  Health Insurance  Program - a program that provides  health care  for millions of children in need. He voted against protecting Medicare 40 times over the course of his career. And he supported a massive cut in Medicare that would have raised premiums and out-of-pocket expenses for seniors while weakening the care they depend on.
In other words, Senator McCain's plan reflects the same bankrupt philosophy he's subscribed to for the past three decades in Washington: take care of the healthy and wealthy, and  good luck  to everyone else. They call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is - you're on your own. Your job doesn't give you  health care ? The market will fix it. Pre-existing condition? Tough luck.  Insurance company  won't pay for your treatment? Too bad, you're on your own.
This approach hasn't worked these past eight years, it won't work now, and it's time to turn the page.
Let me be clear - I don't think government can solve all our problems. But I reject the radical idea that government has no role to play in protecting ordinary Americans. I reject the thinking that says preserving our  free market  means letting corporations and  special interests  do as they please.
I know that nothing is more important than the health and well-being of the people you love. And if you work hard and do everything right, you shouldn't live in fear of losing everything because of a fluke of genetics, or a bad diagnosis, or a  stroke of bad luck .
That's why I believe that every single American has the right to affordable, accessible  health care  - a right that should never be subject to  Washington politics  or industry profiteering, and that should never be purchased with  tax increases  on  middle class families , because that is the last thing we need in an economy like this.
I know we can do this. I know what we can accomplish when we come together. I saw it in Illinois, when as a state senator, I brought Republicans and Democrats together to pass legislation that has expanded coverage to more than 150,000 people, including 70,000 children. I helped expand coverage for routine mammograms for women on Medicaid. And we created  hospital report  cards, so that every consumer could see things like the ratio of nurses to patients, the number of annual medical errors, and the quality of care they could expect at each hospital.
So I reject the tired old debate that says we have to choose between two extremes: government-run  health care  with higher taxes-or  insurance companies  without rules denying people coverage. That's a false choice. It's the same distracting rhetoric that's kept us gridlocked for decades. And we know that neither of these approaches is the answer to this problem.
The real solution is to take on drug and  insurance companies ; modernize our  health care  system for the twenty-first century; reduce costs for families and businesses; and finally provide affordable, accessible  health care  for every American. And that's what I intend to do as President of the  United States .
Of course, it's easy to have good ideas and make big promises. You've all heard plenty of that these past 20 months. The hard part is coming up with a concrete, detailed plan, and translating that plan into action. So today, I want to take a few minutes to tell you exactly what I plan to do, how I'll get it done, and how I'm going to pay for it.
We'll start by reducing premiums by as much as $2,500 per family - and we'll do it by taking the following five steps to lower costs throughout our  health care  system.
First, we'll take on the drug and  insurance companies  and hold them accountable for the prices they charge and the harm they cause.
We'll start by increasing competition in the  insurance industry , and outlawing  insurance company  discrimination against people with pre-existing conditions.  Insurance companies  spend $50 billion a year on elaborate efforts to cherry pick the healthiest patients and avoid covering everyone else. I intend to save them a whole lot of time and money by putting an end to this practice once and for all.
And we'll tell the pharmaceutical companies, thanks, but no thanks for the overpriced drugs - drugs that cost twice as much here as they do in Europe and Canada. We'll let Medicare negotiate for lower-prices; we'll stop  drug companies  from blocking  generic drugs  that are just as effective, and far less expensive; and we'll allow the safe re-importation of low-cost drugs from countries like Canada.
Second, we'll focus on prevention -- on promoting wellness rather than just managing sickness. Today, we spend less than four cents of every  health care  dollar on prevention and  public health , even though 80 percent of  risk factors  involved in the  leading causes of death  are behavior-related - and thus, preventable. Under my plan, we'll make sure  insurance companies  cover evidence-based, preventive care services -  weight loss  programs, smoking-cessation programs, and other efforts to help people avoid costly, debilitating  health problems  in the first place.
Third, we'll reduce waste and inefficiency by moving from a 20th century  health care  system based on pen and paper to a 21st century system based on the latest technology. According to one study, just by transferring medical records from yellowing pages in  file cabinets  to electronic records in computers, we can save $77 billion a year. And we can save lives too by reducing deadly medical errors and ensuring that doctors and nurses spend less time with paperwork and more time with patients.
Fourth, we'll reduce the cost of our care by improving the quality of our care. It's estimated that  poor quality  care - from medical errors that cause complications to poor hygiene practices that cause infections - costs up to $100 billion a year. So we'll provide you with information about your hospitals' and providers' quality of care. We'll track which drugs and procedures work best. And we'll reward providers not just for the quantity of services they provide, but for the quality of outcomes for their patients. So you'll get better care, and we'll all save money in the  long run .
Fifth, we'll reduce costs for businesses and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses. Right now, the five percent of patients with the most  serious illnesses  like cancer and  heart disease  account for nearly fifty percent of  health care  costs.  Insurance companies  devote the  lion's share  of their expenses to these patients, and then pass the cost on to the rest of us in the form of higher premiums. Under my plan, the  federal government  will pay for part of these catastrophic cases, which means that your premiums will go down.
So that's how we'll cut costs. But that's not enough. Because today, in the year 2008, 45 million Americans still don't have any  health insurance  at all. This is one of the great moral crises of our time. And it's creating a vicious cycle that affects  every last  one of us. As premiums rise, more people become uninsured. And  every time  those uninsured folks walk into an  emergency room  because it's their only option,  insurance companies  raise premiums to cover the cost - a hidden tax of $922 per family. That extra cost means even more people can't afford insurance, so the problem just gets worse. We cannot go on like this. This is not who we are, and this is not who we have to be.
That's why my plan will cover all Americans. And unlike Senator McCain, I'll do it by building on and strengthening - rather than dismantling - our current, workplace-based system. So if you have insurance you like, you keep that insurance. If you have a doctor you like, you keep that doctor. The only thing that changes for you is that your  health care  costs will go down.
But if you don't have insurance, or don't like your insurance, you'll be able to choose from the same type of quality private plans as every federal employee - from a postal worker here in Colorado to a Congressman in Washington. All of these plans will cover essential medical services including prevention, maternity, disease management and  mental health  care. No one will be turned away because of a pre-existing condition or illness. If you have children, they will be covered too. If you change jobs, this insurance will go with you. And if you can't afford this insurance, you'll receive a  tax credit  to help pay for it.
My plan also provides substantial help to  small business  to cover their employees.  Small businesses  are America's biggest job creators: since 1990, companies with fewer than 20 employees have created 80% of new jobs in America. But today, too many  small businesses  are sinking under the weight of rising  health care  costs. My  health care  plan won't impose a single new burden on  small businesses . Instead, we'll give them  tax credits  that will  cover up  to 50 percent of the cost of insuring their employees. This will help them create not just new jobs, but good jobs - jobs with  health care  that stay right here in America.
And I want to be clear about exactly how I will pay for my plan. First, I will aggressively cut  health care  costs by reducing waste, greed and paperwork; lowering the cost of  prescription drugs ; and eliminating wasteful subsidies to private plans in Medicare. That will save a lot, but will still leave a cost of about $65 billion a year.
I'll cover that remaining cost with a portion of the money I'll save by ending George Bush's  tax breaks  for people making more than $250,000 a year. They'll go back to paying similar rates to what they paid when Bill Clinton was President. So we'll get this done responsibly without blowing a hole in our deficit.
In the end, none of this will be easy. We're up against a powerful, entrenched  status quo  in Washington that will say anything and do anything and fight with everything they've got to keep things the way they are.
But I know that if we come together, and work together, we can do this. So many people are counting on us.
A woman named Robyn who I met in Florida, is one of those people. Back in May, her 16 year old son Devon came to one of our events, and I got to meet him at the airport in Fort Lauderdale. Later that day, Devon became seriously ill. His heart started racing, and his lips turned white. He was rushed to the hospital and almost went into  cardiac arrest . He was later diagnosed with a  heart condition  and told he needed a procedure that would cost tens of thousands of dollars. Robyn's  insurance company  refused to pay -- they said it was a pre-existing condition - and Robyn's family doesn't have that kind of money.
But until Devon has that procedure, he has to take medication and stop all  physical activity . No more gym classes. No more football at school. No more basketball at the park with his friends.
After we met, Robyn sent me an email in which she wrote, "My son deserves all that life has to offer. Money should NEVER determine the quality of a child's life. I can't help but feel as if somehow we failed Devon. Why couldn't we be the rich family that has the great insurance or could whip out 50 grand like it is nothing?"
She ended her email with these words, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. On the days when you are playing basketball, think of Devon, who can't. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Today, I want to say to Robyn and Devon and everyone like them across America, you have my word that I will never back down, I will never give up, I will never stop fighting until we have fixed our  health care  system and no family ever has to go through what you're going through, and my mother went through, and so many people go through every day in this country. That is my promise to you.
And if all of you here today will stand with me in this work - if you'll talk to your friends and neighbors, get people to the polls, and give me your vote, then together, we won't just win this election, we will transform this nation. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
You know, there were a lot of noteworthy moments in that debate, but there's one that sticks out this morning. It's when Governor Palin said to Joe Biden that our plan to get our economy out of the ditch was somehow a job killing plan.
I wonder if she turned on the news this morning.
Because it was just reported that America has experienced its ninth straight month of  job loss . Just since January, we've lost more than 750,000 jobs across America, 7,000 in Pennsylvania alone. This is the economy that John McCain said - just two weeks ago - was fundamentally strong. This is the economy that my opponent said made great progress under the policies of George W. Bush. And those are the  economic policies  that he proposes to continue for another four years.
So when Senator McCain and his  running mate  talk about job killing, that's something they know a thing or two about. Because the policies they're supporting are killing jobs every single day.
Well, Abington, I am here to tell you that we cannot afford four more years of this. Because where I come from, there's nothing more fundamental than having the sense of meaning and purpose that comes with showing up at work in the morning. There's nothing more fundamental than being able to put your kids through college, or having  health care  when you get sick, or being able to retire with security. There's nothing more fundamental than a good paying job.
That's why we're here today - because we need to do what we did in the 1990s and create millions of new jobs and not lose them. We need to do what we did in the 1990s and make sure people's incomes are going up and not down. We need to do what a guy named Bill Clinton did in the 1990s and put people first again. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
We've tried it their way. It hasn't worked. And it won't work now. But let me tell you what will work.
What will work is investing $15 billion a year over the next decade in renewable  sources of energy  like wind and solar - an investment that will generate five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced. And by the way, we can end our dependence on foreign oil in the process, and nothing will help our economy more than that.
What will work is making an investment in rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges. That will mean jobs for two million more Americans.
My opponent supports giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas. But what will work is giving those  tax breaks  to companies that create jobs here at home.
My opponent supports  tax havens  that let companies avoid paying taxes here in America -  tax havens  that cost $100 billion every year. But what will work is shutting those  tax havens  and closing corporate loopholes.
What will work is giving  tax breaks  to the  small businesses  that are the engine of  economic growth  in this country, and cutting taxes - hear me now - cutting taxes - for 95 percent of all working families. Under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
That's what will work. And that's the kind of change Joe Biden and I are going to bring to Washington.
Now, let me be perfectly clear. The fact that our economy is in this mess is an outrage. It's an outrage because we did not get here by accident. This was not a normal part of the  business cycle . This did not happen because of a few  bad apples .
This  financial crisis  is a direct result of the greed and irresponsibility that has dominated Washington and Wall Street for years. It's the result of an economic philosophy that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else; a philosophy that views even the most common-sense regulations as unwise and unnecessary. Well, this crisis is nothing less than a final verdict on this failed philosophy - and it's a philosophy that will end when I'm President of the  United States .
That's what this election is all about.
Because despite my opponent's best efforts to make you think otherwise, this is the philosophy he's embraced during his twenty-six years in Washington. And it shows just how out of touch he really is. How else could he offer $200 billion in  tax cuts  for big corporations at a time like this? How else could he propose giving the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut  at a time when millions of Americans are struggling to pay their bills? How else could he come up with an economic plan that leaves out more than 100 million  middle class  taxpayers? Senator McCain just doesn't get it. Well, Abington, I do get it. And I think all of you get it too.
We know these are difficult times. We know how bad Pennsylvania has been hurting. But here's what I also know - I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because that's what Americans do. This is a nation that's faced tougher times than these - we've faced war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we've risen to meet these challenges because we've never forgotten that fundamental truth - that here, in this country, our destiny is not written for us; it's written by us.
Here, in the  United States  of America, the future is ours to shape. That's what we need to do right now. Part of what that means is passing the  rescue plan  that's before Congress. This is a plan that will help us deal with this immediate crisis and put our economy on a firmer footing. It's a plan I voted for the other night - because I made sure it included taxpayer protections and wasn't simply a  blank check  like this administration initially asked for. And it's a plan that the House is going to be voting on soon. So to Democrats and Republicans in the House who are now on the fence, let me say this: do not make the same mistake twice. For the sake of our families, our economy, and our country, step up to the plate and pass this plan.
But understand, even with this plan, we may face a long and difficult road to recovery. That's why, if I'm President, passing this  rescue plan  won't be the end of what we do to strengthen our economy, it'll be the beginning. It'll be the beginning of a long-term  rescue plan  for our  middle class  - a plan that will put opportunity within reach for anyone who's willing to fight for it.
Now, some people have asked whether our weakening economy means the next President will have to scale back his agenda. But I reject the idea that you can't build a strong  middle class  at a time when our economy is weak. Because I've got a different economic philosophy than John McCain - I believe that building a strong  middle class  is the key to making our economy strong. And that's what we'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
So yes, we'll create millions of new jobs, and yes, we'll put more money back into the pockets of hardworking families. But we'll also do something more. We will reform our  health care  system so we can relieve families, businesses, and our economy from the crushing cost of  health care  by investing in  new technology  and preventative care. If you have  health care , my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that  members of Congress  give themselves.
And we're going to stand up to the  insurance companies . This is personal for me. My mother died when she was 53 from  ovarian cancer , and you know what she was doing in her final months? She was in her  hospital bed  arguing with  insurance companies  about whether or not it was a preexisting condition. So I know the pain that's caused by our broken  health care  system. And that's why as President, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
And another thing we know will work in the  long term  is to make sure that our  education system  is second to none so that every child in America has the skills they'll need to compete for high wage jobs in the 21st century. I've laid out a  comprehensive plan  to get there that will give our kids the opportunities they deserve.
When I spoke about that plan a while back, Senator McCain's top  education advisor  said that this isn't an issue he's been focused on.
Well, let me tell you, if you want to create jobs and grow this economy in the 21st century, you had better focus on education. Because we know that countries that out-teach us today will outcompete us tomorrow.
Finally, I will modernize our outdated financial regulations and put in place the common-sense  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in the boardroom, and make sure Wall Street can never get away with the stunts that caused this crisis again.
But just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, we must also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on a $79 billion surplus. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream .
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. What this crisis has taught us is that at the end of the day, there is no real separation between  Main Street  and Wall Street. There is only the road we're traveling on as Americans - and we will rise or fall on that journey as one nation; as one people.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession? Or will they say that this was
 
 
 
We meet today at a moment of great uncertainty for America. In recent weeks, we've seen a growing  financial crisis  that's threatening not only banks and businesses, but your economic security, as well. It's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. And if you've invested your life savings in the  stock market , you've probably watched a good chunk of it disappear.
It's a crisis that's been years in the making - the result of greed and irresponsibility that stretched from Wall Street to Washington. And the truth is, it will take more than a few days to repair the damage. Yesterday, the Fed took another unprecedented step to cut rates together with nations around the world, and those nations will soon be gathering in Washington to deal with this crisis. The next President will have to manage this recovery. The question is, will that President be looking out for you?
Senator McCain and I had a chance to talk about this the other night in Nashville. Some of you may have seen it. In that debate, he offered what he said was a new idea to help deal with the  financial crisis , and that was to have the government - meaning taxpayers - buy up bad mortgages in America.
Well, the idea wasn't particularly new. The authority for the Secretary of Treasury to buy and renegotiate bad mortgages is part of the  financial rescue  plan we just passed. In fact, I proposed it myself because, if it's properly done and limited in scope, such buybacks can be one tool to help innocent homeowners stay in their homes on terms they can afford.
But I also said at the time that this should not be a vehicle to reward banks and lending institutions that recklessly wrote  bad loans . It should not be a bailout for the high-rolling  real estate  speculators who took those loans to make a  quick buck .
We have to act to fix our broken economy and restore the  credit markets . But taxpayers shouldn't be asked to pick up the tab for the very folks who helped create this crisis.
And that's the problem with Senator McCain's risky idea. On Tuesday night, his campaign said that he would ask the banks to absorb some of the cost by selling the bad mortgages to the government at a discount. Then, by Wednesday morning, he'd changed his mind and was proposing to bail out banks and lenders with taxpayer money.
Senator McCain actually wants the government to pay the full  face value  of mortgages on the books, even though they're not worth that much anymore. It's a plan that would guarantee that American taxpayers lose by handing over $300 billion to underwrite the kind of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street that got us into this mess.
But it's not just that the McCain bailout rewards irresponsible lenders, it's that his bailout would make it more likely that those lenders keep up their  bad behavior . Just yesterday, Countrywide, one of the nation's largest lenders, reached an agreement to help homeowners refinance their mortgages. Under Senator McCain's plan, lenders like Countrywide wouldn't have any incentive to come forward and help homeowners - because they could just wait for the government to bail them out.
Now, this is just the latest in a series of shifting positions that Senator McCain has taken on this issue. His first response to this crisis in March was that homeowners shouldn't get any help at all. Then, a few weeks ago, he put out a plan that basically ignored homeowners. And now, in the course of 12 hours, he's ended up with a plan that punishes taxpayers, rewards banks, and won't solve our  housing crisis .
Well, I don't think we can afford that kind of erratic and uncertain leadership in these uncertain times. We need steady leadership in the  White House . We need a President we can trust in times of crisis. And that's the kind of President I intend to be.
Make no mistake: we must do more to help innocent homebuyers. I've worked on a series of proposals over the past two years to do that. And I support the Treasury's efforts to buy up troubled mortgages. But we need to do it in a responsible way. That means making sure that we're not overpaying for these mortgages and rewarding the very lenders whose recklessness helped cause this crisis. It means giving taxpayers a share of the benefit when our housing market recovers. And it means doing what I proposed more than two years ago and cracking down on predatory lenders by treating mortgage fraud like the crime that it is.
We also have to make sure that if the Treasury moves forward with its plan to put more money into struggling banks, taxpayers will be able to get their money back and the CEOs who contributed to this crisis won't get rich as a result. And those AIG executives who went on vacation with  taxpayer dollars ? They should return to Washington with a check for the taxpayers and be fired on the spot.
Now, there are other steps we can take to help homeowners that won't cost taxpayers a dime. One thing we can do is change our bankruptcy laws so they help ordinary folks. Right now, the law lets  bankruptcy judges  write down your mortgage if you own six or seven homes, but not if you have only one. That might help Senator McCain sleep easier at night, but it won't do anything for people like you. That's why if I'm President, and you're like most people and own only one home, I'll make sure those judges can write down your mortgage too.
So I know these are difficult times - for Ohio and for America. But I believe we can steer ourselves out of this crisis - not just because I have confidence in the plan I'm proposing or the leadership I'm offering, but because I believe in you. Because I believe in this country. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With courage. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
America still has the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth who work two jobs or three jobs and take the last bus home at night because they want something more for their children. We're still the home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century. Of course we can.
But I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why the decision you make in twenty-six days is so important. That's why this is no ordinary election - because this is no ordinary moment for America.
And yet, even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as so many Americans are worried about keeping their jobs or paying their bills or staying in their homes, Senator McCain's campaign announced last week that they plan to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy and spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. His campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose."
Well I've got news for John McCain. This isn't about losing a campaign - this is about Americans who are losing their jobs, and their homes, and their life savings. I can take four more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but America can't take four more years of John McCain's George Bush policies. We can't afford four more years of the  economic theory  that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. We can't afford more four years of John McCain's call for less regulation so that no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street. We've seen where that's led us and we're not going back.
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere has the chance to get ahead. Not just corporate CEOs, but their secretaries too. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed Congress last week isn't the end of what we'll do to strengthen this economy, it's only the beginning. Now we need to pass a  rescue plan  for the middle-class that will provide every family immediate relief to cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . And we should extend expiring  unemployment benefits  to those Americans who've lost their jobs and can't find new ones. I've been fighting for this plan for months. My opponent has said nothing. And that is the choice in this election.
You've heard a lot about taxes in this campaign. Well, here's the truth - John McCain and I are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut  but nothing at all to over 100 million Americans.
I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year, you won't see your taxes increase one single dime - not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
My opponent wants to give $200 million in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for the  small businesses  and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
John McCain wants to give  tax breaks  to the corporations that ship our jobs overseas. If I am President, I will end those  tax breaks  and give them to companies that create good jobs in the  United States  of America. That is the choice in this election.
Senator McCain's first reaction to this economic crisis was to say that "the fundamentals of our economy are strong." Well, I don't know about you, but where I come from, there's nothing more fundamental than a job - not just because it's a  source of income , but because it's a source of  self-respect . And if we want to turn this economy around and lead the world in the 21st century, we have to create the high-wage jobs of tomorrow right here in America.
If I am President, I will finally fix our broken  health care  system. My opponent talks about giving every family a  tax credit  to buy  health care , but what he doesn't mention is that he'll also tax your benefits for the first time in history. It's an old Washington bait and switch. He gives you a  tax credit  with one hand, but raises your taxes with the other.
He thinks we won't notice. Well, I've got news for John McCain: we notice, we know better, and we're not going to let him get away with it.
This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is the amount you pay in premiums. That will be less. And if you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need, and that's the choice in this election.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century.
And we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability. And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your country after you graduate, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on a billion dollar surplus. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream .
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. What this crisis has taught us is that at the end of the day, there is no real separation between  Main Street  and Wall Street. There is only the road we're traveling on as Americans - and we will rise or fall on that journey as one nation; as one people.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Ohio, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet today at a moment of great uncertainty for America. Yesterday, we saw another significant drop in the  stock market  as the anxiety about this  financial crisis  grew worse. Overnight, the same thing happened with markets around the world. And this morning, the Federal Reserve took swift action together with other nations to stem what is now a full-blown global  financial crisis . I support that action, as I've said before that this is a global problem and it needs to be solved through a global effort. I hope this global response continues as leaders of major  financial institutions  and representatives from nations around the world gather in Washington soon.
We are facing a very serious challenge, and all of us - all of us - have a stake in its solution. Because the  credit markets  are frozen right now, there's a  ripple effect  throughout our economy. Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment or make payroll.  Auto plants  that have been around for decades are closing their doors and laying off workers who've never known another job in their  entire life . And we have already lost  three-quarters  of a million jobs just this year.
Here in Indianapolis and all across America, you're seeing your hours get cut or realizing that you can't pay every bill that's sitting on the kitchen counter. It's harder to make the mortgage or fill up your  gas tank  and some people don't even know whether they'll be able to keep the electricity on at the end of the month. The money you've been putting away for your retirement or your kids'  college education  is disappearing faster than you can count. The dream that so many generations have fought for feels like it's slowly slipping away.
But I'm here today to tell you that there are  better days  ahead. I know these are  tough times . I know that many of you are anxious about the future. But this isn't a time for fear or panic. This is a time for resolve and leadership. I know that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because that's who we are. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
America still has the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth who work two jobs or three jobs and take the last bus home at night because they want something more for their children. We're still the home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't steer ourselves out of this crisis and make this century another American century. Of course we can.
But I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years.
And that's why the decision you make in twenty-seven days is so important. That's why this is no ordinary election - because this is no ordinary moment for America.
In last night's debate, John McCain and I each had the chance to make the case for change - to talk about what we would do differently from the last eight years when it comes to lifting our middle-class, growing our economy, and restoring our prosperity. But all we heard from Senator McCain was more of the same Bush economics that led us to this point.
Take  health care . We were both asked whether we believed that  health care  should finally be the right of every American. I believe it should. But Senator McCain didn't say that. And when you look at his radical  health care  plan, you can see why.
He talks about giving every family a $5,000 credit to buy  health care , but he didn't mention last night that he'll also tax your benefits for the first time in history. It's an old Washington bait and switch. He gives you a  tax credit  with one hand, but raises your taxes with the other. And he didn't mention that the average  health care  plan costs $12,000 in the first place.
Senator McCain didn't tell us about the studies that say his plan would cause 20 million Americans to lose their  health insurance , or how the  Chamber of Commerce  said it would be a disaster for businesses, or how it would de-regulate the  insurance industry  so that they don't have to cover things like mammograms, or vaccinations, or maternity care. He thinks we won't notice these things.
Well, I've got news for John McCain: we notice, we know better, and we're not going to let him get away with it.
This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will ensure that  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is the amount you pay in premiums. That will be less. And if you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need, and that's the choice you face in this election.
Even as so many Americans are worried about their  medical bills  or keeping their jobs or staying in their homes, Senator McCain's campaign announced last week that they plan to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy and spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. His campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose."
Well I've got news for John McCain. This isn't about losing a campaign - this is about Americans who are losing their jobs, and their homes, and their life savings. I can take four more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but America can't take four more years of John McCain's George Bush policies. We can't afford four more years of the  economic theory  that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. We can't afford more four years of John McCain's call for less regulation so that no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street. We've seen where that's led us and we're not going back.
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere has the chance to get ahead. Not just corporate CEOs, but their secretaries too. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed Congress last week isn't the end of what we'll do to strengthen this economy, it's only the beginning. Now we need to pass a  rescue plan  for the middle-class that will provide every family immediate relief to cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . And we should extend expiring  unemployment benefits  to those Americans who've lost their jobs and can't find new ones. I've been fighting for this plan for months. My opponent has said nothing. And that is the choice in this election.
You've heard a lot about taxes in this campaign. Well here's the truth - John McCain and I are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut  but nothing at all to over 100 million Americans.
I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year, you won't see your taxes increase one single dime - not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
My opponent wants to give $200 million in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America. I will eliminate  capital gains taxes  for the  small businesses  and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
John McCain wants to give  tax breaks  to the corporations that ship our jobs overseas. If I am President, I will end those  tax breaks  and give them to companies that create good jobs in the  United States  of America. That is the choice in this election.
Senator McCain's first reaction to this economic crisis was to say that "the fundamentals of our economy are strong." Well I don't know about you, but where I come from there's nothing more fundamental than a job - not just because it provides a paycheck, because it provides a sense of dignity. And if we want to turn this economy around and lead the world in the 21st century, we have to create the high-wage jobs of tomorrow right here in America.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century.
And we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability. And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your country after you graduate, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on a $79 billion surplus. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream .
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. What this crisis has taught us is that at the end of the day, there is no real separation between  Main Street  and Wall Street. There is only the road we're traveling on as Americans - and we will rise or fall on that journey as one nation; as one people.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Indiana, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Chillicothe, OH
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. In recent weeks, we've seen a growing  financial crisis  that's threatening not only banks and businesses, but your economic security, as well. It's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. And yesterday, millions of Americans lost more of their investments and hard-earned retirement savings as the  stock market  took another significant plunge.
We need action now. The  Treasury Department  must move as quickly as possible to implement the  rescue plan  that passed Congress so we can ease this credit crisis that's preventing businesses and consumers from getting loans. And we also must recognize that this is not just an American problem. In this  global economy ,  financial markets  have no boundaries. So the current crisis demands a global response. This weekend,  finance ministers  from the world's major economies will meet in Washington. They must take coordinated steps to restore confidence and to maintain our  financial markets  and institutions.
There are many causes of this crisis, and it's very important that we respond using all the tools that we have. It's encouraging that Treasury is considering dramatic steps to provide more capital to our  financial institutions  so they have money to lend. This is not a time for ideology - it's a time for  common sense  and a politics of pragmatism. The test of an idea must not be whether it is liberal or conservative - the test should be whether it works for the  American people . That's what we should all be focused on in the days and weeks ahead.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With courage.
We have seen our share of  hard times . The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment is hard; about rejecting panicked division for purposeful unity; about seeing a mountaintop from the deepest valley. That's why we remember that some of the most famous words ever spoken by an American came from a President who took office in a time of turmoil - "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." Now is not the time for fear. Now is not the time for panic. Now is the time for resolve and steady leadership. We can meet this moment. We can come together to restore confidence in the American economy. We can renew that fundamental belief - that in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
America still has the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. You know this, Ohio. We're home to the workers who have built the largest  middle class  in history. We're home to workers who work two jobs or three jobs and take the last bus home at night because they want something more for their children. We're home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century. Yes we can.
But I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as you are worried about keeping your jobs or paying your bills or staying in your homes, my opponent's campaign announced last week that they plan to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. Senator McCain's campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." So in the last couple of days, we've seen a barrage of nasty insinuations and attacks, and I'm sure we'll see much more over the next 25 days. We know what's coming. We know what they're going to do.
But here's the thing, Ohio. They can try to "turn the page" on the economy and deny the record of the last eight years. They can run misleading ads and pursue the politics of anything goes. But it's not going to work. Not this time.
I think that folks are looking for something different. It's easy to rile up a crowd by stoking anger and division. But that's not what we need right now in the  United States . The times are too serious. The challenges are too great. The  American people  aren't looking for someone who can divide this country - they're looking for someone who will lead it. We're in a serious crisis - now, more than ever, it is time to put country ahead of politics. Now, more than ever, it is time to bring change to Washington so that it works for the people of this country that we love.
I know my opponent is worried about his campaign. But that's not what I'm concerned about. I'm thinking about the Americans losing their jobs, and their homes, and their life savings. We can't afford four more years of the  economic theory  that says we should give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. We can't afford four more years of less regulation so that no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street. We've seen where that's led us and we're not going back.
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere has the chance to get ahead. Not just corporate CEOs, but their secretaries too. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
My opponent has a fundamentally different view. Recently, he proposed a plan that would hand over $300 billion to underwrite the kind of greed and irresponsibility on Wall Street that got us into this mess. It punishes taxpayers, rewards banks, and won't solve our  housing crisis .
At first, he said this spending would come from the  rescue package  that already passed. But the  rescue package  included taxpayer protections that prevent exactly this kind of scheme. We are not going to solve the immediate crisis by going back and changing the law we passed last week to push forward a plan that would take months to implement. So I have a different view from Senator McCain. Yes, we need to help innocent homebuyers. That's why I insisted that the  rescue package  give the Treasury authority to buy and rework mortgages. We have given Treasury a broad menu of options that should be pursued. But we should not put taxpayer money at unnecessary risk. Taxpayers should not have all the downside without any of the upside. That's a principle that I've fought for, that's a principle that I'll maintain, and that's a principle that I'll stand up for as President. That's the choice in this election.
I repeat: we must do more to help innocent homebuyers. I've worked on a series of proposals over the past two years to do that. But we need to do it in a responsible way. That means making sure that we're not overpaying for these mortgages and rewarding the very lenders whose recklessness helped cause this crisis. It means giving taxpayers a share of the benefit when our housing market recovers. And it means cracking down on predatory lenders by treating mortgage fraud like the crime that it is.
We also have to make sure that if the Treasury moves forward with its plan to put more money into struggling banks, taxpayers will be able to get their money back and the CEOs who contributed to this crisis won't get rich at our expense.
Now let's be clear Ohio: the  rescue plan  that passed Congress last week isn't the end of what we need to do to strengthen this economy. It's only the beginning. Now we need to pass a  rescue plan  for the middle-class that will provide every family immediate relief to cope with rising food and gas prices, save one million jobs by rebuilding our schools and roads, and help states and cities avoid  budget cuts  and  tax increases . And we should extend expiring  unemployment benefits  to those Americans who've lost their jobs and can't find new ones. I've been fighting for this plan for months. My opponent has said nothing. And that is the choice in this election.
If we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, it has to start with our  small businesses  on  Main Street  - not just the big banks on Wall Street.  Small businesses  employ half of the workers in the  private sector  in this country, and account for the majority of the  job growth . But we also know that a  credit crunch  has dried up capital and put these jobs at risk - shops can't finance their inventories, and small firms can't make payroll; it's harder to get an idea off the ground, or to provide  health care  for your employees. If we don't act, we'll be looking at scaled back operations, shuttered shops, and laid off workers.
That's why we need a  Small Business   Rescue Plan  - so that we're extending our hand to the shops and restaurants; the start-ups and small firms that create jobs and make our economy grow.  Main Street  needs relief and you need it now. We won't grow government- we'll work within the  Small Business  Administration to keep folks afloat, while providing  tax cuts  to lift the tide. It's what we did after 9/11, and we were able to get low cost loans out to tens of thousands of  small businesses . That's one of the many steps we can and should take to help stop  job losses  and turn this economy around.
It starts with a nation-wide program to provide affordable, fixed-rate loans to  small businesses  across the country. We can run this through the SBA's Disaster  Loan Program , which provides loans to  small business  owners get the help they need to maintain their inventory and meet their payroll. We'll also make it easier for private lenders to make  small business  loans by expanding the SBA's loan guarantee program. By temporarily eliminating fees for borrowers and lenders, we can unlock the credit that small firms need to move forward, pay their workers, and grow their business.
Just as we make lending more available, we need to relieve the  tax burden  on  small businesses  to help create jobs. That's why I've proposed eliminating all  capital gains taxes  on investments in  small businesses  and start-ups. And today, I'm proposing an additional temporary business  tax incentive  through next year to encourage new investments. Because it's time to protect the jobs we have and to create the jobs of tomorrow by unlocking the drive, and ingenuity, and innovation of the  American people . That's what I'll do as President of the  United States .
Bottom-up growth also depends on a  tax code  that doesn't just work for the folks at the top. You've heard a lot about taxes in this campaign. Well, here's the truth - my opponent and I are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give $200 billion in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America, and he wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut . But he gives nothing at all to over 100 million Americans.
I have a different set of priorities. I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year - which includes 98 percent of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
We know that it's time to create the good-paying jobs of tomorrow. Ohio is hurting. 12,000 jobs have been lost this year. You've got 7.4 percent unemployment. Wages are flat-lining. But it doesn't have to be this way. That's why I'm going to stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas, and start rebuilding the  middle class  by helping companies create jobs here in Ohio. I will be a President who puts you first, Ohio. Because I believe in the  American people  and what we can do together. And if we want to turn this economy around and lead the world in the 21st century, we have to create the high-wage jobs of tomorrow right here in America.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. We will work with the  Building Trades  to expand apprenticeship programs so young workers can develop their skills. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix our broken  health care  system. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. And if you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability. And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your country after you graduate, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on tens of billions of dollars in surplus. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream . And above all confidence - confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession? Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success? This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. Together, we can overcome the broken policies and divided politics of the last eight years. Together, we can renew an economy that rewards work and rebuilds the  middle class . Together, we can create millions of new jobs, and deliver on the promise of  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete. We can do this if we come together; if we have confidence in ourselves and each other; if we look beyond the darkness of the day to the  bright light  of hope that lies ahead. Together, we can change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. In recent weeks, we've seen a growing  financial crisis  that's threatening not only banks and businesses, but your economic security as well. It's getting harder to get a loan for that new car or that  small business  or that college you've dreamed of attending. And in recent days, millions of Americans have lost more of their investments and hard-earned retirement savings as the  stock market  has plunged.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I also know that now is not the time for fear or panic. Now is the time for resolve and steady leadership. Because I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. We have always seen that mountaintop from the deepest valley. We have always risen to the moment when the moment was hard - and we can do it again. We can restore confidence in our economy and renew that fundamental belief - that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.
America is home to colleges and universities that are the envy of the world, and some of the biggest ideas and innovations in history have come from our  small businesses . We've got the hardest workers on Earth - folks who work two jobs or three jobs and take that last bus home at night because they want something more for their children. And no one works harder than folks here in Pennsylvania - just ask my friend, Joe Biden, he'll tell you. So while it won't be easy, there is no reason we can't make this century another American century.
Unfortunately, my opponent still sees things differently. Now, I want to acknowledge that Senator McCain tried to tone down the rhetoric yesterday, and I appreciated his reminder that we can disagree while still being respectful of each other. I've said it before, and I'll say it again - Senator McCain has served this country with honor, and he deserves our thanks for that.
But when it comes to the economy, and what families here in Pennsylvania are going through, Senator McCain still doesn't get it. Yesterday, Senator McCain's  campaign manager  actually said that Senator McCain wasn't talking about the market because there's just not much a candidate for President can say - and they aren't sure what he'd say each day even if he did talk about it. Last week, in the midst of the most serious economic crisis of our time, his campaign announced that they plan to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. They said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." So the last few days, we've seen a barrage of nasty insinuations and attacks, and I'm sure we'll see much more over the next 24 days.
But here's the thing. They can run misleading ads, and pursue the politics of anything goes, and try to change the subject. They can do that - but it's not going to work. Not this time.
The times are too serious. The challenges are too great. The  American people  aren't looking for someone who can divide this country - they're looking for someone who will lead it.
We simply cannot afford four more years of the  economic theory  that says we should give more to those with the most and hope prosperity trickles down to everyone else.
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but end up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere has the chance to get ahead. Not just corporate CEOs, but their secretaries too. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor.
These are the Americans I'm standing with. These are the folks I'm fighting for. That's the kind of leadership I'm offering. That's what I mean when I talk about change.
Change means rebuilding this economy. We know that it's time to create the good-paying jobs of tomorrow. Pennsylvania is hurting. Thousands of jobs have been lost this year and wages are flat-lining. But it doesn't have to be this way. That's why I'm going to stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas, and start rebuilding the  middle class  by helping companies create jobs here in Pennsylvania. I will be a President who puts you first, Pennsylvania. Because I believe in the  American people  and what we can do together. And if we want to turn this economy around and lead the world in the 21st century, we have to create the high-wage jobs of tomorrow right here in America.
So we'll invest $15 billion a year in  renewable energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced. And we'll provide affordable loans for our  small businesses , eliminate their  capital gains taxes , and give them  tax incentives  to create new jobs. That's the change we need.
Change means a  tax code  that doesn't just work for folks at the top - but for all of us. While my opponent wants to give $200 billion in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America, and $700,000 a piece for the average Fortune 500 CEO -- I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year, you won't see your taxes increase one single dime - not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
Change means finally fixing our  health care  system. Under my plan, if you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change is that you'll pay lower premiums. If you don't have insurance, you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll give  small businesses  a  tax credit  to pay 50% of the cost of covering their employees. And we'll tell  insurance companies , no more discriminating against people with pre-existing conditions, period. That's the change we need.
Change means giving every child, everywhere the skills and knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. That means investing in  early childhood  education, and recruiting an army of new teachers, and making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your country after you graduate, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, change means taking on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never happen again. I'll put in place common-sense regulations to keep our market free and fair and restore accountability and responsibility in our boardrooms.
And I'll go through the entire  federal budget , line by line, and eliminate any spending that isn't helping our families. And you know where I'll start? By ending this war in Iraq that's costing $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on tens of billions of dollars in surplus.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice, and we will all need to pull our weight, because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century.
It's a test we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. We've done it before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money, but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village, but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
And if you keep standing with me, if you keep fighting with me, if you keep making those calls, and knocking on those doors, and making sure everyone you know gets out to the polls on November 4th - if you do these things, then I promise you, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Toledo, OH We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Markets across the globe have become increasingly unstable, and millions of Americans will open up their 401(k) statements this week and see that so much of their hard-earned savings have disappeared.
The credit crisis has left businesses large and small unable to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have. You've got  auto plants  right here in Ohio that have been around for decades closing their doors and laying off workers who've never known another job in their  entire life .
760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Unemployment here in Ohio is up 85% over the last eight years, which is the highest it's been in sixteen years. You've lost one of every four manufacturing jobs, the typical Ohio family has seen their income fall $2,500, and it's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?"
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I also know this - we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because we are the  United States  of America. We are the country that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans.
We still have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're still home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century.
But it will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
My opponent has made his choice. Last week, Senator McCain's campaign announced that they were going to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. His campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." Well Senator McCain may be worried about losing an election, but I'm worried about Americans who are losing their jobs, and their homes, and their life savings. They can't afford four more years of the  economic theory  that says we should give more and more to millionaires and billionaires and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. We've seen where that's led us and we're not going back. It's time to turn the page.
Over the course of this campaign, I've laid out a set of policies that will grow our middle-class and strengthen our economy in the long-term. I'll reform our  tax code  so that 95% of workers and their families get a  tax cut , and eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000. I'll bring down the cost of  health care  for families and businesses by investing in preventative care,  new technology , and giving every American the chance to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  members of Congress  give themselves. We'll ensure every child can compete in the  global economy  by recruiting an army of new teachers and making college affordable for anyone who wants to go. We'll create five million new, high-wage jobs by investing in the renewable  sources of energy  that will eliminate the oil we currently import from the  Middle East  in ten years, and we'll create two million jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges.
But that's a long-term strategy for growth. Right now, we face an immediate economic emergency that requires urgent action. We can't wait to help workers and families and communities who are struggling right now - who don't know if their job or their retirement will be there tomorrow; who don't know if next week's paycheck will cover this month's bills. We need to pass an economic  rescue plan  for the middle-class and we need to do it now. Today I'm proposing a number of steps that we should take immediately to stabilize our  financial system , provide relief to families and communities, and help struggling homeowners. It's a plan that begins with one word that's on everyone's mind, and it's spelled J-O-B-S.
We've already lost  three-quarters  of a million jobs this year, and some experts say that unemployment may rise to 8% by the end of next year. We can't wait until then to start creating new jobs. That's why I'm proposing to give our businesses a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee they hire here in the  United States  over the next two years.
To fuel the real engine of  job creation  in this country, I've also proposed eliminating all  capital gains taxes  on investments in  small businesses  and start-up companies, and I've proposed an additional  tax incentive  through next year to encourage new  small business  investment. It is time to protect the jobs we have and to create the jobs of tomorrow by unlocking the drive, and ingenuity, and innovation of the  American people . And we should  fast track  the loan guarantees we passed for our  auto industry  and provide more as needed so that they can build the energy-efficient cars America needs to end our dependence on foreign oil.
We will also save one million jobs by creating a Jobs and  Growth Fund  that will provide money to states and local communities so that they can move forward with projects to rebuild and repair our roads, our bridges, and our schools. A lot of these projects and these jobs are at risk right now because of budget shortfalls, but this fund will make sure they continue.
The second part of my  rescue plan  is to provide immediate relief to families who are watching their paycheck shrink and their jobs and life savings disappear. I've already proposed a middle-class  tax cut  for 95% of workers and their families, but today I'm calling on Congress to pass a plan so that the IRS will mail out the  first round  of those  tax cuts  as soon as possible. We should also extend and expand  unemployment benefits  to those Americans who have lost their jobs and are having a harder time finding new ones in this weak economy. And we should stop making them pay taxes on those  unemployment insurance  benefits as well.
At a time when the  ups and downs  of the  stock market  have rarely been so unpredictable and dramatic, we also need to give families and retirees more flexibility and security when it comes to their retirement savings.
I welcome Senator McCain's proposal to waive the rules that currently force our seniors to withdraw from their 401(k)s even when the market is bad. I think that's a good idea, but I think we need to do even more. Since so many Americans will be struggling to pay the bills over the next year, I propose that we allow every family to withdraw up to 15% from their IRA or 401(k) - up to a maximum of $10,000 - without any fine or penalty throughout 2009. This will help families get through this crisis without being forced to make painful choices like selling their homes or not sending their kids to college.
The third part of my  rescue plan  is to provide relief for homeowners who are watching their home values decline while their  property taxes  go up. Earlier this year I pushed for legislation that would help homeowners stay in their homes by working to modify their mortgages. When Secretary Paulson proposed his original  financial rescue  plan it included nothing for homeowners. When Senator McCain was silent on the issue, I insisted that it include protections for homeowners. Now the Treasury must use the authority its been granted and move aggressively to help people avoid foreclosure and stay in their homes. We don't need a  new law  or a new $300 billion giveaway to banks like Senator McCain has proposed, we just need to act quickly and decisively.
I've already proposed a mortgage  tax credit  for struggling homeowners worth 10% of the interest you pay on your mortgage and we should move quickly to pass it. We should also change the unfair bankruptcy laws that allow judges to write down your mortgage if you own six or seven homes, but not if you have only one. And for all those cities and small towns that are facing a choice between cutting services like  health care  and education or raising  property taxes , we will provide the funding to prevent those tax hikes from happening. We cannot allow homeowners and small towns to suffer because of the mess made by Wall Street and Washington.
For those Americans in danger of losing their homes, today I'm also proposing a three-month moratorium on foreclosures. If you are a bank or lender that is getting money from the  rescue plan  that passed Congress, and your customers are making a good-faith effort to make their  mortgage payments  and re-negotiate their mortgages, you will not be able to foreclose on their home for three months. We need to give people the breathing room they need to get back on their feet.
Finally, this crisis has taught us that we cannot have a sound economy with a dysfunctional  financial system . We passed a  financial rescue  plan that has the promise to help stabilize the  financial system , but only if we act quickly, effectively and aggressively. The  Treasury Department  must move quickly with their plan to put more money into struggling banks so they have enough to lend, and they should do it in a way that protects taxpayers instead of enriching CEOs. There was a report yesterday that some  financial institutions  participating in this  rescue plan  are still trying to avoid restraints on CEO pay. That's not just wrong, it's an outrage to every American whose  tax dollars  have been put at risk. No major investor would ever make an investment if they didn't think the corporation was being prudent and responsible, and we shouldn't expect taxpayers to think any differently. We should also be prepared to extend broader guarantees if it becomes necessary to stabilize our  financial system .
I also believe that Treasury should not limit itself to purchasing mortgage-backed securities - it should help unfreeze markets for individual mortgages,  student loans , car loans, and  credit card  loans.. And I think we need to do even more to make loans available in two very important areas of our economy:  small businesses  and communities.
On Friday, I proposed  Small Business   Rescue Plan  that would create an emergency lending fund to lend money directly to  small businesses  that need cash for their payroll or to buy inventory. It's what we did after 9/11, and it allowed us to get low-cost loans out to tens of thousands of  small businesses . We'll also make it easier for private lenders to make  small business  loans by expanding the  Small Business  Administration's loan guarantee program. By temporarily eliminating fees for borrowers and lenders, we can unlock the credit that small firms need to pay their workers and keep their doors open. And today, I'm also proposing that we maintain the ability of states and local communities that are struggling to maintain basic services without raising taxes to continue to get the credit they need.
Congress should pass this  emergency rescue  plan as soon as possible. If Washington can move quickly to pass a  rescue plan  for our  financial system , there's no reason we can't move just as quickly to pass a  rescue plan  for our middle-class that will create jobs, provide relief, and help homeowners. And if Congress does not act in the coming months, it will be one of the first things I do as President of the  United States . Because we can't wait any longer to start creating new jobs; to help struggling communities and homeowners, and to provide real and immediate relief to families who are worried not only about this month's bills, but their  entire life  savings. This plan will help ease those anxieties, and along with the other  economic policies  I've proposed, it will begin to create new jobs, grow  family incomes , and put us back on the path to prosperity.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We'll have to set priorities as never before, and stick to them. That means pursuing investments in areas such as energy, education and  health care  that bear directly on our  economic future , while deferring other things we can afford to do without. It means scouring the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do work more efficiently and cost less.
It also means promoting a new ethic of responsibility. Part of the reason this crisis occurred is that everyone was living beyond their means - from Wall Street to Washington to even some on  Main Street . CEOs got greedy. Politicians spent money they didn't have. Lenders tricked people into buying home they couldn't afford and some folks knew they couldn't afford them and bought them anyway.
We've lived through an era of  easy money , in which we were allowed and even encouraged to spend without limits; to borrow instead of save.
Now, I know that in an age of declining wages and skyrocketing costs, for many folks this was not a choice but a necessity. People have been forced to turn to  credit cards  and  home equity  loans to keep up, just like our government has borrowed from China and other creditors to help pay its bills.
But we now know how dangerous that can be. Once we get past the present emergency, which requires immediate new investments, we have to break that cycle of debt. Our long-term future requires that we do what's necessary to scale down our deficits, grow wages and encourage personal savings again.
It's a serious challenge. But we can do it if we act now, and if we act as one nation. We can bring a  new era  of responsibility and accountability to Wall Street and to Washington. We can put in place common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. We can make investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. We can restore a sense of fairness and balance that will give ever American a fair shot at the  American dream . And above all, we can restore confidence - confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. Together, we can overcome the broken policies and divided politics of the last eight years. Together, we can renew an economy that rewards work and rebuilds the  middle class . Together, we can create millions of new jobs, and deliver on the promise of  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete. We can do this if we come together; if we have confidence in ourselves and each other; if we look beyond the darkness of the day to the  bright light  of hope that lies ahead. Together, we can change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . The  stock market  plummeted again yesterday, and millions of Americans have opened up their 401(k) statements to see that so much of their hard-earned savings have disappeared.
The credit crisis has left businesses large and small unable to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have. In households across the country, it's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. This morning, we learned that wages are lower than they've been in nearly a decade. You're paying more for everything from gas to groceries, but your paychecks have flat-lined.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment is hard.
America can meet this moment. We still have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century.
But I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as you are worried about keeping your jobs or paying your bills or staying in your homes, my opponent's campaign announced earlier this month that they want to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. Senator McCain's campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose."
Well,  New Hampshire , last night we had a debate. I think you saw a bit of the McCain attack strategy in action. But here's what Senator McCain doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in turmoil and the  American Dream  at risk, the  American people  don't want to hear politicians attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing  middle class families  each and every day. You want to hear about the issues that matter in your lives. You want to hear about how we're going to bring about the change that we desperately need for our country. That's what the  American people  want to hear.
So let's debate our genuine differences on the issues that matter. Last night, Senator McCain said that George Bush won't be on the ballot this November. But let's be clear: his policies will. Because in three debates and over twenty months, John McCain hasn't explained a single thing that he would do differently from George Bush when it comes to the most important economic issues we face today. Not one.
Here's the truth,  New Hampshire . John McCain voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time. That's not change - it's just more of the same.
He wants to keep giving  tax cuts  to corporations that ship your jobs overseas. I want to give  tax breaks  to companies that create jobs right here in America.
He wants to give more  tax cuts  to Fortune 500 CEOs. I want to give 95 percent of working Americans the  tax relief  they deserve.
He wants to double down on a  health care  policy that only works for the healthy and the wealthy. I want to cut costs and expand coverage for all Americans.
He wants an  energy policy  that gives billions to the  oil companies , an  education policy  that leaves our children behind, and a war in Iraq that's costing us $10 billion a month while the Iraqi government sits on a surplus - a war that you and I know must end.
John McCain thinks this campaign is all about me - but the truth is, this campaign is about you. Your jobs. Your  health care . Your retirement. Your children's future. That's what this election is about. That's what I'm fighting for. Because I can take 3 more weeks of these attacks from John McCain, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same divisive politics. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis. It's also important that we continue to work with governments around the globe to confront what is truly a global crisis. But now we need a  rescue plan  for the  middle class . If we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, it has to start on  Main Street  - not just the big banks on Wall Street. That's why I've outlined several steps that we have to take right now to help folks who are struggling.
First, we've got to act now to create good paying jobs. We've already lost  three-quarters  of a million jobs this year, and some experts say unemployment may rise to 8% by the end of next year. That's why I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. That's how we'll create good, new American jobs.
Second, we need to help  small businesses  get back on their feet. To fuel the real engine of  job creation  in this country, I'll eliminate all  capital gains taxes  on investments in  small businesses  and start-up companies, and provide an additional  tax incentive  through next year to encourage new  small business  investment. And we also need to make sure that  small businesses  can access the immediate loans they need to pay their workers and finance their inventory.
Third, we need to provide relief for homeowners who are watching their home values decline while  property taxes  go up. The Treasury must use the authority it's been granted and move aggressively to help people avoid foreclosure and stay in their homes. We don't need a  new law  or a new $300 billion giveaway to banks like Senator McCain has proposed. We just need to act quickly and decisively. For those responsible homeowners in danger of losing their homes, I've proposed a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we give people the breathing room they need to get back on their feet.
Finally, we've got to help states and  local governments  that have been squeezed. This is a part of this crisis that hasn't gotten enough attention. If Washington keeps pushing the burden on to states and cities and towns, you might be forced to raise new revenue through cuts in services or increases in taxes.
Today,  twenty-one  states are facing budget short-falls - including  New Hampshire . But the last thing we should be doing when families are struggling is forcing states and towns to choose between getting rid of essential programs or raising  property taxes . You've got a great Governor here in John Lynch. What he needs is a strong partner in the  White House , and that's what I'll be if I am President of the  United States .
Last August, I called for a $25 billion fund to help states and  local governments  avoid  property tax  increases. If we had acted two months ago,  New Hampshire  would have gotten the relief you need. We cannot afford to wait any longer. We need this fund to help  New Hampshire  and states across the country pay for  health care  and education, police and firefighters, without resorting to tax or fee increases. We will also save one million jobs by creating a Jobs and  Growth Fund  that will provide money to states and local communities so they can move forward with projects that put people to work rebuilding and repairing our roads, our bridges, and our schools.
We also need a new lending facility that reaches out to states and localities - we can't extend a hand to banks on Wall Street without reaching out to  Main Street  so states can make payroll and deliver services. You need leadership in Washington that's looking out for you - for the services you count on; for the jobs that our economy needs; for the change that will help the  middle class . That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to begin to get our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities.
Bottom-up growth depends on a  tax code  that doesn't just work for the folks at the top. You've heard a lot about taxes in this campaign. Well, here's the truth - my opponent and I are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give $200 billion in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America, and he wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut . But he gives nothing at all to over 100 million Americans.
I have a different set of priorities. I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year - which includes 98 percent of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
We know that it's time to create the good-paying jobs of tomorrow. That's why I'm going to stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas, and start rebuilding the  middle class  by helping companies create jobs here in America.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix our broken  health care  system. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. And if you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. Senator McCain's top economic advisor actually said the other day that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's cost us nearly a trillion dollars. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream . And above all confidence - confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We are 19 days away from changing this country. 19 days. But for those who are getting a little cocky, I've got two words for you:  New Hampshire . I learned right here that you can't let up or pay too much attention to the polls. We've got to keep making our case for change; we've got to keep fighting for every vote; we've got to keep running through that  finish line . This election is too important to take anything for granted. The future that you and I seek for our children is too important to let up now. The time for change has come.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win  New Hampshire , we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . As the  stock market  has plummeted, millions of Americans have opened up their 401(k) statements to see that so much of their hard-earned savings have disappeared.
The credit crisis has left businesses large and small unable to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have. In households across the country, it's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. Wages are lower than they've been in nearly a decade. You're paying more for everything from gas to groceries, but your paychecks have flat-lined.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment is hard.
America can meet this moment. We have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century.
But Virginia, I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as you are worried about keeping your jobs or paying your bills or staying in your homes, my opponent's campaign announced earlier this month that they want to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. Senator McCain's campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." Well, Virginia, here's what Senator McCain doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in turmoil and the  American Dream  at risk, the  American people  don't want to hear politicians attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing  middle class families  each and every day. You want to hear about the issues that matter in your lives. You want to hear about how we're going to bring about the change that we desperately need for our country. That's what the  American people  want to hear.
So let's talk about the issues that matter. In the debate this week, Senator McCain felt the need to inform me that he's not President Bush.
And in fairness, I don't blame Senator McCain for all of President Bush's mistakes. After all, he's only voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time.
But it is fair to say that over the course of three debates and twenty months, Senator McCain still hasn't offered a single thing that he would do differently from George W. Bush when it comes to the most important economic issues we face today. Not one.
He wants to keep giving  tax cuts  to corporations that ship your jobs overseas just like George Bush. I want to give  tax breaks  to companies that create jobs right here in America.
He wants to give  tax cuts  to Exxon-Mobil and big corporations and their CEOs - cuts we just can't afford - just like George Bush. I want to give a break to 95 percent of  middle class  Americans - folks who need it and deserve it. I want to give  tax breaks  to the  small businesses  that create more than two-thirds of our jobs. That's how we'll strengthen our country. That's how we'll grow our economy again.
I know I'm not running against President Bush. But I am running against his policies - the policies John McCain has supported. The policies John McCain would continue. Because that's something we can't afford.
And that is especially true when it comes to  health care . Senator McCain and I have real differences on this issue.
Senator McCain has been eager to share some details of his  health care  plan - but not all. Like those ads for  prescription drugs , you have to read the  fine print  to learn the full story.
First, we found out that he wants to pay for his plan by taxing your  health care  benefits for the first time in history, just like George Bush. That was bad enough.
But the Wall Street Journal recently reported that it's actually worse than we thought. It turns out, Senator McCain would pay for part of his plan by making drastic cuts in Medicare -$882 billion worth. $882 billion in Medicare cuts to pay for an ill-conceived  health care  plan, even as Medicare already faces a looming shortfall.
Now, this should come as no surprise - it's entirely consistent with Senator McCain's record during his 26 years in Congress where, time and again, he's opposed Medicare. In fact, Senator McCain has voted against protecting Medicare 40 times. 40 times, he's failed to stand up for Medicare.
So what would Senator McCain's cuts mean for Medicare at a time when more and more Americans are relying on it? It would mean a cut of more than 20 percent in Medicare benefits next year. If you count on Medicare, it would mean fewer places to get care, and less freedom to choose your own doctors. You'll pay more for your drugs, receive fewer services, and get lower quality care.
I don't think that's right. When you've worked hard your whole life, and paid into the system, and done everything right, you shouldn't have the carpet pulled out from under you when you least expect it and can least afford it.  Health care  shouldn't be some kind of  either-or  tradeoff where our seniors get left out in the cold.
I think every single American has a right to affordable accessible  health care . We can strengthen Medicare by eliminating wasteful subsidies to big HMOs in Medicare, and making sure seniors can access home-based care, and letting Medicare negotiate with  drug companies  for better prices. That's the kind of change we need.
So in the end, Senator McCain can keep trying to attack me and distract you - but it's not going to work. Not this time - not now. Because while John McCain thinks this campaign is all about me - the truth is, this campaign is about you. Your jobs. Your  health care . Your retirement. Your children's future. That's what this election is about. That's what I'm fighting for. Because I can take 3 more weeks of these attacks from John McCain, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same divisive politics. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis. It's also important that we continue to work with governments around the globe to confront what is truly a global crisis. But now we need a  rescue plan  for the  middle class . If we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, it has to start on  Main Street  - not just the big banks on Wall Street. That's why I've outlined several steps that we have to take right now to help folks who are struggling.
First, we've got to act now to create good paying jobs. We've already lost  three-quarters  of a million jobs this year, and some experts say unemployment may rise to 8% by the end of next year. That's why I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. That's how we'll create good, new jobs here in Virginia and all across America.
Second, we need to help  small businesses  get back on their feet. To fuel the real engine of  job creation  in this country, I'll eliminate all  capital gains taxes  on investments in  small businesses  and start-up companies, and provide an additional  tax incentive  through next year to encourage new  small business  investment. And we'll also make sure that  small businesses  can access the immediate loans they need to pay their workers and finance their inventory.
Third, we need to provide relief for homeowners who are watching their home values decline while  property taxes  go up. The Treasury must use the authority it's been granted and move aggressively to help people avoid foreclosure and stay in their homes. We don't need a  new law  or a new $300 billion giveaway to banks like Senator McCain has proposed. We just need to act quickly and decisively. For those responsible homeowners in danger of losing their homes, I've proposed a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we give people the breathing room they need to get back on their feet.
Finally, we've got to help states and  local governments  that have been squeezed. Today,  twenty-one  states are facing budget short-falls - including Virginia - and they might be forced to cut services or raise taxes, which is the last thing we need when so many families are struggling. That's why I'm going to create a $25 billion fund to help states and  local governments  pay for  health care  and education, police and firefighters, without having to raise your taxes. And we'll save one million jobs by creating a Jobs and  Growth Fund  that will help states and local communities move forward with projects to rebuild and repair our roads, our bridges, and our schools.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities.
Bottom-up growth depends on a  tax code  that doesn't just work for the folks at the top. You've heard a lot about taxes in this campaign. Well, here's the truth - my opponent and I are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to double down on President Bush's  tax policies  by giving $200 billion in  tax cuts  to the biggest corporations in America, and giving the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut . But he would give nothing at all to over 100 million Americans.
I have a different set of priorities. I'll give a middle-class  tax cut  to 95% of all workers. And if you make less than $250,000 a year - which includes 98 percent of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix our broken  health care  system. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. Senator McCain's top economic advisor actually said the other day that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's cost us nearly a trillion dollars. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream . And above all confidence - confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession? Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success? This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We are 18 days away from changing this country. 18 days. But for those who are getting a little cocky, I've got two words for you:  New Hampshire . That's where I learned that you can't let up or pay too much attention to the polls. We've got to keep making our case for change; we've got to keep fighting for every vote; we've got to keep running through that  finish line . This election is too important to take anything for granted. The future that you and I seek for our children is too important to let up now. The time for change has come.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Virginia, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . As the  stock market  has plummeted, millions of Americans have opened up their 401(k) statements to see that so much of their hard-earned savings have disappeared.
The credit crisis has left businesses large and small unable to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have. In households across the country, it's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. Wages are lower than they've been in nearly a decade. You're paying more for everything from gas to groceries, but your paychecks have flat-lined.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because this is the  United States  of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment is hard.
America can meet this moment. We have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and  research facilities . It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century.
But Missouri, I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as you are worried about keeping your jobs or paying your bills or staying in your homes, my opponent's campaign announced earlier this month that they want to "turn the page" on the discussion about our economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. Senator McCain's campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose."
Well, Missouri, here's what my opponent doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in turmoil and the  American Dream  at risk, the  American people  don't want to hear politicians attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing  middle class families  each and every day. You want to hear about the issues that matter in your lives. You want to hear about how we're going to bring about the change that we desperately need for our country. That's what the  American people  want to hear.
So let's talk about the issues that matter. In the debate this week, my opponent felt the need to inform me that he's not President Bush. And in fairness, I don't blame Senator McCain for all of President Bush's mistakes. After all, he's only voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time.
But it is fair to say that over the course of three debates and twenty months, Senator McCain still hasn't offered a single thing that he would do differently from George W. Bush when it comes to the most important economic issues we face today. Not one.
Just look at taxes. My opponent's been talking a lot about taxes in his campaign. But here's the truth Missouri - we are both offering  tax cuts . The difference is who we're cutting taxes for.
It comes down to values - in America, do we simply value wealth, or do we value the work that creates it? For eight years, we've seen what happens when we put the extremely wealthy and well-connected ahead of working people. Now, John McCain thinks that the way to rebuild this economy is to double down on George Bush's policy of giving more and more  tax breaks  to those at the very top in the false hope that it will all trickle down. I think it's time to rebuild the  middle class  in this country, and that is the choice in this election.
Senator McCain wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000  tax cut  but absolutely nothing at all to over 100 million Americans. I want to cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95 percent of all workers. And under my plan, if you make less than $250,000 a year - which includes 98 percent of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. It's time to give the  middle class  a break, and that's what I'll do as President of the  United States .
Lately, Senator McCain has been attacking my  middle class   tax cut . He actually said it goes to, "those who don't pay taxes," even though it only goes to working people who are already getting taxed on their paycheck. That's right, Missouri - John McCain is so out of touch with the struggles you are facing that he must be the first politician in history to call a  tax cut  for working people "welfare."
The only "welfare" in this campaign is John McCain's plan to give another $200 billion in  tax cuts  to the wealthiest corporations in America - including $4 billion in  tax breaks  to big  oil companies  that ran up record profits under George Bush. That's who John McCain is fighting for. But we can't afford four more years like the last eight. George Bush and John McCain are out of ideas, they are out of touch, and if you stand with me in 17 days they will be out of time.
We need new priorities in Washington. I think it's time to give a  tax cut  to the teachers and janitors who work in our schools; to the cops and firefighters who keep us safe; to the waitresses working double shifts, the nurses in the ER, and the plumbers fighting for their  American Dream . These workers are the backbone of our country. They are the ones that Washington has forgotten. They're the ones I'll fight for. And while Senator McCain ignores the payroll taxes you pay to score a few political points, I'll put a  tax cut  into the pockets of working people so you can pay the bills, put away some savings, and pass on a brighter future to your children.
So Senator McCain can keep trying to attack me and distract you - but it's not going to work. Not this time - not now. Because while my opponent thinks this campaign is all about me - the truth is, this campaign is about you. Your jobs. Your  health care . Your retirement. Your children's future. That's what this election is about. That's what I'm fighting for. Because I can take 2 more weeks of these attacks from John McCain, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same divisive politics. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but now we need a  rescue plan  for the  middle class . If we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, it has to start on  Main Street  - not just the big banks on Wall Street. That's why I've outlined several steps that we have to take right now to help folks who are struggling.
First, we've got to act now to create good paying jobs. We've already lost  three-quarters  of a million jobs this year. That's why I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. And that's why I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Missouri.
Second, we need to help  small businesses  get back on their feet. To fuel the real engine of  job creation  in this country, I'll eliminate all  capital gains taxes  on investments in  small businesses  and start-up companies, and provide an additional  tax incentive  through next year to encourage new  small business  investment. And we'll also make sure that  small businesses  can access the immediate loans they need to pay their workers and finance their inventory.
Third, we need to provide relief for homeowners. The Treasury must use the authority it's been granted and move aggressively to help people avoid foreclosure and stay in their homes. We don't need a  new law  or a new $300 billion giveaway to banks like Senator McCain has proposed. We just need to act quickly and decisively. For those responsible homeowners in danger of losing their homes, I've proposed a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we give people the breathing room they need to get back on their feet.
Finally, we've got to help states and  local governments  that have been squeezed. Today,  twenty-one  states are facing budget short-falls, and they might be forced to cut services or raise taxes. That's why I'm going to create a $25 billion fund to help states and  local governments  pay for  health care  and education, police and firefighters, without having to raise your taxes. And we'll save one million jobs by creating a Jobs and  Growth Fund  that will help states move forward with projects to rebuild and repair our roads, our bridges, and our schools.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix our broken  health care  system. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
Senator McCain has been eager to share some details of his  health care  plan - but not all. First, we found out that he wants to pay for his plan by taxing your  health care  benefits for the first time in history, just like George Bush. That was bad enough. But it turns out, Senator McCain would pay for part of his plan by making drastic cuts in Medicare -$882 billion worth. Under his plan, if you count on Medicare, you would have fewer places to get care, and less freedom to choose your doctors. You'll pay more for your drugs, receive fewer services, and get lower quality care.
I think every single American has a right to affordable accessible  health care . We can strengthen Medicare by eliminating wasteful subsidies to big HMOs in Medicare, and making sure seniors can access home-based care, and letting Medicare negotiate with  drug companies  for better prices. That's the kind of change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and  rules of the road  I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair, and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate boardrooms.
And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington. That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.
I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're  spending money  wisely. I will go through the entire  federal budget , page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's cost us nearly a trillion dollars. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and strengthening oversight.
These are the changes and reforms we need. A  new era  of responsibility and accountability on Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth that gives every American a fair shot at the  American dream . And above all confidence - confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.
I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We are 17 days away from changing this country. 17 days. But for those who are getting a little cocky, I've got two words for you:  New Hampshire . That's where I learned - with the help of my great friend and supporter Hillary Clinton - that you can't let up or pay too much attention to the polls. We've got to keep making our case for change; we've got to keep fighting for every vote; we've got to keep running through that  finish line . This election is too important to take anything for granted. The future that you and I seek for our children is too important to let up now. The time for change has come.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th. And if you do, I promise you - we will win Missouri, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Hello, Tampa! And congratulations to your Rays! It's great to be back in the Sunshine state. And in just 15 days, you and I can begin to bring some badly-needed sunshine to Washington DC. That's the  good news . But we're going to have to work, and struggle, and fight for every single one of those 15 days to bring our country the change we need.
I am hopeful about the outcome. We were thrilled yesterday when a great American statesman, General Colin Powell, joined our cause. But we cannot let up. And we won't.
Because one thing we know is that change never comes without a fight. In the  final days  of campaigns, the say-anything, do-anything politics too often takes over. We've seen it before. And we're seeing it again today. The ugly  phone calls . The misleading mail and TV ads. The careless, outrageous comments. All aimed at keeping us from working together, all aimed at stopping change.
It's getting so bad that even Senator McCain's  running mate  denounced his tactics last night. As you know, you really have to work hard to violate Governor Palin's standards on negative campaigning.
But we're not going to be distracted. We're not going to be diverted. Not this time. Not this year. Our challenges are too great for a politics that's so small.
Now, more than ever, this campaign has to be about the problems facing the  American people  - because this is a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have.
115,000 workers lost their jobs in Florida this year, more than any other state in this country. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?"
So I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because I believe in you. I believe in the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But Florida, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's what this election is all about.
Now, my opponent has made his choice. Senator McCain's campaign actually said a couple of weeks ago that they were going to launch a series of attacks on my character because, they said, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." And that's a promise John McCain has kept. He's been on the attack. That's what you do when you are out of ideas, out of touch, and running out of time. Well, I can take a few more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same failed politics. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
We have tried it John McCain's way. We have tried it George Bush's way. It hasn't worked. It's time for something new. It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I'll offer as President of the  United States .
Last week, I laid out a plan that will jumpstart  job creation , provide relief to families, and rebuild our  financial system . It's a plan that will also help struggling homeowners stay in their homes - something that's particularly important here in Florida, where foreclosures are up 30% over the last year. All across this state, there are families who've done everything right, but who are now facing foreclosure or seeing their home values decline because of bad decisions on Wall Street and in Washington.
The other week, Senator McCain came out with a proposal that he said would help ease the burden on homeowners by buying up bad mortgages at  face value , even though they're not worth that much anymore. But here's the thing, Florida. His plan would amount to a $300 billion bailout for Wall Street banks. And guess what? It would all be paid for by you, the American taxpayer. That might sound like a good idea to the former bank lobbyists running my opponent's campaign. But that's not the change America needs.
Look, we must act quickly to end this  housing crisis . That's why last March, I was calling for us to help innocent  home buyers . And that's why I fought to make sure the recent  rescue package  gives Treasury the responsibility and authority to help homeowners avoid foreclosure. But we should not put your  tax dollars  at unnecessary risk. We should not let banks and lenders off the hook when it was their greed and irresponsibility that got us into this mess. We should not be bailing out Wall Street - we should be restoring opportunity on  Main Street . And that's what I'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
If the  American people  are going to put up $700 billion to rescue our  financial institutions , we should make sure those institutions are doing their part for the  American people . That's why I've called for a three-month moratorium on foreclosures. If you are a bank or lender that is getting money from the  rescue plan , and your customers are making a good-faith effort to make their  mortgage payments  and re-negotiate their mortgages, you will not be able to foreclose on their home for three months. Now, we've also put in place long-term measures to restore our  credit markets  and help families refinance their mortgages, but until those measures start working, we need to help homeowners stay in their homes, and that's what this foreclosure freeze will do.
And while we're at it, there's another step we can take to help innocent homeowners that won't cost taxpayers a dime. Right now, if you own only one home, you're not allowed to write down your mortgage in  bankruptcy court . But if you own more than one home - if you own, say, six or seven homes like my opponent - you are allowed to write down your mortgage. That might help Senator McCain sleep easier at night. But it isn't right, and it will change when I'm President of the  United States .
But understand, if we're serious about restoring opportunity for our  middle class , it's not enough to help people refinance their mortgages. It's not enough to protect your homes from foreclosure. We have to help the hardworking families who are living in those homes with shrinking paychecks and rising costs.
That starts with  tax relief . There's been a lot of talk about taxes in this campaign. And the truth is, my opponent and I are both proposing  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to Fortune 500 CEOs. I want to put a $1,000  tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of American workers. That's right - 95%. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
It's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. John McCain calls that socialism. What he forgets is that just a few years ago, he himself said those Bush  tax cuts  were irresponsible. He said he couldn't "in  good conscience " support a  tax cut  where the benefits went to the wealthy at the expense of " middle class  Americans who most need  tax relief ." Well, he was right then, and I am right now.
And let me be crystal clear: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
To create more American jobs, I've proposed a  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. And I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Florida.
I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers. And I will create a Jobs and  Growth fund  to help states and  local governments  save one million jobs and pay for  health care  and education without having to raise your taxes.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Florida, it's time for a change. I know it, you know it, and the  American people  know it. The other week, I was in Ohio, and I went to this small town called Georgetown. Now, I was hungry and I needed a snack. So I asked where I could find the best pie in town. And folks pointed to this diner. So I went there, and as I'm waiting for a pie, some of the employees said, "Senator, can you please take a picture with us because the owner is a die-hard Republican and we want to poke him a little."
And just then, the owner comes out. And I said, "Sir, I understand you're a die-hard Republican." He said yes. And I said, "Well, how's business?" He said, "Not so good because my customers can't afford to eat out right now." So I said, "Well, who do you think has been running the economy for the last eight years?" And he said, "The Republicans." Well, I said, "If you keep hitting your head against a wall and it starts to hurt, at some point don't you stop hitting it against the wall?"
Maybe you should try the Democrats for a change.
Now, make no mistake: the change we need won't come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
At a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . With the challenges and crises we face right now, we cannot afford to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Florida and all across America who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I am running for President of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote. In Florida, starting today, you can vote early right here, and right now. To find out how, just go to voteforchange.com. And if you stand with me, I promise you - we will win Florida, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
I want to thank you all for joining us here in Florida today for this  economic summit .
We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have. We've lost more than 750,000 jobs this year - and we just learned that here in Florida, we lost nearly 11,000 jobs in September alone. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher.
Earlier this month, with major  financial institutions  on the verge of collapse and global markets on the brink, we took unprecedented action and passed a $700 billion  rescue plan . I have no doubt this was the right thing to do to address the immediate crisis and put our economy on firmer footing. But it was also just the beginning - not the end - of our work to rebuild our struggling economy.
Some of the folks on this stage know this better than just about anyone. They are on the  front lines , dealing with the fallout from eight years of greed on Wall Street and irresponsibility in Washington. When we spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, that means less money to fix crumbling roads and bridges here at home. When our President passes  tax breaks  for big corporations and multimillionaires, that leaves our states without the resources to provide  health care  and good schools and police and firefighters. Today,  twenty-one  states are facing budget shortfalls - including Florida. And governors across America are facing an impossible choice: cut vital services or raise  property taxes  on families already struggling to stay afloat.
Now, let's be clear: the  financial crisis  that states, businesses and families are facing didn't just spring up full-blown overnight. This has been a long time coming, and the  warning signs  have been very clear. But while President Bush and Senator McCain were ready to move heaven and earth to address the crisis on Wall Street, President Bush has failed to address the crisis on  Main Street  - and Senator McCain has failed to fully acknowledge it. Instead of commonsense solutions, month after month, they've offered little more than willful ignorance,  wishful thinking , and outdated ideology.
Nine months ago - back in January - I called for a stimulus plan to provide immediate relief for states, along with  tax rebates  to get money directly to  middle class families  and a foreclosure prevention fund to help them keep their homes. Senator McCain, on the other hand, insisted that the fundamentals of the economy were strong. And his advisors openly mocked the stimulus plan before Congress - one referred to it, and I quote, as "borrowing money from the Chinese and dropping it from helicopters." Another dismissed it as "junk."
Last August, I called for a Jobs and  Growth Fund  to help states put people to work rebuilding and repairing our roads, bridges and schools. And I called for $25 billion to help states and  local governments  pay for services and avoid raising  property taxes , because  tax increases  are the last thing our families need in an economy like this. But President Bush and Senator McCain thought that a second stimulus package was unnecessary.
Finally, after nine straight months of  job losses  and the worst  market turmoil  in generations, at a time when even the Bush  White House  has acknowledged the need for a second stimulus, Senator McCain put forth a plan - and it's fair to say, it leaves a lot to be desired.
It's a proposal that does nothing to create jobs. It's an  emergency plan  that does nothing to help families with the emergencies of lost jobs and falling wages and mounting bills. It contains a housing proposal that offers a $300 billion bailout for Wall Street banks - but does little to help  middle class families  stay in their homes.
In short, it's an  economic proposal  that does nothing to rebuild our economy, but everything to continue the same failed policies of the past eight years - when speculators gamed the system, regulators looked the other way, and lobbyists bought their way into our government. It's the same failed politics of decrying greed on Wall Street one minute, and then rewarding that greed the next minute with  tax cuts  for Wall Street corporations and CEOs. It's the same failed philosophy: give more and more to those with the most and hope prosperity trickles down to everyone else.
You know, it's funny - yesterday, I heard Senator McCain say that I'm more concerned with who gets your piece of the pie than with growing the pie. But make no mistake about it, after eight years of Bush-McCain economics, the pie is now shrinking. That means lower wages and declining incomes and plummeting home values and rising unemployment.
So we've seen what they offer. We've seen where it leads. This economic crisis is the final verdict on their failed leadership - and it's time for something new.
I know these are difficult times. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis, because I believe in this country. I believe in the  American people . And I believe in the leaders here at this table and across America who understand what families are going through, and have been on the frontlines, meeting our challenges head on - helping  small businesses  take off, harnessing  renewable energy  and  information technology  to create 21st century jobs, reforming schools and training workers to succeed in the  global economy .
That's why we're here today - because a crisis like this calls for the best ideas, the brightest minds, the most innovative solutions from every corner of this country. These leaders need and deserve a partner in the  White House  - a President who understands that our prosperity doesn't come from Wall Street or Washington, but from the  hard work  and ingenuity of our people. So we should be investing in their productivity and working to create the high-wage, high skill jobs that support our families and strengthen our economy. And that is exactly what I'll do if I'm elected President.
I'll start by creating a new American Jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Florida. And I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers.
These are a few of the steps we must take right now to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to create jobs and grow our economy over the  long term .
That means investing in  renewable energy . I've proposed $15 billion a year to create five million new green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I also plan to put two million more Americans to work fixing our crumbling roads, schools and bridges, because it's time to build an American infrastructure for the twenty-first century. If we can spend $10 billion a month rebuilding Iraq, we can certainly spend some money to rebuild America.
Now, I know that none of this will come easy or without cost. But I'm confident that we're ready to meet this challenge. Over the past twenty months, I've met folks all across this country who work that extra shift, and take that last bus home because they want more for their kids. They work long hours and face long odds without complaint or regret. They're not asking government to solve all their problems - they're just asking for a chance to work hard and provide for their families and contribute to this country. That's why I'm running for President - to give them that chance and rebuild our economy and ensure that our children and grandchildren have the same opportunities that we had.
I'd now like to open up a discussion with the folks here on stage with me and have a chance to hear their thoughts and ideas.
 
 
 
Hello, Miami! It's great to be here today in the Sunshine state. And in just 14 days, you and I can begin to bring some badly-needed sunshine to Washington DC. That's the  good news . But we're going to have to work, and struggle, and fight for every single one of those 14 days to bring our country the change we need.
I am hopeful about the outcome. We were thrilled this weekend when a great American statesman, General Colin Powell, joined our cause. But we cannot let up. And we won't.
Because one thing we know is that change never comes without a fight. In the  final days  of campaigns, the say-anything, do-anything politics too often takes over. We've seen it before. And we're seeing it again today. The ugly  phone calls . The misleading mail and TV ads. The careless, outrageous comments. All aimed at keeping us from working together, all aimed at stopping change.
It's getting so bad that even Senator McCain's  running mate  has denounced his tactics. As you know, you really have to work hard to violate Governor Palin's standards on negative campaigning.
This morning, I had the opportunity to catch a little of Senator McCain's speech in Pennsylvania on TV. Anyone see that?
It was really amazing. He's decided to make up this notion that I've been attacking Joe the plumber. Even though just yesterday, Joe himself said that's not true. And even though he knows full well that my plan will cut taxes for working Joes and small businesspeople all across this country to help them pursue their dreams. Because I want to help rebuild the  middle class  that has taken such a hit these past eight years under the policies of George Bush and John McCain.
And when Senator McCain calls me a "socialist" and says I want to give a  tax cut  to people who don't pay taxes, he knows that's not true. My  middle class   tax cuts  are for people who work and pay taxes.
Apparently Senator McCain's decided that if he can't beat our ideas, he'll make up others and run against those.
Well, what we need now is not  straw men  and misleading charges. What we need is honest leadership and real change, and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, more than ever, this campaign has to be about the problems facing the  American people  - because this is a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have.
We've lost more than 750,000 jobs this year - and we just learned that here in Florida, we lost nearly 11,000 jobs in September alone. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?"
So I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because I believe in you. I believe in the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But Florida, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's what this election is all about.
Because the truth is, the  financial crisis  we're facing didn't just spring up full-blown overnight. This has been a long time coming, and the  warning signs  have been very clear. But while President Bush and Senator McCain were ready to move heaven and earth to address the crisis on Wall Street, President Bush has failed to address the crisis on  Main Street  - and Senator McCain has failed to fully acknowledge it. Instead of commonsense solutions, month after month, they've offered little more than willful ignorance,  wishful thinking , and outdated ideology.
Nine months ago - back in January - I called for a stimulus plan to provide immediate relief for states, along with  tax rebates  to get money directly to  middle class families  and a foreclosure prevention fund to help people keep their homes. Senator McCain, on the other hand, insisted that the fundamentals of the economy were strong. His advisors openly mocked the stimulus plan before Congress - one referred to it, and I quote, as "borrowing money from the Chinese and dropping it from helicopters." Another dismissed it as "junk."
Last August, I called for a Jobs and  Growth Fund  to help states put people to work rebuilding and repairing our roads, bridges and schools. And I called for $25 billion to help states and  local governments  pay for services and avoid raising  property taxes , because  tax increases  are the last thing our families need in an economy like this. But President Bush and Senator McCain thought that a second stimulus package was unnecessary.
And today, after nine straight months of  job losses , when our Federal Reserve Chairman supports another stimulus to get our economy moving - something even the Bush Administration is open to - Senator McCain's economic advisor made it clear that Senator McCain still isn't ready to support a stimulus. He's taking a wait and see approach. And instead of offering a real plan to boost our economy, Senator McCain has offered a proposal that does nothing to create jobs, nothing to help families with falling wages and mounting bills, and next to nothing to help people stay in their homes. Instead, he's calling for a housing proposal that's nothing but a $300 billion bailout for Wall Street banks.
Well, I've got news for Senator McCain: hard working families who've been hard hit by this economic crisis - folks who can't pay their mortgages or their  medical bills  or send their kids to college - they can't afford to wait and see. They can't afford to go to the back of the line behind CEOs and Wall Street banks. They need help right here, right now - and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
You know, it's funny - recently, I heard Senator McCain say that I'm more concerned with who gets your piece of the pie than with growing the pie. But make no mistake about it, after eight years of Bush-McCain economics, the pie is shrinking. That means lower wages and declining incomes and plummeting home values and rising unemployment.
So my opponent is doing his best to change the subject and try to distract attention from the economy. Senator McCain's campaign actually said a couple of weeks ago that they were going to launch a series of attacks on my character because, they said, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." And that's a promise John McCain has kept. He's been on the attack. That's what you do when you are out of ideas, out of touch, and running out of time.
Well, I can take a few more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same failed politics.
It's time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I'll offer as President of the  United States .
That starts with  tax relief . There's been a lot of talk about taxes in this campaign. And the truth is, my opponent and I are both proposing  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. I want to put a  middle class   tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
It's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. John McCain calls that socialism. What he forgets is that just a few years ago, he himself said those Bush  tax cuts  were irresponsible. He said he couldn't "in  good conscience " support a  tax cut  where the benefits went to the wealthy at the expense of " middle class  Americans who most need  tax relief ." Well, he was right then, and I am right now.
And let me be crystal clear: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
To create more American jobs, I've proposed a  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Florida. And I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers.
I'll also ensure that we act quickly to help struggling homeowners stay in their homes - something that's particularly important here in Florida, where foreclosures are up 30% over the past year. I'll help responsible homeowners refinance their mortgages on affordable terms and put in place a three-month moratorium on foreclosures to give folks the breathing room they need to get back on their feet. And I won't let banks and lenders off the hook when it was their greed and irresponsibility that got us into this mess. We should not be bailing out Wall Street - we should be restoring opportunity on  Main Street . And that's what we'll do when I'm President of the  United States .
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Now, make no mistake: the change we need won't come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
At a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . With the challenges and crises we face right now, we cannot afford to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Florida and all across America who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I am running for President of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote. In Florida, you can vote early right here, and right now. To find out how, just go to voteforchange.com. And if you stand with me, I promise you - we will win Florida, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Before we begin, I'd like to acknowledge some news we learned this morning. With so many brave men and women from Fayetteville serving in our military, this is a city and a state that knows something about great soldiers. And this morning, a great soldier, a great statesman, and a great American has endorsed our campaign to change America. I have been honored to have the benefit of his wisdom and counsel from time to time over the last few years, but today, I am beyond honored and deeply humbled to have the support of General Colin Powell.
General Powell has defended this nation bravely, and he has embodied our highest ideals through his long and distinguished  public service . He and his wife Alma have inspired millions of  young people  to serve their communities and their country through their tireless commitment and trailblazing American story. And he knows, as we do, that this is a moment where we all need to come together as one nation - young and old, rich and poor, black and white, Republican and Democrat.
This is a moment to stand up and serve because this is a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have.
760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?"
So I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because I believe in you - the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But North Carolina, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Now, my opponent has made his choice. Senator McCain's campaign actually said a couple of weeks ago that they were going to launch a series of attacks on my character because, they said, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." And that's one promise John McCain has kept. He's been on the attack.
Lately, he and Governor Palin have actually accused me of - get this - socialism. John McCain just repeated the charge again this morning. And you know why? Because I want to give a  tax cut  to the  middle class  - a  tax cut  to 95% of American workers. These are folks who work hard every single day and get payroll taxes taken out of their paycheck every single week. These are the teachers and janitors who work in our schools. They're the cops and firefighters who keep us safe. They're the waitresses who work double shifts, the cashiers at Wal-Mart, the plumbers fighting for the  American Dream . John McCain thinks that giving these Americans a break is socialism. Well I call it opportunity, and there is nothing more American than that.
If John McCain wants to talk about redistributing wealth to those who don't need it and don't deserve it, let's talk about the $700,000  tax cut  he wants to give Fortune 500 CEOs, who've been making out like bandits - some of them literally. Let's talk about the $300 billion he wants to give to the same Wall Street banks that got us into this mess. Let's talk about the $4 billion he wants to give  oil companies  like Exxon-Mobil or the $200 billion he wants to give the biggest corporations in America. Let's talk about the 100 million middle-class Americans who John McCain doesn't want to give a single dime of  tax relief . Don't tell me that CEOs and  oil companies  deserve a  tax break  before the men and women who are working overtime day after day and still can't pay the bills. That's not right, and that's not change.
I promise you this - not only will the  middle class  get a  tax cut  under my plan, but if you make less than $250,000 a year - which includes 98 percent of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
Here's the truth, North Carolina. This debate - and this election - comes down to what we value. In the America I know, we don't just value wealth, we value the work and workers who create it.
For the last eight years, we have tried it John McCain's way. We have tried it George Bush's way. We've given more and more to those with the most and hoped that prosperity would trickle down to everyone else. And guess what? It didn't. So it's time try something new. It's time to grow this economy from the bottom-up. It's time to invest in the middle-class again.
North Carolina, the other side trots out this attack every year, in every election. It's a  scare tactic . It's the oldest trick in the book. And it's what you do when you are out of ideas, out of touch, and running out of time.
Well not this year. Not this time. I can take a few more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same failed politics. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It is time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I will do as President of the  United States .
I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. And I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in North Carolina.
I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers. I'll put a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we give homeowners the breathing room they need to get back on their feet. And I will create a Jobs and  Growth fund  to help states and  local governments  save one million jobs and pay for  health care  and education without having to raise your taxes.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Now, I won't pretend that any of this will come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
Earlier I mentioned General Powell and how grateful I am for his support. But I am even more grateful for what he said about the nature of this campaign. Because Colin Powell reminded us of what's at stake in this election - for America and for the world. He reminded us that at a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another .
We have seen some of these tactics from the other side and they will get even uglier and more intense in these last sixteen days. You will get more  telephone calls , and more flyers in the mail, and you will hear more outrageous attacks calculated to mislead, inflame, and divide. The other side will continue to make a big election about small things.
But no matter what they do, you will have the chance to walk into that  voting booth , and close that curtain, and say, "Not this time. Not this year."
With the challenges and the crises we face right now, this is not a time to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Fayetteville and all across America who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I run for the Presidency of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your  vote today . In North Carolina, starting today, you can early vote right here, and right now. And if you do, I promise you - we will win North Carolina, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Good morning. We just finished a meeting with Senator Biden and members of my senior  working group  on  national security . We had a wide-ranging discussion on the challenges facing our nation.
I've been pleased to draw on the support of these distinguished Americans during this campaign. I was also honored to receive the support of Colin Powell on Sunday, who is a friend and former colleague to many of those here with me. General Powell is one of the finest soldiers and statesmen of our time. He has been a source of advice, and I look forward to drawing on his counsel - and the counsel of all of those standing with me today - if I am President.
The next President will take office at a time of great uncertainty for America. We are in the midst of the greatest economic crisis since the  Great Depression . And as challenging as our current economic crisis is, the next President will have to focus on  national security  challenges on many fronts. The terrorists who attacked us on 9/11 are still at large and plotting, and we must be vigilant in preventing future attacks. We are fighting two wars abroad. We are facing a range of 21st century threats - from terrorism to nuclear proliferation to our dependence on foreign oil - which have grown more daunting because of the failed policies of the last eight years.
To succeed, we need leadership that understands the connection between our economy and our strength in the world. We often hear about two debates - one on  national security  and one on the economy - but that is a false distinction. We can't afford another President who ignores the fundamentals of our economy while running up record deficits to fight a war without end in Iraq.
We must be strong at home to be strong abroad - that is the lesson of our history. Our economy supports our  military power , it increases our diplomatic leverage, and it is a foundation of America's leadership and in the world. Through  World War II , American workers built an Arsenal of Democracy that helped our heroic troops face down fascism. Through the  Cold War , the engine of the American economy helped power our triumph over Communism.
Now, we must renew American competitiveness to support our security and global leadership. That means creating millions of jobs in a new American energy sector, so that we're not borrowing billions from China to buy oil from  Saudi Arabia  - for the sake of our economy and our security, we must end our dependence on foreign oil. Keeping America ahead also calls for investments in American education, innovation and infrastructure, so that our kids can compete, our homeland is secure, and our country remains on the  cutting edge .
It also means leading an international response to the  financial crisis . On September 19th, I called for a globally coordinated effort with our partners in the G-20 to stabilize the  credit markets . I'm happy that today, the  White House  announced a summit of the G-20 countries that provides an opportunity to advance the kind of cooperation that I called for last month. America must lead, and other nations must be part of the solution too.
We must recognize that from global  economic turmoil  to global terrorism, the challenges we face demand American leadership of strong alliances. When America is isolated, we shoulder these burdens alone, and the security and prosperity of the  American people  is put at risk. Yet for eight years, we have seen our alliances weakened and our standing in the world set back.
We cannot afford four more years of policies that have failed to adjust to our new century. We're not going to defeat a  terrorist network  that operates in eighty countries through an occupation of Iraq. We're not going to deny the nuclear ambitions of Iran by refusing to pursue direct diplomacy alongside our allies. We're not going to secure the  American people  and promote American values with empty bluster. It's time for a fundamental change, and that's why I'm running for President.
This change must start with a responsible end to the war in Iraq. We shouldn't keep spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqis sit on a huge surplus. Today, we discussed how to succeed in Iraq by transitioning to Iraqi responsibility. For the sake of our economy, our military, and the long-term stability of Iraq, it's time for the Iraqis to step up.
Ending the war will help us deal with Afghanistan, which we talked about at length this morning. In 2002, I said we should focus on finishing the fight against Osama bin Laden. Throughout this campaign, I have argued that we need more troops and more resources to win the war in Afghanistan, and to confront the growing threat from al Qaeda along the Pakistani border.
Over seven years after 9/11, the situation in Afghanistan is grave. This is the most violent year of the war, with the highest number of American casualties. The Taliban is on the offensive, al Qaeda has a sanctuary across the border in Pakistan, and some experts believe that 50 percent of the Afghan economy comes from the heroin trade. As the Chairman of the  Joint Chiefs of Staff  recently said, "The trends across the board are not going in the  right direction ."
Make no mistake: we are confronting an urgent crisis in Afghanistan, and we have to act. It's time to heed the call from General McKiernan and others for more troops. That's why I'd send at least two or three additional combat brigades to Afghanistan. We also need more training for Afghan  Security forces , more non- military assistance  to help Afghans develop alternatives to poppy farming, more safeguards to prevent corruption, and a new effort to crack down on cross-border terrorism. Only a comprehensive strategy that prioritizes Afghanistan and the fight against al Qaeda will succeed, and that's the change I'll bring to the  White House .
There is a clear choice in this election. On issue after issue, Senator McCain has supported the key decisions and core approach of President Bush. As President, he would continue the policies that have put our economy into crisis and endangered our  national security . And as he's shown over the last few weeks, he would also continue the divisive politics that undercuts the bipartisan cooperation and national unity that is so badly needed in challenging times.
We need to change course. At home, we must invest in the competitiveness of the American economy. Abroad, we need a new direction that ends the war in Iraq, focuses on the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban, and restores strong alliances and tough American diplomacy. To keep our country safe and prosperous, we need leadership that brings the  American people  together. That is the lesson of our history. Together, we cannot fail; together, we can rise to meet any challenge.
 
 
 
Hello, Richmond! It's great to be back in Virginia. And in just 13 days, we can finally bring the change we need to Washington. That's the  good news . But we're going to have to work, and struggle, and fight for every single one of those 13 days to move our country in a new direction.
I am hopeful about the outcome. We were thrilled this weekend when a great American statesman, General Colin Powell, joined our cause. But we cannot let up. And we won't.
Because one thing we know is that change never comes without a fight. In the  final days  of campaigns, the say-anything, do-anything politics too often takes over. We've seen it before. And we're seeing it again today. The ugly  phone calls . The misleading mail and TV ads. The careless, outrageous comments. All aimed at keeping us from working together, all aimed at stopping change.
Well, what we need now is not misleading charges and divisive attacks. What we need is honest leadership and real change, and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, more than ever, this campaign has to be about the problems facing the  American people  - because this is a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have.
We've lost more than 750,000 jobs this year. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?"
So I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because I believe in you. I believe in the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But Virginia, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's what this election is all about.
Now my opponent is doing his best to change the subject and try to distract attention from the economy. Senator McCain's campaign actually said a couple of weeks ago that they were going to launch a series of attacks on my character because, they said, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." And that's a promise my opponent has kept. He's been on the attack. That's what you do when you are out of ideas, out of touch, and running out of time.
Well, Virginia, here's what my opponent doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in turmoil and the  American Dream  at risk, the  American people  don't want to hear politicians attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing  middle class families  each and every day. That's what I'm talking about in this campaign. That's what I'll do as President. Because I can take two more weeks of John McCain's attacks, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same failed politics.
It's time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I will do as President of the  United States .
Nine months ago, I called for a stimulus plan to provide immediate relief for states, along with  tax rebates  to get money directly to  middle class families  and a foreclosure prevention fund to help people keep their homes. Senator McCain's advisors openly mocked the stimulus plan before Congress - one referred to it, and I quote, as "borrowing money from the Chinese and dropping it from helicopters." Another dismissed it as "junk."
Yesterday, after nine straight months of  job losses , with our Federal Reserve Chairman supporting another stimulus to get our economy moving, Senator McCain failed to get behind a bipartisan plan for a stimulus. Well, the hard working families who've been hard hit by this economic crisis - folks who can't pay their mortgages or their  medical bills  or send their kids to college - they can't afford to go to the back of the line behind CEOs and Wall Street banks. They need help right here, right now - and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. And I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Virginia
I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers. I'll put a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we give homeowners the breathing room they need to get back on their feet. And I will create a Jobs and  Growth fund  to help states and  local governments  save one million jobs and pay for  health care  and education without having to raise your taxes.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
It starts with  tax relief . There's been a lot of talk about taxes in this campaign. And the truth is, my opponent and I are both proposing  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. I want to put a  middle class   tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
It's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. John McCain calls that socialism. What he forgets is that just a few years ago, he himself said those Bush  tax cuts  were irresponsible. He said he couldn't "in  good conscience " support a  tax cut  where the benefits went to the wealthy at the expense of " middle class  Americans who most need  tax relief ." Well, he was right then, and I am right now.
And let me be crystal clear: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
For the last eight years, we have tried it John McCain's way. We have tried it George Bush's way. We've given more and more to those with the most and hoped that prosperity would trickle down to everyone else. And guess what? It didn't. So it's time try something new. It's time to grow this economy from the bottom-up. It's time to invest in the middle-class again.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Now, make no mistake: the change we need won't come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
At a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . With the challenges and crises we face right now, we cannot afford to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Virginia and all across America who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I am running for President of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote. And if you stand with me in thirteen days, I promise you - we will win Virginia, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Indianapolis, IN
It is fitting that we meet today on the mall of the  American Legion , surrounded by monuments to our nation's heroes. Because on this day, 25 years ago, the Marine barracks in Beirut were bombed. 241 Americans laid down their lives for this country and for the peace they were there to protect. We revere their service. We honor their sacrifice. And we keep their families in our prayers.
We will never forget them.
Indiana, in just 12 days, you'll have the chance to elect your next President. And you'll have the chance to bring the change we need to Washington. That's the  good news . But we're going to have to work, and struggle, and fight for every single one of those 12 days to move our country in a new direction.
I am hopeful about the outcome. We were thrilled this weekend when a great American statesman, General Colin Powell, joined our cause. But we cannot let up. And we won't.
Because one thing we know is that change never comes without a fight. In the  final days  of campaigns, the say-anything, do-anything politics too often takes over. We've seen it before. And we're seeing it again today. The ugly  phone calls . The misleading mail and TV ads. The careless, outrageous comments. All aimed at keeping us from working together, all aimed at stopping change.
Well, what we need now is not misleading charges and divisive attacks. What we need is honest leadership and real change, and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, more than ever, this campaign has to be about the problems facing the  American people  - because this is a moment of great uncertainty for America. We're facing the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . The Dow plummeted again yesterday, threatening the  job security , retirement security, and economic security of millions of ordinary Americans. Indiana lost 4,500 manufacturing jobs in September alone. And just today, we learned that more and more Americans are filing for unemployment. Home values are falling. Foreclosures are rising. Wages are shrinking. And the cost of  health care  and  college tuition  has never been higher.
And that's what this election is all about - because John McCain and I have real differences about how to get us out of this  economic mess . You see, Senator McCain thinks the  economic policies  of George W. Bush are just right for America. In the Senate, he's voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time. Said earlier this year that we've made "great progress" over the last eight years. And while Senator McCain says now that he's different from President Bush, you sure couldn't tell by the policies he's proposing.
Just yesterday, Senator McCain strongly defended the Bush policy of lavishing  tax cuts  on corporations that ship American jobs overseas. He made the peculiar argument that the best way to stop companies from shipping jobs overseas is to give more  tax cuts  to companies that ship jobs overseas. More  tax cuts  for job outsourcers. That's what Senator McCain proposed as his answer to outsourcing.
He said that's - quote - "simple fundamental economics."
Well, Indiana, my opponent may call that "fundamental economics," but we know that's just another name for the Wall Street first,  Main Street  last economic philosophy we've had for the past eight years - and that's fundamentally wrong.
If Senator McCain wants to defend  tax breaks  for companies that ship jobs overseas, that's his choice. But I say, let's end  tax cuts  for companies that ship American jobs overseas, and give them to companies that create good jobs right here in Indiana - in the  United States  of America.
If he wants to defend  free trade  agreements designed to protect the profits of  multinational corporations  and a  trade policy  that lets countries like China tilt the  playing field  against our workers, that's up to him. But I say, we need a  trade policy  that protects the dreams of hardworking Americans.
If he wants to defend a  tax code  that's more than 10,000 pages long and filled with loopholes written in by corporate lobbyists like the ones running his campaign, he's got every right. He has every right to defend offshore  tax havens  that let companies avoid paying taxes here in America. But I say, it's time to close corporate loopholes, shut offshore  tax havens , and restore balance and fairness to our  tax code .
By the way, did you know that there's a building in the  Cayman Islands  that supposedly houses 18,000 corporations. That's either the biggest building or the biggest  tax scam  on record. And I think we know which one it is.
That's the system my opponent defends. That's the system he wants to preserve. Well, Indiana, we've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. And we're here today to say enough is enough. We can't afford four more years of their "fundamental economics." That's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
You see, I have a different notion of fundamental economics than my opponent. Because where I come from, there's nothing more fundamental than a good-paying job. There's nothing more fundamental than being able to pay your  health care  bills, put your kids through college, or retire with dignity and security. There's nothing more fundamental than the  American dream  - and that's the dream we can reclaim if you stand with me on November 4.
I know we can do this. I know we can steer ourselves out of this crisis. Because I believe in you. I believe in the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us; it's written by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But Indiana, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
It's time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I will do as President of the  United States .
Nine months ago, I called for a stimulus plan to provide immediate relief for states, along with  tax rebates  to get money directly to  middle class families  and a foreclosure prevention fund to help people keep their homes. Senator McCain's advisors openly mocked the stimulus plan before Congress - one referred to it, and I quote, as "borrowing money from the Chinese and dropping it from helicopters." Another dismissed it as "junk."
Just this week, after nine straight months of  job losses , when our Federal Reserve Chairman supports another stimulus to get our economy moving, Senator McCain said he doesn't think we need to pass this stimulus immediately. Well, the working families who've been hard hit by this economic crisis - folks who can't pay their mortgages or their  medical bills  or send their kids to college - they can't afford to go to the back of the line behind CEOs and Wall Street banks. They need help right here, right now - and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. And I'll help make sure the fuel-efficient cars of tomorrow are built not just in South Korea or Japan, but right here in Indiana.
Few have been harder hit by our credit crisis than the workers who make our cars and the companies that supply their parts. Now, when it came to rescuing Wall Street, Washington didn't waste a minute. But now that auto-workers are suffering, Washington's put on the breaks. It turns out it could take a year for the  auto industry  to get the loan guarantees we passed a few weeks ago.
Well, the workers who are being laid off and the companies that are seeing their sales drop - they can't afford to wait a year, they need help right now. That's why I've called on Washington to fast-track those loan guarantees and provide more as needed - because that's how we'll secure our auto jobs and save our  auto industry .
I'll also help  small businesses  by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers. I'll put a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that we can give homeowners the breathing room they need to get back on their feet. And I will create a Jobs and  Growth fund  to help states and  local governments  save one million jobs and pay for  health care  and education without having to raise your taxes.
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
It starts with  tax relief . There's been a lot of talk about taxes in this campaign. And the truth is, my opponent and I are both proposing  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. I want to put a  middle class   tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  for  middle class families  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
It's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. John McCain calls that socialism. What he forgets is that just a few years ago, he himself said those Bush  tax cuts  were irresponsible. He said he couldn't "in  good conscience " support a  tax cut  where the benefits went to the wealthy at the expense of " middle class  Americans who most need  tax relief ." Well, he was right then, and I am right now.
Let me be crystal clear: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
For the last eight years, we've given more and more to those with the most and hoped that prosperity would trickle down to everyone else. And guess what? It didn't. So it's time to try something new. It's time to grow this economy from the bottom-up. It's time to invest in the middle-class again.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means investing in agricultural education. From seeing all those blue corduroy jackets in the crowd, I know there's a Future Farmers of America convention here in Indianapolis. And I want you to know that if I'm elected President, I will fight for you - because America's farmers are America's future. And it's time we had a President who understood that.
We need to make sure every American who has the drive and the will but not the money can go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Now, make no mistake: the change we need won't come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
At a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . With the challenges and crises we face right now, we cannot afford to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Indiana and all across America who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I am running for President of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?
Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success?
This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote. In Indiana, you can vote early right here, and right now. To find out how, just go to voteforchange.com. And if you stand with me, I promise you - we will win Indiana, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Nevada, in just 10 days, you'll have the chance to elect your next President. And you'll have the chance to bring the change we need to Washington. That's the  good news . But we're going to have to work, and struggle, and fight for every single one of those 10 days to move our country in a new direction. We cannot let up. And we won't.
Because one thing we know is that change never comes without a fight. In the  final days  of campaigns, the say-anything, do-anything politics too often takes over. We've seen it before. And we're seeing it again today. The ugly  phone calls . The misleading mail and TV ads. The careless, outrageous comments. All aimed at keeping us from working together, all aimed at stopping change.
Well, this isn't what we need right now. The  American people  don't want to hear politicians attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing  middle class families  each and every day. So what we need now is honest leadership and real change, and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
This is a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the worst since the  Great Depression . Businesses large and small are finding it impossible to get loans, which means they can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they have.
We've lost more than 750,000 jobs this year - and unemployment here in Nevada is up 30% this year. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month. At this rate, the question isn't just "are you better off than you were four years ago?", it's "are you better off than you were four weeks ago?" So what we need right now is a real debate about how to fix our economy and help  middle class families . But that's not what we're getting from the other side. A couple of weeks ago, my opponent's campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose", so they said they'd be focusing on attacking me instead.
And that's one  campaign promise  they've actually kept. Senator McCain has been throwing everything he's got at us, hoping something will stick. He's even called me a socialist for suggesting that we focus on  tax cuts , not for corporations and the wealthy, but for the  middle class .
Then, the other day, he took it to a whole new level. He said that I was like George W. Bush. You can't make this stuff up, folks. In what may be the strangest twist of all, Senator McCain said that I would somehow continue the Bush  economic policies  - and that he, John McCain, would change them.
He actually denounced the President for letting things - and I quote - "get completely out of hand." That's right, John McCain has been really angry about George Bush's  economic policies  - except during the primaries, when he said we've made "great progress economically" under George Bush. Or just last month, when he said that the "fundamentals of our economy are strong." In fact, John McCain is so opposed to George Bush's policies, that he voted with him 90 percent of the time for the past eight years. That's right, he decided to really stick it to him - 10 percent of the time.
Well, let's be clear: John McCain attacking George Bush for his out-of-hand  economic policy  is like Dick Cheney attacking George Bush for his go-it-alone  foreign policy .
Fortunately, President Bush doesn't seem to be at all offended - because yesterday, he cast his vote - early - for Senator McCain. And that's no surprise, because when it comes to the policies that matter for  middle class families , there's not an inch of daylight between George Bush and John McCain.
Like George Bush, John McCain wants to keep giving  tax breaks  to  oil companies  and CEOs and companies that ship our jobs overseas. It's the same, failed, Wall Street first/ Main Street  last  economic policy  - and we're going to change it.
Like George Bush, John McCain wants to tax your  health care  benefits for the first time in history, and let  insurance companies  keep discriminating against people who need  health care  the most. It's the same, failed,  insurance company  first/your family last  health care  policy - and we're going to change it.
Like George Bush, John McCain wants to privatize  Social Security  - and leave it to the whims of the market. Like George Bush, John McCain ignored this  housing crisis  until it was too late - and then proposed a $300 billion bailout for Wall Street banks that does hardly anything to help people stay in their homes. Like George Bush, he wants less  government regulation  of business - he said it again just yesterday, the twenty-first time he's called for less regulation just this year. Now none of us want to see unnecessary burdens on business. But after what we've seen on Wall Street, isn't it obvious by now that we need some commonsense  rules of the road  to protect consumers and our economy?
I think we've had enough of the Bush-McCain economics. I can take ten more days of John McCain's attacks, but the  American people  can't take four more years of the same failed policies and the same failed politics. We're not going to let George Bush pass the torch to John McCain. It's time for change.
I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because I believe in you. I believe in the  American people .
We are the  United States  of America. We are a nation that's faced down war and depression; great challenges and great threats. And at each and every moment, we have risen to meet these challenges - not as Democrats, not as Republicans, but as Americans. With resolve. With confidence. With that fundamental belief that here in America, our destiny is not written for us, but by us. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
But Nevada, I know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in Washington.
It's time to turn the page on eight years of  economic policies  that put Wall Street before  Main Street  but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Not just the CEO, but the secretary and the janitor. Because if we've learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.
The  rescue plan  that passed the Congress was a necessary  first step  to easing this credit crisis, but if we're going to rebuild this economy from the bottom up, we need an immediate  rescue plan  for the middle-class - and that's what I will do as President of the  United States .
I've proposed a new American jobs  tax credit  for each new employee that companies hire here in the  United States  over the next two years. I'll stop giving  tax breaks  to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies that create good jobs right here in Nevada. I'll help  small businesses  get back on their feet by eliminating  capital gains taxes  and giving them  emergency loans  to keep their doors open and hire workers. And I will create a Jobs and  Growth fund  to help states and  local governments  save one million jobs and pay for  health care  and education without having to raise your taxes.
I'll also act quickly to help people stay in their homes, something that's especially critical here in Nevada where  foreclosure rates  are five times the  national average . I'll help responsible homeowners refinance their mortgages on affordable terms, and put in place a three-month moratorium on foreclosures to give folks the breathing room they need to get back on their feet. And I won't let banks and lenders off the hook when it was their greed and irresponsibility that got us into this mess. We should not be bailing out Wall Street - we should be restoring opportunity on  Main Street .
These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track. But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the long-term.
It starts with  tax relief . There's been a lot of talk about taxes in this campaign. And the truth is, my opponent and I are both proposing  tax cuts . The difference is, he wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. I want to put a  middle class   tax cut  in the pockets of 95% of workers and their families. My opponent doesn't want you to know this, but under my plan,  tax rates  will actually be less than they were under Ronald Reagan.
It's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. John McCain calls that socialism. What he forgets is that just a few years ago, he himself said those Bush  tax cuts  were irresponsible. He said he couldn't "in  good conscience " support a  tax cut  where the benefits went to the wealthy at the expense of " middle class  Americans who most need  tax relief ." Well, he was right then, and I am right now.
So let me be crystal clear: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. That is my commitment to you.
For the last eight years, we have tried it John McCain's way. We have tried it George Bush's way. We've given more and more to those with the most and hoped that prosperity would trickle down to everyone else. And guess what? It didn't. So it's time to try something new. It's time to grow this economy by investing in the  middle class  again.
If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our dependence on oil from  Middle East  dictators.
I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.
If I am President, I will finally fix the problems in our  health care  system that we've been talking about for too long. This issue is personal for me. My mother died of  ovarian cancer  at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the final months of her life lying in a  hospital bed , fighting with her  insurance company  because they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment. If I am President, I will make sure those  insurance companies  can never do that again.
My  health care  plan will make sure  insurance companies  can't discriminate against those who are sick and need care most. If you have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And we'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.
And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American with a world-class education. That means investing in  early childhood  education. That means recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in exchange for higher standards and more accountability.
And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special interest. Well I don't think the  young people  of America are a special interest - they are the future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
Now, make no mistake: the change we need won't come easy or without cost. We will all need to tighten our belts, we will all need to sacrifice and we will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together.
At a defining moment like this, we don't have the luxury of relying on the same  political games  and the same political tactics that are used every election to divide us from  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . With the challenges and crises we face right now, we cannot afford to divide this country by class or region; by who we are or what policies we support.
There are no real or fake parts of this country. We are not separated by the pro-America and anti-America parts of this nation - we all love this country, no matter where we live or where we come from. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women from Nevada and all across America who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
We have always been at our best when we've had leadership that called us to look past our differences and come together as one nation, as one people; leadership that rallied this entire country to a common purpose - to a higher purpose. And I am running for President of the  United States  of America because that is the country we need to be right now.
This country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a century. And  future generations  will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed the same divisions and fear tactics and our own petty differences to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession? Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's success? This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the  American people  in times of trial and turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other, and in the future we can build together.
Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.
We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the  United States  of America.
Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for  Main Street  and Wall Street; if you want  tax relief  for the  middle class  and millions of new jobs; if you want  health care  you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote. In Nevada, you can vote early right here, and right now. To find out how, just go to voteforchange.com. And if you stand with me in ten days, I promise you - we will win Nevada, we will win this election, and then you and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
One week.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are one week away from change in America.
In one week, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
In one week, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy from the bottom-up so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
In one week, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In one week, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits, and we knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I believed in your ability to make change happen. I knew that the  American people  were a decent, generous people who are willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . And I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in this last week. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
And yet, just yesterday, we learned that despite this crisis, Wall Street  bank executives  are set to walk away with billions more in bonuses at the end of this year. Well, they might call that a bonus on Wall Street, but here in Pennsylvania, we call it an outrage - and they shouldn't be allowed to get away with it.
We can't afford four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. That's the failed theory that got us into this mess. It hasn't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, in the closing days of this campaign, my opponent is trying to distance himself from the President he has faithfully supported 90% of the time. He's supported four of the five Bush budgets that have taken us from the surpluses of the Clinton years to the largest deficits in history. John McCain has ridden shotgun as George Bush has driven our economy toward a cliff, and now he wants to take the wheel and step on the gas.
And when it comes to the issue of taxes, saying that John McCain is running for a third Bush term isn't being fair to George W. Bush. He's proposing $300 billion in new  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans and big corporations. That's something not even George Bush proposed. Not even George Bush proposed another $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. Not even George Bush proposed a plan that would leave out 100 million  middle class families . That's not change.
Change is a  middle class   tax cut  for 95% of workers and their families. Change is eliminating  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000 and giving homeowners and working parents more of a break. Change is eliminating  capital gains taxes  for the  small businesses  that are the engine of job-creation in this country.
That's what I want to do. That's what change is.
The fact is, there's only one candidate with a plan that could eventually raise taxes on millions of  middle class families , and it isn't me. It's my opponent, who'd make you pay taxes on your  health care  benefits for the first time ever.
Now, it's true that I want to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  on the wealthiest Americans and go back to the rate they paid under Bill Clinton. But make no mistake: If you make less than a quarter of a million dollars a year - which includes 98% of  small business  owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your  income taxes , not your  capital gains taxes  - nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
In the end, the choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. It's about whether you believe in an America where opportunity and success is open to anyone who's willing to work for it. And that's the America we will build together when I'm President of the  United States .
We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why he's spending these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. If you can't beat your opponent's ideas, you distort those ideas and maybe make some up. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run away from. You make a big election about small things.
Pennsylvania, we are here to say "Not this time. Not this year. Not when so much is at stake." Senator McCain might be worried about losing an election, but I'm worried about Americans who are losing their homes, and their jobs, and their life savings. I can take one more week of John McCain's attacks, but this country can't take four more years of the same old politics and the same failed policies. It's time for something new.
The question in this election is not "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" We know the answer to that. The real question is, "Will this country be better off four years from now?"
I know these are difficult times for America. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about seeing the highest mountaintop from the deepest of valleys. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and worker's rights. And that's how we'll emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before - as one nation; as one people.
Remember, we still have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're still home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . So there's no reason we can't make this century another American century. We just need a new direction. We need a new politics.
Now, I don't believe that government can or should try to solve all our problems. I know you don't either. But I do believe that government should do that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide a decent education for our children; invest in new roads and new science and technology. It should reward drive and innovation and growth in the  free market , but it should also make sure businesses live up to their responsibility to create American jobs, and look out for American workers, and play by the  rules of the road . It should ensure a shot at success not only for those with money and power and influence, but for every single American who's willing to work. That's how we create not just more millionaires, but more middle-class families. That's how we make sure businesses have customers that can afford their products and services. That's how we've always grown the American economy - from the bottom-up. John McCain calls this socialism. I call it opportunity, and there is nothing more American than that.
Understand, if we want get through this crisis, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
We don't have to choose between allowing our  financial system  to collapse and spending billions of  taxpayer dollars  to bail out Wall Street banks. As President, I will ensure that the  financial rescue  plan helps stop foreclosures and protects your money instead of enriching CEOs. And I will put in place the common-sense regulations I've been calling for throughout this campaign so that Wall Street can never cause a crisis like this again. That's the change we need.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or allowing every job to disappear overseas. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas. I will end those breaks as President, and I will give American businesses a $3,000  tax credit  for every job they create right here in the  United States  of America. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools, and by laying broadband lines to reach every corner of the country. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and a new electricity grid; jobs building the fuel-efficient cars of tomorrow, not in Japan or South Korea but here in the  United States  of America; jobs that will help us eliminate the oil we import from the  Middle East  in ten years and help save the planet in the bargain. That's how America can lead again.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most.
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education so they can compete in this  global economy  for the jobs of the 21st century, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we can afford to do without. On this, there is no other choice. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey all those months ago, the change we need isn't just about new programs and policies. It's about a new politics - a politics that calls on our better angels instead of encouraging our worst instincts; one that reminds us of the obligations we have to ourselves and  one another .
Part of the reason this economic crisis occurred is because we have been living through an era of profound irresponsibility. On Wall Street,  easy money  and an ethic of "what's good for me is good enough" blinded greedy executives to the danger in the decisions they were making. On  Main Street , lenders tricked people into buying homes they couldn't afford. Some folks knew they couldn't afford those houses and bought them anyway. In Washington, politicians spent money they didn't have and allowed lobbyists to set the agenda. They scored political points instead of solving our problems, and even after the greatest attack on American soil since Pearl Harbor, all we were asked to do by our President was to go out and shop.
That is why what we have lost in these last eight years cannot be measured by lost wages or bigger  trade deficits  alone. What has also been lost is the idea that in this American story, each of us has a role to play. Each of us has a responsibility to work hard and look after ourselves and our families, and each of us has a responsibility to our  fellow citizens . That's what's been lost these last eight years - our sense of common purpose; of higher purpose. And that's what we need to restore right now.
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into  lives of crime  and despair. But all of us must do our part as parents to turn off the television and read to our children and take responsibility for providing the love and guidance they need. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but at this defining moment, all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Latino, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . The stakes are too high to divide us by class and region and background; by who we are or what we believe.
Because despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, Pennsylvania. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. A lot of you may be disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America.
I've seen it in lines of voters that stretched around schools and churches; in the  young people  who cast their ballot for the first time, and those not so young folks who got involved again after a very long time. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see their friends lose their jobs; in the neighbors who take a stranger in when the floodwaters rise; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Pennsylvania, that's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting around the bend; that insists there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears and our doubts. If we're willing to reach deep down inside ourselves when we're tired and  come back  fighting harder.
Hope! That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open one of her own." It's what led immigrants from distant lands to come to these shores against great odds and carve a new life for their families in America; what led those who couldn't vote to march and organize and stand for freedom; that led them to cry out, "It may look dark tonight, but if I hold on to hope, tomorrow will be brighter."
That's what this election is about. That is the choice we face right now.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in this last week, because it does.
In one week, we can choose an economy that rewards work and creates new jobs and fuels prosperity from the bottom-up.
In one week, we can choose to invest in  health care  for our families, and education for our kids, and  renewable energy  for our future.
In one week, we can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the  status quo .
In one week, we can come together as one nation, and one people, and once more choose our better history.
That's what's at stake. That's what we're fighting for. And if in this last week, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and talk to your neighbors, and convince your friends; if you will stand with me, and fight with me, and give me your vote, then I promise you this - we will not just win Pennsylvania, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
North Carolina, I've got two words for you: six days. And you don't even have to wait six days to vote - you can vote early right now. But this is important: when you do vote, you have to vote in two steps - one for President, and one for the rest of the ticket. If you vote for a straight ticket, you have not voted in the  presidential election . You need to vote for president separately.
Six days.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are six days away from change in America.
In six days, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
In six days, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy from the bottom-up so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
In six days, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In six days, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits, and we knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I believed in your ability to make change happen. I knew that the  American people  were a decent, generous people who are willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . And I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in this last week. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. Wages are lower than they've been in a decade, at a time when the cost of  health care  and college have never been higher. It's getting harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
At a moment like this, the last thing we can afford is four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. The last thing we can afford is four more years where no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street because politicians and lobbyists killed common-sense regulations. Those are the theories that got us into this mess. They haven't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, Senator McCain has served this country honorably. And he can point to a few moments over the past eight years where he has broken from George Bush - on torture, for example. He deserves credit for that. But when it comes to the economy - when it comes to the  central issue  of this election - the plain truth is that John McCain has stood with this President every step of the way. Voting for the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy that he once opposed. Voting for the Bush budgets that spent us into debt. Calling for less regulation  twenty-one  times just this year. Those are the facts.
Senator McCain says that we can't spend the next four years waiting for our luck to change, but you understand that the biggest gamble we can take is embracing the same old policies that have failed us for the last eight years. We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. It hasn't worked. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose."
That's why he's spending these last few days calling me every name in the book. I'm sorry to see my opponent sink so low. Lately, he's called me a socialist for wanting to roll back the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthiest Americans so we can finally give  tax relief  to the  middle class . By the end of the week, he'll be accusing me of being a secret communist because I shared my toys in Kindergarten.
That's his choice. That's the kind of campaign he chose to run. But you have a choice too. The fundamental question in this election is not "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" We know the answer to that. The real question is, "Will this country be better off four years from now?"
For eight years, we've seen Washington take care of the extremely  well-off  and well-connected, and now my opponent is making the same old arguments to justify the same old policies that have been a complete failure for the  middle class . He wants to give more to billionaires, more to corporations that ship jobs overseas, more to the same people whose greed and irresponsibility got us into this crisis. We're here because we know they shouldn't get away with it any more. We don't need another President who fights for Washington lobbyists and Wall Street, we need a President who stands up for hardworking Americans on  Main Street , and that's what I'll be.
It's time to think very hard about what four years of John McCain's policies will mean for the  middle class .
If Senator McCain is elected, 100 million Americans will not get a  tax cut . You won't see a cent, but the average Fortune 500 CEO will get $700,000 and Big Oil will get $4 billion.
If Senator McCain is elected, your  health care  benefits will get taxed for the first time in history, and at least twenty million Americans risk losing their employer  health insurance .
If Senator McCain is elected, we'll have another President who wants to privatize part of your  Social Security .
If Senator McCain is elected, he won't make your  college tuition  affordable. His campaign says they have no college affordability plan because they consider the  young people  of America just another special interest.
Whether you are Nancy the Nurse, Tina the Teacher, or Carl the  Construction Worker  - if my opponent is elected, you will be worse off four years from now than you are today. So let's cut through the negative ads and the phony attacks - under John McCain, the  middle class  will watch wealth get favored over work, jobs get shipped overseas, and the cost of  health care  and college go through the roof. North Carolina, we know that just won't do. Not this time. It's time for change. It's time to do what's right for you, for our economy, and for our country
I know that my opponent is worried about losing an election, but I'm worried about Americans who are losing their homes, and their jobs, and their life savings. I'm worried about the  middle class . And I won't just fight for your vote in the  final days  of election - I will fight for you every single day that I'm in the  White House . That's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
So I can take six more days of John McCain's attacks, but this country can't take four more years of the same old politics and the same failed policies. It's time for something new.
I know these are difficult times for America. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about seeing the highest mountaintop from the deepest of valleys. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and worker's rights. And that's how we'll emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before - as one nation; as one people.
Remember, we still have the most talented, most productive workers of any country on Earth. We're still home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our  small businesses  and our  research facilities . So there's no reason we can't make this century another American century. We just need a new direction. We need a new politics.
Now, I don't believe that government can or should try to solve all our problems. I know you don't either. But I do believe that government should do that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide a decent education for our children; invest in new roads and new science and technology. It should reward drive and innovation and growth in the  free market , but it should also make sure businesses live up to their responsibility to create American jobs, and look out for American workers, and play by the  rules of the road . It should ensure a shot at success not only for those with money and power and influence, but for every single American who's willing to work. That's how we create not just more millionaires, but more middle-class families. That's how we've always grown the American economy - from the bottom-up. John McCain calls this socialism. I call it opportunity, and there is nothing more American than that.
Understand, if we want get through this crisis, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
We don't have to choose between allowing our  financial system  to collapse and spending billions of  taxpayer dollars  to bail out Wall Street banks. As President, I will ensure that the  financial rescue  plan helps stop foreclosures and protects your money instead of enriching CEOs. And I will put in place the common-sense regulations I've been calling for throughout this campaign so that Wall Street can never cause a crisis like this again. That's the change we need.
The choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. I will give a  tax break  to 95% of Americans who work every day and get taxes taken out of their paychecks every week. I'll eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000 and give homeowners and working parents more of a break. And I'll help pay for this by asking the folks who are making more than $250,000 a year to go back to the  tax rate  they were paying in the 1990s. No matter what Senator McCain may claim, here are the facts - if you make under $250,000, you will not see your taxes increase by a single dime - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes . Nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or allowing every job to disappear overseas. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas. I will end those breaks as President, and I will give American businesses a $3,000  tax credit  for every job they create right here in the  United States  of America. I'll eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-up companies that are the engine of  job creation  in this country. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools, and by laying broadband lines to reach every corner of the country. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and a new electricity grid; jobs building the fuel-efficient cars of tomorrow, not in Japan or South Korea but here in the  United States  of America; jobs that will help us eliminate the oil we import from the  Middle East  in ten years and help save the planet in the bargain. That's how America can lead again.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance , you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. We'll invest in preventative care and  new technology  to finally lower the cost of  health care  for families, businesses, and the entire economy. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most.
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education so they can compete in this  global economy  for the jobs of the 21st century, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
And when it comes to keeping this country safe, we don't have to choose between retreating from the world and fighting a war without end in Iraq. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a huge surplus. As President, I will end this war by asking the Iraqi government to step up, and finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century, and I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a  better future .
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we can afford to do without. On this, there is no other choice. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey all those months ago, the change we need isn't just about new programs and policies. It's about a new politics - a politics that calls on our better angels instead of encouraging our worst instincts; one that reminds us of the obligations we have to ourselves and  one another .
Part of the reason this economic crisis occurred is because we have been living through an era of profound irresponsibility. On Wall Street,  easy money  and an ethic of "what's good for me is good enough" blinded greedy executives to the danger in the decisions they were making. On  Main Street , lenders tricked people into buying homes they couldn't afford. Some folks knew they couldn't afford those houses and bought them anyway. In Washington, politicians spent money they didn't have and allowed lobbyists to set the agenda. They scored political points instead of solving our problems, and even after the greatest attack on American soil since Pearl Harbor, all we were asked to do by our President was to go out and shop.
That is why what we have lost in these last eight years cannot be measured by lost wages or bigger  trade deficits  alone. What has also been lost is the idea that in this American story, each of us has a role to play. Each of us has a responsibility to work hard and look after ourselves and our families, and each of us has a responsibility to our  fellow citizens . That's what's been lost these last eight years - our sense of common purpose; of higher purpose. And that's what we need to restore right now.
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into  lives of crime  and despair. But all of us must do our part as parents to turn off the television and read to our children and take responsibility for providing the love and guidance they need. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but at this defining moment, all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Latino, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another . The stakes are too high to divide us by class and region and background; by who we are or what we believe.
Because despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, North Carolina. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. A lot of you may be disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America.
I've seen it in lines of voters that stretched around schools and churches; in the  young people  who cast their ballot for the first time, and those not so young folks who got involved again after a very long time. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see their friends lose their jobs; in the neighbors who take a stranger in when the floodwaters rise; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
North Carolina, that's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting around the bend; that insists there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears and our doubts. If we're willing to reach deep down inside ourselves when we're tired and  come back  fighting harder.
Hope! That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open one of her own." It's what led immigrants from distant lands to come to these shores against great odds and carve a new life for their families in America; what led those who couldn't vote to march and organize and stand for freedom; that led them to cry out, "It may look dark tonight, but if I hold on to hope, tomorrow will be brighter."
That's what this election is about. That is the choice we face right now.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in this last week, because it does.
In six days, we can choose an economy that rewards work and creates new jobs and fuels prosperity from the bottom-up.
In six days, we can choose to invest in  health care  for our families, and education for our kids, and  renewable energy  for our future.
In six days, we can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the  status quo .
In six days, we can come together as one nation, and one people, and once more choose our better history.
That's what's at stake. That's what we're fighting for. And if in this last week, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and talk to your neighbors, and convince your friends; if you will stand with me, and fight with me, and give me your vote, then I promise you this - we will not just win North Carolina, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Florida, I have just two words for you: five days.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are five days away from change in America.
In five days, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
In five days, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
In five days, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In five days, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits, and we knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I knew the  American people  were a decent, generous people willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in this last week. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. It's gotten harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
And just today, we learned that the GDP, or  Gross Domestic Product  - a key indicator economists use to measure the health of our economy - has actually fallen for the first time this year. That means we're producing less and selling less - so our economy is actually shrinking. And we saw the largest decline in  consumer spending  in 28 years as wages failed to keep up with the rising  cost of living , and folks have been watching  every penny  and tightening their belts.
Now, this didn't happen by accident. Our falling GDP is a direct result of eight years of the trickle down, Wall Street first/ Main Street  last policies that have driven our economy into a ditch.
And the  central question  in this election is this: what will our next President do to take us in a different direction? Well, Florida, if you want to know where Senator McCain will drive this economy, just look in the rearview mirror. Because when it comes to our  economic policies , John McCain has stood with President Bush every step of the way. Voting for the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy that he once opposed. Voting for the Bush budgets that sent us into debt. Calling for less regulation  twenty-one  times just this year. In fact, after  twenty-one  months and three debates, Senator McCain still has not been able to tell the  American people  a single major thing he'd do differently from George Bush when it comes to the economy.
And you've got to ask yourself, after nine straight months of  job losses  and the largest drop in home values on record, with wages lower than they've been in a decade, why would we keep on driving down this  dead end  street? Folks who can't pay their  medical bills , or send their kids to college, or save for retirement can't afford to take a  back seat  to CEOs and Wall Street banks for four more years.
At a moment like this, the last thing we can afford is four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. The last thing we can afford is four more years where no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street because politicians and lobbyists killed common-sense regulations. Those are the theories that got us into this mess. They haven't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Look, the biggest gamble we can take is embracing the same old Bush-McCain policies that have failed us for the last eight years.
It's not change when John McCain wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. It's not change when he wants to give $200 billion to the biggest corporations or $4 billion to the  oil companies  or $300 billion to the same Wall Street banks that got us into this mess. It's not change when he comes up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans. That's not change.
The average working family is $2,000 dollars poorer now than when George Bush took office. When Bill Clinton was president, the  average wages  and incomes went up $7,500 dollars. So I've got an economic plan that is similar to Bill Clinton's and Senator McCain's got an economic plan similar to George Bush's. Look and see what works and what doesn't.
We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why he's spending these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run away from. You make a big election about small things.
Florida, we are here to say "Not this time. Not this year. Not when so much is at stake." Senator McCain might be worried about losing an election, but I'm worried about Americans who are losing their homes, and their jobs, and their life savings. I can take one more week of John McCain's attacks, but this country can't take four more years of the same old politics and the same failed policies. It's time for something new.
The question in this election is not "Are you better off than you were four years ago?" We know the answer to that. The real question is, "Will this country be better off four years from now?" I know these are difficult times for America. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and workers' rights. And that's how we'll emerge from this crisis stronger and more prosperous than we were before - as one nation; as one people. We just need a new direction. We need a new politics.
Understand, if we want get through this crisis, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
We don't have to choose between letting our  financial system  run wild, and stifling growth and innovation. As President, I will ensure that the  financial rescue  plan Congress passed helps stop foreclosures and protects your money instead of enriching CEOs. And I will put in place the common-sense regulations I've been calling for throughout this campaign so that Wall Street can never cause a crisis like this again. That's the change we need.
The choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. I will give a  tax break  to 95% of Americans who work every day and get taxes taken out of their paychecks every week. I'll eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000 and give homeowners and working parents more of a break. And I'll help pay for this by asking the folks who are making more than $250,000 a year to go back to the  tax rate  they were paying in the 1990s. No matter what Senator McCain may claim, here are the facts - if you make under $250,000, you will not see your taxes increase by a single dime - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes . Nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or allowing every job to disappear overseas. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas and promoting unfair  trade agreements . I will end those breaks as President, and I will give American businesses a $3,000  tax credit  for every job they create right here in the  United States  of America. I'll eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-up companies that are the engine of  job creation  in this country. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools, and by laying broadband lines to reach every corner of the country. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and a new electricity grid; jobs that will help us eliminate the oil we import from the  Middle East  in ten years and help save the planet in the bargain. That's how America can lead again.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance  you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most.
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education so they can compete in this  global economy  for the jobs of the 21st century, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this country forward.
And when it comes to keeping this country safe, we don't have to choose between retreating from the world and fighting a war without end in Iraq. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a huge surplus. As President, I will end this war by asking the Iraqi government to step up, and I will finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. I will never hesitate to defend this nation. From  day one  of this campaign, I have made clear that we will increase our  ground troops  and our investments in the finest  fighting force  the world has ever known. Watching our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen and Marines fight in Iraq and Afghanistan has only deepened my commitment to invest in 21st century technologies so that our men and women have the best training and equipment when they deploy into combat and the care and benefits they have earned when they come home.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we don't need. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey all those months ago, the change we need isn't just about new programs and policies. It's about a new politics - a politics that calls on our better angels instead of encouraging our worst instincts; one that reminds us of the obligations we have to ourselves and  one another .
What we have lost in these last eight years cannot be measured by lost wages or bigger  trade deficits  alone. What has also been lost is the idea that in this American story, each of us has a role to play. Each of us has a responsibility to work hard and look after ourselves and our families, and each of us has a responsibility to our  fellow citizens . And that's what we need to restore right now - our sense of common purpose; of higher purpose.
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must put more money into our schools, but government can't be that parent who turns off the TV and makes a child do their homework. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Hispanic, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another .
Despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. There are patriots who supported this war in Iraq and patriots who opposed it; patriots who believe in Democratic policies and those who believe in Republican policies. The men and women who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, Florida. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. A lot of you may be disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America.
I've seen it in lines of voters that stretched around schools and churches; in the  young people  who cast their ballot for the first time, and those not so young folks who got involved again after a very long time. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see their friends lose their jobs; in the neighbors who take a stranger in when the floodwaters rise; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder." Florida, that's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears. If we're willing to reach deep down inside ourselves when we're tired and  come back  fighting harder.
Hope! That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open one of her own." It's what led immigrants from distant lands to come to these shores against great odds and carve a new life for their families in America; what led those who couldn't vote to march and organize and stand for freedom; that led them to cry out, "It may look dark tonight, but if I hold on to hope, tomorrow will be brighter." That's what this election is about. That is the choice we face right now.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in this last week, because it does.
America, the time for change has come.
In five days, we can choose to invest in  health care  for our families, and education for our kids, and  renewable energy  for our future.
In five days, we can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the  status quo .
In five days, we can come together as one nation, and one people, and once more choose our better history.
That's what's at stake. That's what we're fighting for - for the  small business  owner in Denver to keep his doors open; for the hardworking couple in Cincinnati to retire in comfort; for the young student in Sarasota to afford her tuition; for men and women in every city and town across this nation to achieve the  American Dream . And if in this last week, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and go to barackobama.com
and find out where to vote - and remember, you can vote early here in Florida. If you will stand with me, and fight by my side, and cast your ballot for me, then I promise you this - we will not just win Florida, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Columbus, OH Ohio, I have just two words for you: two days.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are two days away from change in America.
In two days, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
In two days, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
In two days, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In two days, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits. We knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I knew the  American people  were a decent, generous people willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in these last few days. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. It's gotten harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
At a moment like this, the last thing we can afford is four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. The last thing we can afford is four more years where no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street because politicians and lobbyists killed common-sense regulations. Those are the theories that got us into this mess. They haven't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, Senator McCain has served this country honorably. And he can point to a few moments over the past eight years where he has broken from George Bush. But when it comes to the economy - when it comes to the  central issue  of this election - the plain truth is that John McCain has stood with this President every step of the way. Voting for the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy that he once opposed. Voting for the Bush budgets that spent us into debt. Calling for less regulation  twenty-one  times just this year. Those are the facts.
After  twenty-one  months and three debates, Senator McCain still has not been able to tell the  American people  a single major thing he'd do differently from George Bush when it comes to the economy. When John McCain wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO, that's not change. It's not change when he wants to give $200 billion to the biggest corporations or $4 billion to the  oil companies  or $300 billion to the same Wall Street banks that got us into this mess. It's not change when he comes up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans.
President Bush is sitting out the last few days before the election. But yesterday, Dick Cheney came out of his undisclosed location and hit the  campaign trail . He said that he is, and I quote, "delighted to support John McCain."
I'd like to congratulate Senator McCain on this endorsement because he really earned it. That endorsement didn't come easy. Senator McCain had to vote 90 percent of the time with George Bush and Dick Cheney to get it. He served as Washington's biggest cheerleader for going to war in Iraq, and supports  economic policies  that are no different from the last eight years. So Senator McCain worked hard to get Dick Cheney's support.
But here's my question for you, Ohio: do you think Dick Cheney is delighted to support John McCain because he thinks John McCain's going to bring change? Do you think John McCain and Dick Cheney have been talking about how to shake things up, and get rid of the lobbyists and the  old boys  club in Washington?
Ohio, we know better. After all, it was just a week ago that Senator McCain said that he and President Bush share a "common philosophy." And we know that when it comes to  foreign policy , John McCain and Dick Cheney share a common philosophy that thinks that empty bluster from Washington will fix all of our problems, and a war without end in Iraq is the way to defeat Osama bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who are in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
So George Bush may be in an undisclosed location, but Dick Cheney's out there on the  campaign trail  because he'd be delighted to pass the baton to John McCain. He knows that with John McCain you get a twofer: George Bush's  economic policy  and Dick Cheney's  foreign policy  - but that's a risk we cannot afford to take. It's time for change, and that's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush and Dick Cheney's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why I'm talking about the economy. That's why he's spent these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. When you can't win on the strength of your ideas, you make a big election about small things.
So I expect we're going to see a lot more of that over the next few days. More of the slash and burn, say-anything, do-anything politics that's calculated to divide and distract; to tear us apart instead of bringing us together. Well, that's not the kind of politics the  American people  need right now.
Ohio, at this moment, in this election, we have the chance to do more than just beat back this kind of politics in the short-term. We can end it once and for all. We can prove that the one thing more powerful than the politics of anything goes is the will and determination of the  American people . We can change this country. Yes we can.
We can prove that we are not as divided as our politics would suggest, that we are more than a collection of Red States and Blue States - we are the  United States  of America.
We can steer ourselves out of this crisis - with a new politics for a new time.
We can build the future we know is possible - as one people, as one nation. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Ohio, I know these are difficult times. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and workers' rights. And that's how we'll write the next great chapter in the American story.
Understand, if we want to meet the challenges of this moment, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
The choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. I will give a  tax break  to 95% of Americans who work every day and get taxes taken out of their paychecks every week. And I'll help pay for this by asking the folks who are making more than $250,000 a year to go back to the  tax rate  they were paying in the 1990s. No matter what Senator McCain may claim, here are the facts - if you make under $250,000, you will not see your taxes increase by a single dime - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes . Nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or standing by and doing nothing. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas and promoting unfair  trade agreements . I will end those breaks as President, and give them to companies that create jobs here in the  United States  of America. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance  you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most. That's the change we need. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.
And when it comes to keeping this country safe, we don't have to choose between retreating from the world and fighting a war without end in Iraq. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a huge surplus. As President, I will end this war. I will ask the Iraqi government to step up for their future, and I will finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. I will never hesitate to defend this nation. And I will make sure our servicemen and women have the best training and equipment when they deploy into combat, and the care and benefits they have earned when they come home. That's what we owe our veterans. That's what I'll do as President.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we don't need. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey, the change we need won't come from government alone. It will come from each of us doing our part in our own lives and our own communities. It will come from each of us looking after ourselves, our families, and our  fellow citizens .
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must put more money into our schools, but government can't be that parent who turns off the TV and makes a child do their homework. We need a return to responsibility and a return to civility. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Hispanic, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another .
Despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. The men and women who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, Ohio. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Ohio, that's what hope is.
That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week, my child can. Maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open up one of her own. It's what led those who could not vote to say "if I march and organize, maybe my child or grandchild can run for President someday."
That's what hope is-that thing inside that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears. If we're willing to reach deep inside ourselves when we're tired, and  come back  fighting harder.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in these last few days, because it does.
But I know this, Ohio, the time for change has come. We have a righteous wind at our back.
And in these last couple of days, I need you to knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and go to barackobama.com
and find out where to vote - and remember, you can vote early here in Ohio. If you will stand with me, and fight by my side, and cast your ballot for me, then I promise you this - we will not just win Ohio, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
Des Moines, IA Iowa, I have just two words for you: four days.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are four days away from change in America.
In four days, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
In four days, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
In four days, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
In four days, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits, and we knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I knew the  American people  were a decent, generous people willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up for one day, one minute, or one second in this last week. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. It's gotten harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
At a moment like this, the last thing we can afford is four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. The last thing we can afford is four more years where no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street because politicians and lobbyists killed common-sense regulations. Those are the theories that got us into this mess. They haven't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, Senator McCain has served this country honorably. And he can point to a few moments over the past eight years where he has broken from George Bush. Just this morning, the McCain campaign put out an ad that showed me praising him and Senator Lieberman for their work on  global warming  - as if there's something wrong with acknowledging when an opponent has said or done something that makes sense. I think we need more of that in Washington. I don't disagree with Senator McCain on everything, and I respect his occasional displays of independence.
But when it comes to the economy - when it comes to the  central issue  of this election - the plain truth is that John McCain has stood with this President every step of the way. Voting for the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy that he once opposed. Voting for the Bush budgets that spent us into debt. Calling for less regulation  twenty-one  times just this year. Those are the facts.
And now, after  twenty-one  months and three debates, Senator McCain still has not been able to tell the  American people  a single major thing he'd do differently from George Bush when it comes to the economy. Senator McCain says that we can't spend the next four years waiting for our luck to change, but you understand that the biggest gamble we can take is embracing the same old Bush-McCain policies that have failed us for the last eight years.
It's not change when John McCain wants to give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO. It's not change when he wants to give $200 billion to the biggest corporations or $4 billion to the  oil companies  or $300 billion to the same Wall Street banks that got us into this mess. It's not change when he comes up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans.
We've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why he's spending these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. When you can't win on the strength of your ideas, you make a big election about small things.
So I expect we're going to see a lot more of that over the next four days. More of the slash and burn, say-anything, do-anything politics that's calculated to divide and distract; to tear us apart instead of bringing us together.
A couple of elections ago, there was a  presidential candidate  who decried this kind of politics and condemned these kinds of tactics. And I admired him for it - we all did. He said, "I will not take the low road to the highest office in this land." Those words were spoken eight years ago by my opponent, John McCain. But the  high road  didn't lead him to the  White House  then, so this time, he decided to take a different route.
Now, I know campaigns are tough. Because we've got real differences about big issues and we care passionately about this country's future. And make no mistake, we will respond swiftly and forcefully with the truth to whatever falsehoods they throw our way. The stakes are too high to do anything less.
But Iowa, at this moment, in this election, we have the chance to do more than just beat back this kind of politics - we have the chance to end it once and for all.
We have the chance to prove that the one thing more powerful than the politics of anything-goes - the one thing the cynics didn't count on - is the will of the  American people .
We have the chance to prove that we are more than a collection of Red States and Blue States - we are the  United States  of America.
That's how we'll steer ourselves out of this crisis - with a new politics for a new time. That's how we'll build the future we know is possible - as one people, as one nation. And that's why I'm running for President of the  United States  of America.
Iowa, I know these are difficult times. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and workers' rights. And that's how we'll write the next great chapter in the American story. We just need a new direction.
Understand, if we want get through this crisis, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
We don't have to choose between letting our  financial system  run wild, and stifling growth and innovation. As President, I will ensure that the  financial rescue  plan Congress passed helps stop foreclosures and protects your money instead of enriching CEOs. And I will put in place the common-sense regulations I've been calling for throughout this campaign so that Wall Street can never cause a crisis like this again. That's the change we need.
The choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. I will give a  tax break  to 95% of Americans who work every day and get taxes taken out of their paychecks every week. I'll eliminate  income taxes  for seniors making under $50,000 and give homeowners and working parents more of a break. And I'll help pay for this by asking the folks who are making more than $250,000 a year to go back to the  tax rate  they were paying in the 1990s. No matter what Senator McCain may claim, here are the facts - if you make under $250,000, you will not see your taxes increase by a single dime - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes . Nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or standing by and doing nothing. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas and promoting unfair  trade agreements . I will end those breaks as President, and I will give American businesses a $3,000  tax credit  for every job they create right here in the  United States  of America. I'll eliminate  capital gains taxes  for  small businesses  and start-up companies that are the engine of  job creation  in this country. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools, and by laying broadband lines to reach every corner of the country. And I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  to create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs building  solar panels  and  wind turbines  and a new electricity grid; jobs that will help us eliminate the oil we import from the  Middle East  in ten years and help save the planet in the bargain. That's how America can lead again.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance  you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most.
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will invest in  early childhood  education, recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.
And when it comes to keeping this country safe, we don't have to choose between retreating from the world and fighting a war without end in Iraq. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a huge surplus. As President, I will end this war by asking the Iraqi government to step up, and I will finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. I will never hesitate to defend this nation. From  day one  of this campaign, I have made clear that we will increase our  ground troops  and our investments in the finest  fighting force  the world has ever known. Watching our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen and Marines fight in Iraq and Afghanistan has only deepened my commitment to invest in 21st century technologies so that our men and women have the best training and equipment when they deploy into combat and the care and benefits they have earned when they come home.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we don't need. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey all those months ago, the change we need isn't just about new programs and policies. It's about a new politics - a politics that calls on our better angels instead of encouraging our worst instincts.
What we have lost in these last eight years cannot be measured by lost wages or bigger  trade deficits  alone. What has also been lost is the idea that in this American story, each of us has a role to play. Each of us has a responsibility to work hard and look after ourselves and our families, and each of us has a responsibility to our  fellow citizens . And that's what we need to restore right now - our sense of common purpose; of higher purpose.
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must put more money into our schools, but government can't be that parent who turns off the TV and makes a child do their homework. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Hispanic, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another .
Despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. The men and women who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, Iowa. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America.
I've seen it in lines of voters that stretched around schools and churches; in the  young people  who cast their ballot for the first time, and those not so young folks who got involved again after a very long time. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see their friends lose their jobs; in the neighbors who take a stranger in when the floodwaters rise; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Iowa, that's what hope is - that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears. If we're willing to reach deep down inside ourselves when we're tired and  come back  fighting harder.
That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week my child can; maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open one of her own." It's what led immigrants from distant lands to come to these shores against great odds; what led those who couldn't vote to march and organize and stand for freedom; that led them to cry out, "It may look dark tonight, but if I hold on to hope, tomorrow will be brighter."
That's what this election is about. That is the choice we face right now.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in this last week, because it does.
I know this, Iowa - the time for change has come.
And if in this last week, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and go to barackobama.com
and find out where to vote - and remember, you can vote early here in Iowa. If you will stand with me, and fight by my side, and cast your ballot for me, then I promise you this - we will not just win Iowa, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.
 
 
 
It's great to be back on the First Coast. I have just one word for you, Florida: tomorrow.
After decades of broken politics in Washington, eight years of failed policies from George Bush, and  twenty-one  months of a campaign that has taken us from the rocky coast of Maine to the sunshine of California, we are one day away from change in America.
Tomorrow, you can turn the page on policies that have put the greed and irresponsibility of Wall Street before the  hard work  and sacrifice of folks on  Main Street .
Tomorrow, you can choose policies that invest in our middle-class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed; from the CEO to the secretary and the janitor; from the  factory owner  to the men and women who work on its floor.
Tomorrow, you can put an end to the politics that would divide a nation just to win an election; that tries to pit region against region, city against town, Republican against Democrat; that asks us to fear at a time when we need hope.
Tomorrow, at this defining moment in history, you can give this country the change we need.
We began this journey in the  depths of winter  nearly two years ago, on the steps of the Old  State Capitol  in Springfield, Illinois. Back then, we didn't have much money or many endorsements. We weren't given much of a chance by the polls or the pundits. We knew how steep our climb would be.
But I also knew this. I knew that the size of our challenges had outgrown the smallness of our politics. I believed that Democrats and Republicans and Americans of every political stripe were hungry for new ideas, new leadership, and a new kind of politics - one that favors  common sense  over ideology; one that focuses on those values and ideals we hold in common as Americans.
Most of all, I knew the  American people  were a decent, generous people willing to work hard and sacrifice for  future generations . I was convinced that when we come together, our voices are more powerful than the most entrenched lobbyists, or the most vicious political attacks, or the full force of a  status quo  in Washington that wants to keep things just the way they are.
 Twenty-one  months later, my faith in the  American people  has been vindicated. That's how we've come so far and so close - because of you. That's how we'll change this country - with your help. And that's why we can't afford to slow down, sit back, or let up, one minute, or one second in the next twenty-four hours. Not now. Not when so much is at stake.
We are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the  Great Depression . 760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year. Businesses and families can't get credit. Home values are falling. Pensions are disappearing. It's gotten harder and harder to make the mortgage, or fill up your  gas tank , or even keep the electricity on at the end of the month.
At a moment like this, the last thing we can afford is four more years of the tired, old theory that says we should give more to billionaires and big corporations and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. The last thing we can afford is four more years where no one in Washington is watching anyone on Wall Street because politicians and lobbyists killed common-sense regulations. Those are the theories that got us into this mess. They haven't worked, and it's time for change. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
Now, Senator McCain has served this country honorably. And he can point to a few moments over the past eight years where he has broken from George Bush. But when it comes to the economy - when it comes to the  central issue  of this election - the plain truth is that John McCain has stood with this President every step of the way. Voting for the Bush  tax cuts  for the wealthy that he once opposed. Voting for the Bush budgets that spent us into debt. Calling for less regulation  twenty-one  times just this year. Those are the facts.
After  twenty-one  months and three debates, Senator McCain still has not been able to tell the  American people  a single major thing he'd do differently from George Bush when it comes to the economy.
John McCain just doesn't get it. Remember what he said when he was here on September 15th?
That day, more than 5,000 jobs were lost and more than 7,000 homes were foreclosed on. The day before, former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan said we were in a "once in a century" crisis.
And yet, despite our economic crisis, John McCain actually came here, to Veterans' Memorial Arena, and repeated something he's said at least sixteen times on this campaign. He said - and I quote - "the fundamentals of our economy are strong."
Well, Florida, you and I know that's not only fundamentally wrong, it also sums up his out-of-touch, on-your-own economic philosophy. It's a philosophy that says we should give a $700,000  tax cut  to the average Fortune 500 CEO and $300 billion to the same Wall Street banks that got us into this mess. It's a philosophy that says we shouldn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class Americans. And it's a philosophy that will end when I am President of the  United States  of America.
Look, we've tried it John McCain's way. We've tried it George Bush's way. Deep down, Senator McCain knows that, which is why his campaign said that "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose." That's why I'm talking about the economy. That's why he's spent these last weeks calling me every name in the book. Because that's how you play the game in Washington. When you can't win on the strength of your ideas, you make a big election about small things.
So I expect we're going to see more of that in the next twenty-four hours. More of the slash and burn, say-anything, do-anything politics that's calculated to divide and distract; to tear us apart instead of bringing us together. Well, that's not the kind of politics the  American people  need right now.
Florida, at this moment, in this election, we have the chance to do more than just beat back this kind of politics in the short-term. We can end it once and for all. We can prove that the one thing more powerful than the politics of anything goes is the will and determination of the  American people . We can change this country. Yes we can.
We can prove that we are more than a collection of Red States and Blue States - we are the  United States  of America. That's who we are, and that's the country we need to be right now.
Florida, I know these are difficult times. But I also know that we have faced difficult times before. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about rising to the moment when the moment was hard. It's about rejecting fear and division for unity of purpose. That's how we've overcome war and depression. That's how we've won great struggles for  civil rights  and  women's rights  and workers' rights. And that's how we'll write the next great chapter in the American story.
Understand, if we want to meet the challenges of this moment, we need to get beyond the old ideological debates and divides between left and right. We don't need bigger government or smaller government. We need a better government - a more competent government - a government that upholds the values we hold in common as Americans.
The choice in this election isn't between  tax cuts  and no  tax cuts . It's about whether you believe we should only reward wealth, or whether we should also reward the work and workers who create it. I will give a  tax break  to 95% of Americans who work every day and get taxes taken out of their paychecks every week. And I'll help pay for this by asking the folks who are making more than $250,000 a year to go back to the  tax rate  they were paying in the 1990s. No matter what Senator McCain may claim, here are the facts - if you make under $250,000, you will not see your taxes increase by a single dime - not your  income taxes , not your payroll taxes, not your  capital gains taxes . Nothing. Because the last thing we should do in this economy is raise taxes on the middle-class.
When it comes to jobs, the choice in this election is not between putting up a wall around America or standing by and doing nothing. The truth is, we won't be able to bring back every job that we've lost, but that doesn't mean we should follow John McCain's plan to keep promoting unfair  trade agreements  and keep giving  tax breaks  to corporations that send American jobs overseas. I will end those breaks as President, and give them to companies that create jobs here in the  United States  of America. We'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling roads, and bridges, and schools. I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable  sources of energy  - in wind and  solar power  and the next generation of biofuels. We'll invest in clean coal technology and find ways to safely harness  nuclear power . And we'll create five million new energy jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced.
When it comes to  health care , we don't have to choose between a government-run  health care  system and the unaffordable one we have now. If you already have  health insurance , the only thing that will change under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have  health insurance  you'll be able to get the same kind of  health insurance  that  Members of Congress  get for themselves. And as someone who watched his own mother spend the final months of her life arguing with  insurance companies  because they claimed her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment, I will stop  insurance companies  from discriminating against those who are sick and need care most. That's the change we need. That's why I'm running for President of the  United States .
When it comes to giving every child a world-class education, the choice is not between more money and more reform - because our schools need both. As President, I will recruit an army of new teachers, pay them more, and give them more support. But I will also demand higher standards and more accountability from our teachers and our schools. And I will make a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the money to go to college: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.
And when it comes to keeping this country safe, we don't have to choose between retreating from the world and fighting a war without end in Iraq. It's time to stop spending $10 billion a month in Iraq while the Iraqi government sits on a huge surplus. As President, I will end this war. I will ask the Iraqi government to step up for their future, and I will finally finish the fight against bin Laden and the al Qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. I will never hesitate to defend this nation. And I will make sure our servicemen and women have the best training and equipment when they deploy into combat, and the care and benefits they have earned when they come home. That's what we owe our veterans. That's what I'll do as President.
I won't stand here and pretend that any of this will be easy - especially now. The cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the war in Iraq, means that Washington will have to tighten its belt and put off spending on things we don't need. As President, I will go through the  federal budget , line- by-line , ending programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better and cost less.
But as I've said from the day we began this journey, the change we need won't come from government alone. It will come from each of us doing our part in our own lives and our own communities. It will come from each of us looking after ourselves, our families, and our  fellow citizens .
Yes, government must lead the way on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and our businesses more efficient. Yes, we must put more money into our schools, but government can't be that parent who turns off the TV and makes a child do their homework. We need a return to responsibility and a return to civility. Yes, we can argue and debate our positions passionately, but all of us must summon the strength and grace to bridge our differences and unite in common effort - black, white, Hispanic, Asian,  Native American ; Democrat and Republican, young and old, rich and poor, gay and straight, disabled or not.
In this election, we cannot afford the same  political games  and tactics that are being used to pit us against  one another  and make us afraid of  one another .
Despite what our opponents may claim, there are no real or fake parts of this country. There is no city or town that is more pro-America than anywhere else - we are one nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots. The men and women who serve on our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the  United States  of America.
It won't be easy, Florida. It won't be quick. But you and I know that it is time to come together and change this country. Some of you may be cynical and fed up with politics. You have every right to be. But despite all of this, I ask of you what has been asked of Americans throughout our history.
I ask you to believe - not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.
I know this change is possible. Because I have seen it over the last  twenty-one  months. Because in this campaign, I have had the privilege to witness what is best in America. I've seen it in the faces of the men and women I've met at countless rallies and  town halls  across the country, men and women who speak of their struggles but also of their hopes and dreams.
I still remember the email that a woman named Robyn sent me after I met her in Ft. Lauderdale. Sometime after our event, her son nearly went into  cardiac arrest , and was diagnosed with a  heart condition  that could only be treated with a procedure that cost tens of thousands of dollars. Her  insurance company  refused to pay, and their family just didn't have that kind of money.
In her email, Robyn wrote, "I ask only this of you - on the days where you feel so tired you can't think of uttering another word to the people, think of us. When those who oppose you have you down, reach deep and fight back harder."
Florida, that's what hope is.
That's what kept some of our parents and grandparents going when times were tough. What led them to say, "Maybe I can't go to college, but if I save a  little bit  each week, my child can. Maybe I can't have my own business but if I work really hard my child can open up one of her own." It's what led those who could not vote to say "if I march and organize, maybe my child or grandchild can run for President someday."
That's what hope is - that thing inside that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that there are  better days  ahead. If we're willing to work for it. If we're willing to shed our fears. If we're willing to reach deep inside ourselves when we're tired, and  come back  fighting harder.
Don't believe for a second this election is over. Don't think for a minute that power concedes. We have to work like our future depends on it in the next twenty-four hours, because it does.
But I know this, Florida, the time for change has come. We have a righteous wind at our back.
And if in these final hours, you will knock on some doors for me, and make some calls for me, and go to barackobama.com and find out where to vote. If you will stand with me, and fight by my side, and cast your ballot for me, then I promise you this - we will not just win Florida, we will not just win this election, but together, we will change this country and we will change the world. Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.